A l'époque classique, la dérision, entendu comme tout message - délivré par le geste, le dessin, la musique et surtout la parole dont le dessein est de susciter le rire en prenant pour cible quelque chose ou quelqu'un, débordait de toute part l'espace civique athénien. Les lois qui encadraient l'usage de la parole, et donc de la dérision, étaient d'ailleurs assez lâches. Pourtant, pour les esprits du temps, la dérision constituait une offense et pouvait par conséquent semer la haine et la discorde et fragiliser l'équilibre social. La parrhèsia, cette liberté de tout dire que la démocratie athénienne valorisait, n'explique pas seule cette situation paradoxale. Il convient surtout d'invoquer l'importance politique capitale de la dérision. En premier lieu, elle était l'une des modalités principe des affrontements politiques de faible intensité qui flanquaient ce régime de dissensus qu'était la démocratie. En outre, la dérision était un outil critique dont le poète comique se servait pour mettre en exergue les dérèglements et les errements du régime démocratique devant un parterre de citoyens. Elle leur apprenait alors à mieux «habiter» cette démocratie. Dans le même temps la dérision était employée pour rabaisser, sur le plan symbolique, les membres de l'élite confortant en creux la légitimité du peuple être le détenteur du pouvoir. La dérision participait enfin à ce «tissage» de la communauté par lequel les Anciens se représentaient le politique : non seulement elle disposait d'un pouvoir normatif que sa réfraction au sein des institutions civiques décuplait, mais elle était également un moyen de réduire les tensions sociales en les laissant s'exprimer sous une forme temporaire et/ou atténuée. / In classical times, derision, understood as any message-delivered through gesture, through painting, music, and especially through the spoken word- where the purpose was to bring about laughter, taking as its target something or someone, was all over in the Athenian public space. The laws that governed the usage of language, and thus of derision, were at the time quite lax. Even still, for the temperament of the period, derision constituted an offense and could as a consequence fuel the fire of hate and discord, therefore weakening the social balance. Parrhesia, the concept of freedom of speech, that liberty that all of democratic Athens valued, did not by itself explain this paradoxal situation. It served more than anything to invoke the great political importance of derision. To begin with, it was one of the first lines of defense for political confrontations of weak intensity that flanked the regime of dissention that was the democratic politeia. On the other hand, derision was a critical tool, that the comic poet used to pinpoint the dysfunctions and errors of the democracy before an audience of citizens. It taught the people to better partake of their role in that democracy. At the same time, derision was used to belittle, on a symbolic level, the members of the elite and shallowly comfort the legitimacy of the people in their power. Finally, derision participated in the "fabric" of the community: not only as a normative power, with its refraction at the core of civic institutions increased, but equally as a method of reducing social tensions by letting citizens express themselves in an ephemeral and/or muted way.

[pt] A presente dissertação tem como objetivo investigar e estabelecer um elo entre três perspectivas teóricas a partir de Bartleby. A fórmula preferiria não abre caminho para muitas leituras: das mais revolucionárias até as mais niilistas. Em meio a tudo isso, verificou-se a necessidade de construir uma linha de investigação crítica altamente política. Para tanto, elencou-se três vertentes de investigação denominadas de fórmulas. A primeira das três é a fórmula da potência de Giorgio Agamben. A segunda é a fórmula da parresía de Michel Foucault. E a terceira é a fórmula do inexprimível de Gilles Deleuze. Partindo do presente para construir uma constelação de pensamento em torno de Bartleby, esta pesquisa visa ainda produzir ferramentas teóricas para pensar desafios estéticos, éticos e políticos do mundo contemporâneo. / [en] The present dissertation aims to investigate and establish a link between three theoretical perspectives from Bartleby. The formula I would rather not opens the way for many readings: from the most revolutionary to the most nihilistic. In the midst of all this, there was a need to build a highly political line of critical investigation. To this end, three lines of investigation called formulas were listed. The first of the three is Giorgio Agamben s Formula of Potency. The second is Michel Foucault s formula of parrhesia. And the third is Gilles Deleuze s formula of the inexpressible. Starting from the present to build a constellation of thought around Bartleby, this research also aims to produce theoretical tools to think about aesthetic, ethical and political challenges of the contemporary world.

Adolescence is an uphill struggle. Research abundantly displays that Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) have a distinct and detrimental effect on adolescents and their development. Recent research has explored the perspectives, thoughts, behaviours, and beliefs of helping professionals who integrate spirituality into their work with adolescents. The purpose of this qualitative study is to develop a thematic analysis of helping professionals’ narratives of care with this population. The narratives of helping professionals’ care of adolescent males with ACEs points to the desire to connect with spiritual community and to make meaning. Helping professionals’ narratives also highlight the constraints of locating spirituality. Theological reflection on parrhesia focuses on developing open, unencumbered discussion as an ethical, professional, and spiritually-sensitive form of integration. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-04-18T11:34:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dilson Cavalcanti Batista Neto.pdf: 1447222 bytes, checksum: e2d863b78c787d340cd0024eee30c13b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-18T11:34:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dilson Cavalcanti Batista Neto.pdf: 1447222 bytes, checksum: e2d863b78c787d340cd0024eee30c13b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-15 / The present thesis has as problematic point the challenge of proposing limits to the religious discourse in the political environment before a plural society and the democratic ideal of neutrality in relation to religious organizations. Thus, the central hypothesis is that the boundaries between law, politics and religion are better delineated when one takes into account that the protection of freedom of expression must attend to the basic moral foundations built historically, especially through central ideas of John's work Rawls, especially after the release of Political Liberalism. In this sense, the primary objective of the thesis is a proposal of ethical and political foundations that involve a protection of the freedom of religious expression in the sphere of the political discussion inserted in a democratic State. Through the deductive method, two more basic foundations are proposed in order to deal with specific cases of religious discourses given by public agents, as well as with the possible interference of law in the expression of religious and their organizations. It is proposed that freedom of religious expression in the political environment should be based on two basic foundations: the first was called the basis of the isegoria which, through the Rawlsian idea of overlapping consensus, points to the possibility of a democracy with equal status among citizens , whether religious or not. The second ground is that of the parresia that has in the proposal of public reason of Rawls, mainly in its last formulation, a suitable framework so that the religious does not have to live in divided form: hour through an internal posture of its doctrine, hour in the field politician dissociating himself from his religious language. This theoretical course is finalized with proposals of limits to religious discourse by public agents and also with the need to reinforce that law and politics should not limit, without seriously justifiable reasons, the expression of religious groups / A presente Tese tem como problemática o desafio de propor limites ao discurso de cunho religioso no ambiente político diante de uma sociedade plural e do ideal democrático de neutralidade estatal em relação às organizações religiosas. Desta forma, a hipótese central é que as fronteiras entre direito, política e religião são melhores delineadas quando se leva em consideração que a tutela da liberdade de expressão deve atentar para fundamentos morais básicos construídos historicamente, em especial através de ideias centrais da obra de John Rawls, principalmente após o lançamento de O Liberalismo Político. Nesse sentido, o objetivo primário da Tese é a proposição de fundamentos éticos e políticos que envolvam a tutela da liberdade de expressão religiosa na esfera da discussão política inserida em um Estado democrático. Através do método dedutivo, propõem-se dois fundamentos básicos mais gerais para que se possa lidar com casos específicos de discursos religiosos proferidos por agentes públicos, bem como com as possíveis interferências do direito na expressão dos religiosos e das suas organizações. Propõe-se que a liberdade de expressão religiosa no ambiente político observe dois fundamentos básicos: o primeiro foi denominado como o fundamento da isegoria que, através da ideia rawlsiana de consenso sobreposto, aponta para a possibilidade de uma democracia com igualdade de status entre os cidadãos, quer sejam religiosos ou não. O segundo fundamento é o da parresía que tem na proposta de razão pública de Rawls, principalmente em sua última formulação, um arcabouço adequado para que o religioso não precise viver de forma dividida: hora através de uma postura interna da sua doutrina, hora no campo político desvinculando-se do seu linguajar religioso. Tal percurso teórico é finalizado com propostas de limites ao discurso religioso por agentes públicos e também com a necessidade de se reforçar que o direito e a política não devem limitar, sem motivos gravemente justificáveis, a expressão de grupos religiosos

This dissertation aims to explore the practice of the care of the self in three Renaissance plays by means of Michel Foucault¡¦s theory of the technologies of the self derived from the Greco-Roman ethics of the care of the self. Foucault asserts that the Greek ethics of the care of the self offers a beneficial viewpoint to the modern investigation of freedom outside of sexual liberation. This study first constructs the guiding principles for the possible realization of the Greco-Roman ethics of the care of the self in other epochs, especially the early modern era. The technologies of the self are interconnected with the technologies of power, and their contact point resides in governmentality. The subject is shaped by the governing schema of the ruling authorities while concurrently being modified by the self through self-government. The subject must comprehend the governing tactics of the authorities in order not to be governed too much and can further govern other people for personal purposes. To be able to do so is to be equipped with a philosophical ethos of critique, which can be executed in three perspectives: thought ¡V an attitude of criticism, action ¡V the plebian quality, and words ¡V the practice of parrhesia. The study then applies the aforementioned guiding principles to discuss the three heroines in terms of the four aspects proposed by Foucault in the relationship to the self: the determination of the ethical substance, the mode of subjection, the means of ethical works, and the telso of the ethical subject. It investigates how the three heroines of different social statuses ¡V aristocrat, citizen, gentry ¡Vfulfill the practice of the care of the self through various strategies and unconventional life styles.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-05-11T16:03:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Ricardo Cichero Kury_.pdf: 2512177 bytes, checksum: 185b66368313879189ff8f963e11c947 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-11T16:03:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Ricardo Cichero Kury_.pdf: 2512177 bytes, checksum: 185b66368313879189ff8f963e11c947 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-05 / Nenhuma / Sustentabilidade é conceito problemático que obscureceu o legítimo conceito de justiça intergeracional. O Direito Ambiental não tem obterá resultados apreciáveis enquanto sustentabilidade for considerada o primeiro fundamento de uma ciência que precisa aproximar-se da filosofia para gerar efetividade juntamento com a compreensão da justiça intergeracional. Adotando-se a justiça intergeracional como fundamento do Direito Ambiental, que esta apoiada pelos Direitos Humanos, altera-se a idéia de desenvolvimento sustentável para desenvolvimento equitativo para o uso e transformações das riquezas naturais entre os povos. Para esta tarefa o conceito de parresía inspira novo ponto de vista para a comunicação jurídica que deve ser robustecida para denunciar o que a sustentabilidade faz parte da contabescência social que atinge o direito para torná-lo ineficiente. A parresía significa postura legítima para advogar-se em favor da humanidade que é entendida como família humana dentro de uma Filosofia do Direito Ambiental que estará assentada no conceito de physis. Toda esta concepção ingressará no Direito Internacional para interpor no diálogo entre as nações o conceito de justiça intergeracional. / Sustainability is a problematic concept that has obscured the legitimate concept of intergenerational justice. Environmental Law will not obtain appreciable results so long as sustainability is considered the first foundation of a science that needs to approach philosophy to generate effective compliance with the understanding of intergenerational justice. Adopting intergenerational justice as the foundation of Environmental Law, which is supported by Human Rights, changes the idea of sustainable development for equitable development for the use and transformation of natural wealth among peoples. For this task the concept of parrhesia inspires a new point of view for legal communication that must be strengthened to denounce what sustainability is part of the social contagion that reaches the right to make it inefficient. Parresía means a legitimate posture to advocate for the humanity that is understood as a human family within an Environmental Law Philosophy that will be based on the concept of physis. All this conception will enter into international law to interpose in the dialogue between nations the concept of intergenerational justice.

Submitted by NADIA REGINA BACCAN CAVAMURA null (nrbaccan@gmail.com) on 2017-01-03T18:18:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE BIBLIOTECA.pdf: 23363727 bytes, checksum: a751bb286e72f2bcc20a344d275d5f2d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2017-01-05T17:55:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 cavamura_nrb_dr_rcla.pdf: 23363727 bytes, checksum: a751bb286e72f2bcc20a344d275d5f2d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-05T17:55:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 cavamura_nrb_dr_rcla.pdf: 23363727 bytes, checksum: a751bb286e72f2bcc20a344d275d5f2d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-20 / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo produzir diferença sobre a história do Curso de Licenciatura em Matemática em nosso país, pois procuramos ver e fazer ver através de quais práticas e discursos teve início o primeiro Curso de Licenciatura em Matemática no Brasil, criado na Faculdade de Filosofia, Ciências e Letras da Universidade de São Paulo no ano de 1934, e como essa criação reverbera ainda hoje em nossa Licenciatura em Matemática. Esta investigação de doutoramento buscou, como diria Michel Foucault, nosso principal teórico, fazer um diagnóstico do presente do Curso de Licenciatura em Matemática no Brasil, ou seja, produzir um olhar - o nosso olhar sobre este passado e sua força no presente - investigando o conceito de parresia - a coragem da verdade - dentro desse curso. Utilizamos como metodologia de investigação e escrita a arqueologia foucaultiana, pois a arqueologia nos possibilita colocar à vista as relações entre o ver e o dizer, entre o visível e o enunciável e que forças estão agindo no limiar deste processo. Permite-nos olhar a ressonância das práticas no discurso. Trata-se de uma descrição do discurso como objeto-monumento de um acontecimento. Desenvolver uma arqueologia, segundo Foucault, é produzir uma descrição histórica e filosófica sem o intuito de fazer julgamentos sobre os acontecimentos do passado com o olhar do presente. Através dos fragmentos utilizados - documentos escritos, tais como: discursos, leis, projetos políticos pedagógicos, atas e outros - descrevemos anarqueologicamente o desabrochar de ideias, a formulação de positividades, racionalidades para entender no presente como o passado se constituiu e como a construção desse passado faz vibrar atualmente forças de poder e resistência neste Curso, possibilitadas pela Coragem da Verdade. / This research aims to make difference on the history of Degree in Mathematics in our country, since we try to see and make it be seen through which practices and discourses started the first Degree in Mathematics in Brazil, created at the Faculty of Philosophy, Sciences and Languages and Literature of the University of São Paulo in 1934, and how this establishment reverberates in our Degree in Mathematics today. This doctoral research seeks, according to our main theorist, Michel Foucault, to make a diagnosis of the current Mathematics Degree Course in Brazil, that is, to create a look - our look of this past and its strength in the present - investigating the concept of parrhesia - the courage of the truth - within that course. Foucault's archeology was used as research methodology and writing, because archeology allows us to show the relationship between seeing and saying, between the visible and the expressible and what forces are acting on the threshold of this process. It allows us to look at the resonance of discourse practices. This is a description of discourse as an object-monument of an event. Developing an archeology, according to Foucault, is to produce a historical and philosophical description without the intention of making judgments about the events of the past with the look of the present. Through the fragments used - written documents such as speeches, laws, political pedagogical projects, minutes and others- we anarchaeologically describe the blossoming of ideas, formulation of positivities, rationales to understand at present how the past was constituted and how the construction of this past currently moves power strength and endurance present in this Course enabled by the Courage of the Truth.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A condição cibercultural pode ser entendida como uma cultura de circunstâncias operadas por tipos específicos de tecnologia; tecnologias que perigam codificar o pensamento, exagerando a polarização das ideias num duplo frenesi ideológico, e tecnologias que possibilitam a mobilização das pessoas em nome de pautas ignoradas pelos espaços legitimados para o fazer político e a discussão de temas deixados de lado, ou adulterados, pelos meios tradicionais de produzir conhecimento e comunicação. Para o internauta, personagem conceitual caracterizado e definido pelas conexões que articula, é neste segundo sentido que se inserem a Mídia NINJA, o Episódio Cablegate, a Primavera Árabe e o Occupy Wall Street. O OWS, mesmo, é coerente em seu manifesto: de fato, formalizar a política da esquerda é endireitar-se, é tornar-se direita, é transformar esse tempo criador em espaço. Mas, sem um espaço formal e estabelecido, como pode o tempo fruir e frutificar? Aí reside o problema do internauta ou, ao menos, o seu fundamento, problema que o internauta tentará encaminhar e, mesmo, recolocar com a noção de parresía. Através dum uso muito particular e peculiar da mesma feito por Michel Foucault, a noção repensa a relação entre verdade, política e sujeito, colocando o problema do discurso verdadeiro não nas famigeradas condições de possibilidade da veridicção, mas na questão do real da filosofia, da sua realidade. O parresiasta é aquele que, fora do estatuto social ou institucional, faz valer sua própria liberdade e coragem ao falar. Levado ao extremo, o parresiasta é o que aceita morrer pela verdade: aceita morrer em nome da verdade, por ter dito a verdade e por ter a verdade no dizer. O que interessa a Foucault e ao internauta, com a parresía, não é um estudo das performances e do sentido dos enunciados neste ou naquele contexto cibercultural, mas um drama, uma dramática dos discursos, um modo de dizer e pensar que revele o contrato do sujeito falante à verdade que enuncia, sua maneira de se vincular à verdade do que diz. Uma leitura cibercultural da parresía; uma leitura de Foucault por um internauta. Este drama cibercultural, aqui presentificado na escritura burocrática de um trabalho de dissertação, é uma tentativa do internauta em resolver o problema que o acomete, o registro institucional dessa tentativa e o próprio internauta. / Cybercultural condition is understood as a culture of circumstances operated by the specific types of technology; technologies which endanger to decode thinking, exaggerating the polarization of ideas on a double ideological frenzy, and technologies which enable the mobilization of people in the name of rulings ignored by legitimated spaces to political doing and the discussion of themes left aside, or adulterate, by traditional means of producing knowledge and communication. For netizen, conceptual personage characterized and defined by connections which articulate, it is in this second meaning that is inserted the NINJA Media, the Cablegate Episode, the Arabic Spring and the Occupy Wall Street. The OWS is coherent in its manifest: indeed, formalizing the left-winged politics turns it into right-winged politics, it is transforming this maker-time into space. However, without a formal space and established, how can the time possess and be fruitful? This is the problem of netizen or, at least, its foundation, problem which netizen will try to route and put back with the notion of parrhesia. Through a very particular and peculiar usage of it done by Michel Foucault, the idea rethink the relation between truth, politics and individual, setting the problem of unfeigned discourse not in infamous conditions of responsibility and veridiction, but in the real matter of philosophy, of its reality. |Parrhesiasta| is someone who even being outside of one´s social or institutional statute enforces one´s own liberty and courage when speaking. Taken to the extreme, |parrhesiasta| is someone who is willing to die in the name of the truth, for having said the truth or for having truth in the said. What comes to Foucault interest and the netizen, along with parrhesia, it is not the studies of the performances and the meanings of the enunciation in different cybercultual contexts, but the dramatic of the discourses themselves, a way of saying and thinking that reveals the relation of the speaker with the truth that one annunciates, one´s way of being bound with the truth. A cybercultural reading of Parrhesia; a Foucault´s reading by the netizen. This cyberculltural drama, presented in this bureaucratic thesis, it is an attempt of the netizen to solve the problem which one is attacked by, the institutional registry of this attempt and the netizen himself.

Cette thèse explore le phénomène de whistleblowing et comment il a été encadré, principalement du point de vue anglo-saxon, à travers des lectures proches de récits culturels et une vue critique sur l'érudition existante sur whistleblowing. À travers des lectures rapprochées d'une sélection de cas, la poursuite, l'importance et l'impact de la vérité apparaîtront comme le thème central dans les récits culturelles explorées, mais aussi les moments où la vérité est rendu impuissante, en raison de sa nature coercitive comme factualité. L'impuissance de la vérité vécue par les lanceurs d'alerte ("les whistleblowers") est ce qui relie d'autre part les récits culturels à l'art tragique. Les diseurs de vérité ne sont pas reconnus, et ils entrent dans un conflit tragique parce qu'elles révèlent des vérités qui ne sont pas pratiques pour les gens au pouvoir. En d'autres termes, les whistleblowers, en disant la vérité, cherchent à élargir l'espace épistémique dans la sphère publique et à tenir les gens et le pouvoir responsables. Cependant, ils sont continuellement négativement encadrés avec des métaphores conceptuelles qui obstruent la perception d'eux en tant que conteurs de la vérité. / This dissertation posits that whistleblowing is factual truth-telling, or truthful public denunciation. In scholarship, media, and in the popular perception of whistleblowing, the truth-claim is often overlooked, and in many occasions hampered by the dominant ways it is framed (e.g. as leak, which is explored among other frames as a problematic conceptual metaphor). Interestingly, the representation of the whistleblower is different in cultural narratives. Through close readings of a selection of cases, the pursuit, importance, and impact of truth will appear as the central theme in the explored plots, but also the moments where truth becomes impotent, due to its coercive nature as factuality - a process that furthermore connects whistleblowing with the idea of the tragic. Put differently, the special literary interest of narratives of whistleblowing is to turn ignorance into knowledge, knowledge into telling, and how the unraveling of truth becomes a reversal of fortune for the truth-teller who enters a particular tragic conflict. As frame, as narrative, and as a modern phenomenon of truthful public denunciation, whistleblowing offers particular moments of truth, often about moments of falsehood, and ultimately seeks to be a moment of impetus: for the public to restore justice, and for readerships and audience of narrative and dramatic configurations to choose or to distance themselves from multiple proposals of justice emplotted - not only ethical justice, but also epistemic, hermeneutical, and testimonial justice. In other words, whistleblowers, by telling the truth, seek to expand the epistemic space in the public sphere and hold people and power accountable.

This research seeks to interpret the academic activism of Academics for Peace in Turkey. It argues that the occurrence of the Academics for Peace results from the intertwinement of neoliberal and authoritarian ideology. The writer of this research suggests that Academics for Peace build networks of solidarity based on resistive critique and truth-telling practices. Solidarity (alternative) academies in Turkey are the seeds of this engagement in solidarity, self- adapting practices, activist truth, and parrhesia, and they appear as phenomena that carry out prefigurative-instituent practices. The research suggests that Solidarity academies can be evaluated as a 'threshold' cultivating our understanding of the 'commons' and 'commoning practices.'