The purpose of this thesis is to investigate implementation strategies of SwedishManufacturing Companies when establishing in People’s Republic of China, with the objective to determine what strategy that is the most commonly adapted. Strategy is an important approach, which companies apply when deciding what direction a company should take, in terms of financial, structural and operational. This study takes a deeper look into the different strategy approaches related to business expansions and establishment in PRC. By evaluating the intentions of a business expansion in People’s Republic of China, the different strategy approaches are influenced by the choice of strategy.The background is based on previous research and existing theories related to strategy. The theoretical framework of the thesis has its foundation in Porter’s theory of competitive strategy. It has been reshaped by Shi & Gregory (1998), Bartlett and Ghoshol (1998), Miltenberg (2005) and Luthans and Doh (2008). To strengthen the matrixes by Luthan and Doh and Miltenberg to Porter’s theory, a model has been developed and explained to connect the different frameworks to the primary data. In order to fulfill the purpose of this study a cross-sectional design is used. A deductive research approach is followed, and applying questionnaires in order to collect the empirical data necessary to answer the research questions uses a quantitative method. The questionnaires were distributed to a selected sample consisting of 39 Swedish Manufacturing companies that are established in PRC, consisting of a population of 99 Swedish Manufacturing companies in People’s Republic of China. The overall results showed a very scattered placement of the companies within the strategy matrix. Nevertheless, the result indicated that the majority of Swedish Manufacturing companies establishing in the People’s Republic of China choose a Transnational Strategy in a global context. Note that the results should only be used as supportive data and not as a valid source of final information.

Pastaraisiais metais pastebėta tiesioginės demokratijos procedūrų augimo pasaulyje tendencija. Niekada iki šiol tiek daug žmonių negalėjo balsuoti jiems svarbiais klausimais, kaip per pastarąjį dešimtmetį. Vis dažniau naudojama iniciatyvios teisė, visuotiniai balsavimai, sprendžiant esminius klausimus ir išrinktų pareigūnų atšaukimo mechanizmas, iš esmės pakeitė politinę dinamiką. Visame pasaulyje, atstovaujamoji demokratija yra pertvarkoma ir modernizuojama. Taigi, ir šio magistro darbo tema buvo pasirinkta neatstitiktinai, o siekiant platesniame referendumo instituto analizės kontekste išanalizuoti referendumų patirtį bei įvertinti jų perspektyvas Lietuvoje, Šveicarijoje ir Kalifornijoje. Tikslas pasiektas analizuojant teisės doktriną ir teisės aktus, vertinant Lietuvos bei pasirinktų (Šveicarijos bei Kalifornijos) valstybių referendumų patirtį ir jų poveikį atstovaujamai demokratijai. Pirmojoje darbo dalyje išsamiai aptariama referendumo, kaip tiesioginės demokratijos instituto, samprata bei klasifikacija, dėl kurios terminologijos mokslininkų nuomonė išsiskiria. Antrojoje dalyje aptariama referendumų praktika Lietuvoje ir pateikiamas jos vertinimas. Trečiojoje dalyje analizuojami tiesioginės demokratijos institutai Šveicarijoje bei pateikiamas jų vertinimas. Ketvirtojoje dalyje vertinama tiesioginė demokratija Kalifornijoje. Galiausiai penktojoje dalyje pateikiama referendumų skeptikų nuomonė ir argumentai, paneigiantys ją. / In recent years the growth of direct democratic procedures in the world has become far more noticeable. Never before such a large number of people could vote for the actual issues since over the past decade. More frequently applied initiative law, general voting with a view to resolving essential problems and using mechanism of cancelation of the elected officials has fundamentally changed the political dynamics. Around the world representative democracy is being transformed and modernized. Thus the topic of the Master‘s thesis was chosen not randomly but to the more extensive context of the analysis of the referendum institute and aims to approach the experience of the referenda and assessing their prospects in Lithuania, Switzerland and California. The objective has been achieved by analyzing legal doctrine and legislation in terms of Lithuania and the experience of the selected states (Switzerland and California) organizing the referendums as well as their effects on representative democracy. The first part disputes the referendum in detail referring to it as the institute of direct democracy, concept and classification since the researchers’ opinion concerning the terminology is different. The second part deals with the practice of referendum law in Lithuania and its assessment is presented. The third part analyzes the institutions of direct democracy in Switzerland and their assessment. The direct democracy in California is assessed in the fourth part while and... [to full text]

Denna fallstudie handlar om hur pedagoger, förskolechefer och huvudmännen ser på kompetensutvecklingen och till viss del verksamhetsutvecklingen i förskolan. Det har under de senaste tio åren införts ett systematiskt kvalitetsarbete i skola och förskola och hur det används i dagens förskola för att få syn på vilka områden som behöver verksamhets- och kompetensutvecklingen berörs i denna uppsats. Studiens syfte är att undersöka kompetensutveckling i förskolan gällande pedagogernas och förskolechefernas kompetensutvecklingsmöjligheter utifrån tre olika perspektiv. Studien genomförds genom att pedagoger och förskolechefer intervjuades med hjälp av datorstödda intervjuer samt att några huvudmän intervjuades. Data analyserades med deduktiv innehållsanalys. Det som framkom mest centralt var att det finns ett arbete med att verksamhets- och kompetensutveckla förskolan men att åsikterna kring hur väl detta arbete sker skiljer sig mellan de olika yrkeskategorierna. Däremot framkommer att det systematiska arbetet med insamling av analysmaterial och fokus på kompetensutveckling i förskolorna och för förskolecheferna fungerar från huvudmännens sida. Dock visade det sig att kontakten med både förskolechefer och pedagoger var väldigt sporadisk. Resultatet har diskuterats i relation till tidigare forskning om pedagogers åsikter kring framförallt kompetensutveckling i förskolan vilket har framlett till viss kritik mot huvudmännens bristande kontakt med verksamheterna i respektive område. / This master theses is about how pre-school teachers, pre-school managers and directors of Education, in a case study, sees on idea development and developing people's skills in preschool. There has been throughout the last decade a new systematic quality work in school and preschool and how this is used in today's preschool to see which areas that needs learning and idea development and developing people's skills is presented in this following master theses. The aim of this study is to examine the development of skills in pre-school teachers and pre-school managers opportunities for skills development on the basis of three different perspectives. This study was carried out through computer-assisted interviews whit pre-school teachers and pre-school managers and some directors of Education were interviewed. It was found, most centrally, there was work done to develop people skills and idea development in pre-school but the opinion on how well this work is done differs between the various professional categories. However, it transpires that the systematic work whit collection of materials and a focus on the development skills in the pre-school and for pre-school managers works from the director of Educations side. However, it was shown that contact with both pre-school managers and pre-school teachers were very sporadic. The outcome has been set in relation to research on pre-school teachers opinions on primarily the work with people development skills in pre-school which has elaborated to some criticism of the lack of contact whit the activities in the respective area.

This thesis addresses accountability for mass atrocities. It presents a case study of Uganda that has undergone a two-decade conflict between the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) insurgent group and the national army, the Uganda People’s Defence Armed Forces (UPDF). The government of Uganda has initiated various accountability measures that include international and domestic prosecutions, truth telling, reparations and traditional justice to address international crimes and other human rights violations committed during the conflict. The thesis in particular investigates how all these mechanisms could be used in a way that ensures that Uganda fulfils its international obligations and that the different measures complement each other. The thesis traces the background to the conflict that began in 1986 and explores the consequences of the conflict on the civilian population in Uganda. It alludes to its spread from Uganda to South Sudan and since 2008, to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Central African Republic. It argues that the significant and continuous involvement of the government of Sudan from 1994 to 2005 internationalised the LRA conflict. It further finds that both the LRA and the UPDF perpetrated war crimes and crimes against humanity during the conflict. The thesis further discusses the international obligation of Uganda to prosecute, punish and extradite persons responsible for the commission of international crimes and to ensure remedies to victims of such crimes and other human rights violations. It finds that the lapse of Part II of the Amnesty Act that allowed for a ‘blanket amnesty’ leaves room for Uganda to fulfil its international obligations. The thesis further investigates the Agreement on Accountability and Reconciliation and its Annexure reached between the government of Uganda and the LRA in Juba that ushers in the various accountability pursuits in Uganda. It argues that the implementation and successes of the Agreement depends on the consultations, legislations, policies and the establishment and workings of the institutions envisaged that could lead to justice, truth and reparations in Uganda. The thesis finds that the different accountability measures that Uganda is pursuing correspond to the political, social and historical conditions in Uganda, in particular, decades of armed conflict and human rights violations with impunity of perpetrators. It concludes that the success of the accountability undertakings will largely depend on the high calibre of officials and staff of the different institutions and their ability to deal wisely with challenges that will inevitably arise. It further finds that a political will and commitment is essential to ensure adequate investment in technical, material and financial resources and that non-interference of the government in the work of the institutions will ensure success. It concludes that such a political will and commitment, a robust consultation with stakeholders including victim groups and the creation of alliances locally, nationally, regionally and internationally, Uganda’s accountability pursuits will lead to the desired justice, truth and reparations. / Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Centre for Human Rights / unrestricted

Bakgrund: Diabetes typ 2 är en sjukdom som ökar världen över. Största orsaken till att diabetes typ 2 ökar beror på fetma hos befolkningen. Diabetes typ 2 är en kronisk sjukdom som inte går att bota och behandlas i först hand med livsstilsförändringar såsom goda kostvanor och regelbunden fysisk aktivitet.  Syfte: Att beskriva personers upplevelser av att leva med diabetes typ 2. Metod: En litteraturöversikt valdes som metod där tio kvalitativa vetenskapliga originalartiklar inkluderades i resultatet. Litteratursökningen genomfördes i databaserna Cinahl Complete och PubMed. Artiklarna analyserades med hjälp av Fribergs (2017) fyra steg.  Resultat: Ur resultatet framkom fyra teman: känslomässig påverkan, begränsningar i vardagslivet, förnekelse eller acceptans och vikten av information.  Slutsats: Personerna upplevde svårigheter med att leva med diabetes typ 2. Det underlättade för personer att få stöd och information av sjuksköterskan vilket gav dem motivation till att främja deras hälsa genom livsstilsförändringar. / Background: Type 2 diabetes is a disease that is on the rise worldwide. The main reason for the increase in type 2 diabetes is due to obesity in the population. Type 2 diabetes is a chronic that cannot be cured and is treated primarily with lifestyle changes such as good diet and physical activity. Aim: To describe people’s experiences of living with type 2 diabetes. Method: A literature review was chosen where ten qualitative scientific original articles were included in the results. The literature search was performed in the databases Cinahl Complete and Pubmed. The articles were analyzed with the help of Fribergs (2017) four steps. Results: The results revealed four themes: emotional impact, limitation in everyday life, denial and acceptance, the importance of information. Conclusion: The people experienced difficulties in living with type 2 diabetes. It made it easier for the people to get support and information from the nurse, which gave them motivation to promote their health through lifestyle changes.

Internet of Things (IoT) devices often described as Smart products for consumers consists ofphysical things that inherit an Internet connection and therefore enable physical things to talkbetween each other and with people. IoT is a growing market with products existing in e.g.,consumers' homes, healthcare, or industries. These physical things have sensors that cangather information about users which later on can be used to adapt the behaviors of IoTdevices or create profiles of users. As with any device that is connected to the Internet, IoTdevices can fall victim to attacks from outside parties that try to steal private information orobserve users of the devices. With the growing market, it is of importance to understand what people know about IoTdevices and that a Smart home does not come with comfortability without its rough edges.This Bachelor thesis answers what people know about IoT, how they handle security issues,and the sharing of people’s personal information.The data was gathered through a survey that had 133 participants, the survey was shared inFacebook groups and spread through the snowball effect. After a participant was done withthe survey, they were urged to continue to share the survey with people they knew. The result shows that the majority of people have not heard the term IoT before and that it isnot common to take steps in protecting private information when using IoT devices. IoT is aterm that is unfamiliar to many, the result shows that the term Smart devices is morecommonly used than IoT devices among people.

Diese These ist über parlamentarische Privileg. Das Privile ist eine alte parlamentarische Macht. Alle Länder, die Demokratie durchgeführt haben oder bald haben, bestimmen parlamentarische Privileg in ihre Verfassungen. Der Zweck von Privileg ist, dass Abgeordneten die Meinung sowie ihre eigenen politische Position frei äußern zu shutzen, und sie brauchen nicht sich um Vergeltung von politischen Motiven zu sorgen. Das Parlament kann formulieren selbst die Geschäftsordnung und Disziplin des Parlamentes, damit das Parlament unabhängig sein kann, ihre Aufgaben frei erfüllen kann und seine Funktionen frei ausüben kann. Parlamentarische Privileg wird aber oft durch Publikum verkannt, die glauben, dass die Eliten der Gesellschaft eine besondere Schutze haben. Das ist ironisch. Weil Privileg der Abgordneten ursprünglich als Schutz des ganzen Parlamentes hergestellt warden. Damals schützt es Mitglieder des Parlaments vor den Eliten. Man kann sagen, dass die parlamentarische Privileg eine spezielle institutionelle Regelungen auf den Grundsätzen der Demokratie. Im Vergleich mit anderen parlamentarischen Befugnisse, ist es etwas Besonderes, weil es die Abwehrkraft des Parlaments nicht als eine offensive Kraft ist, die das Parlament aktiv ausüben muss. Nach der Erörterung der Stiftung in der Theorie der parlamentarischen Privilegien, diskutiert das Papier über die wichtigsten Elemente der parlamentarischen Privilegien, das Problem an der Praxis der parlamentarischen Privilegien und die Entwicklung der Privilegien . Schließlich erörtet die Dissertation, wie die entsprechenden Privilegien Systeme der chinesischen nationalen Volkskongress verbessert und vervollgekommen warden könne. / This thesis analyses parliamentary privilege. The privilege is an ancient parliamentary power. All of countries that have democratized or will soon have democratized provide them by own constitution. The purpose of the parliamentary privilege is to permit members of the legislature to speech freely and express their opinion of political position, and not worry about retaliation on the basis of political motives. The Parliament formulates itself its own rules of procedure and maintains the discipline of parliament itself and so on, in order to ensure that the parliament can independently, freely discharge of its duties and perform its functions. Parliamentary privilege, however, is often misunderstood by popular who believes that the privilege is the special protection of all of the elites of society. That is ironic, because privilege was originally produced as a whole of the protection of Parliament, and it protected members of parliament from the elites at that time. It may be said that parliamentary privilege is a special institutional arrangements based on the principles of democracy. Compared with other parliamentary powers, it is special because it is the defensive power of Parliament rather than an offensive power which the parliament must proactively exercise. After studying on the foundation in the theory of parliamentary privilege, the paper comprehensively discusses on the main elements of parliamentary privilege, the problems at the practice of parliamentary privilege and the development of privilege. Finally, it is to argument how to improve and perfect the relevant privilege systems of Chinese National People’s Congress.

2008年元月實施的《中華人民共和國勞動合同法》，是中國大陸政府當局宣告擺脫過往提供低廉人力資源的新興國家形象，挑選更願意肩付企業社會責任的企業，轉型成為真正大國。這部勞動合同法在更全面保障勞工權益時，被資方及部分學者視為一部親勞方遠資方的法令，執行後衝擊許多外商，其中包括台商。 2008年元月實施的《中華人民共和國勞動合同法》，是中國大陸政府當局宣告擺脫過往提供低廉人力資源的新興國家形象，挑選更願意肩付企業社會責任的企業，轉型成為真正大國。這部勞動合同法在更全面保障勞工權益時，被資方及部分學者視為一部親勞方遠資方的法令，執行後衝擊許多外商，其中包括台商。 本論文針對勞動合同法對台商造成的影響進行探討，不同產業的台商受到影響的差別性，並研討台商因應之道，例如作出內部制度改革及遷徙廠房等，遷徙路線是本文探討焦點。 本論文透過與台商的深度訪談獲得相關資訊，歸納出台商在勞動合同法實施後，決定西移入中國大陸內地、南移向東南亞國家、或是向東返回台灣投資的三個遷徙路線，與作出這個決定的背後考量。 2008年台灣總統大選後再次政黨輪替，馬政府團隊重新開啟與對岸的交流，台灣當局也利用這個台商思動和兩岸融冰的時機，提供優惠政策吸引台商返台投資。勞動合同法的頒布也牽動台商在兩岸的移轉和經營的變革。 / Law of The People’s Republic of China on Employment Contracts is executed to get rid of the image of offering cheap human resource, Mainland China’s stereotype for investors in majority. After practicing the Law, the government expects to attract enterprises with more willing of taking social responsibilities to transform as the modern country. The Law protects labors’rights more completely, but is regarded a bias against investors. The consequence of practicing the Law impacts many foreign investors, including Taiwanese businessmen. This thesis discusses how the Law impacts Taiwanese businessmen, various effects to different businesses, and the responses from Taiwanese investors, such as the innovation of internal system and removal of business. Where do those Taiwanese businessmen remove their investment is the key point of this thesis. The conclusion of this thesis is based on one-by-one interview with selected Taiwanese businessmen among various businesses. If they decided to remove the investment, three routes are mostly considered: east to interior land of Mainland China, south to East Asia countries, and east to Taiwan. This thesis also indicates why they do such considerations. 2008 Taiwan Presidential Election rotated ruling party. KMT Ma government restarts the interaction with Mainland China and takes advantage of ice-breaking timing to offer favorable policies to attract Taiwanese businessmen to return to Taiwan. The execution of Law of The People’s Republic of China on Employment Contracts also affects the move of Taiwanese businessmen and the mode of business operation.

無 / Since 1980, due to the reform and opening door policies, the economy has developed rapidly and the demand for energy has greatly increased in China. Nowadays China needs to continue economic growth to last the survival of CCP regime. Therefore economic growth is the core of China. Since Chinese economic growth depends on its energy supplies. To sustain economic growth, China not only tries to acquire offshore oil deposits, but also must rely upon oversea oil. China has become heavily reliant on foreign oil supplies and also becomes the highly competitive country in oil resource on the world. The majority of China’s oil import is through sea transportation. This over-reliance on sea lanes of communication (SLOC) causes China to fall into face great risks. Beijing feels vulnerable in its Oil transporting lanes and therefore attempts to maintain the stability of its imported oil supplies by securing SLOC to sustain its economic growth. Under these circumstances, the development of the PLA Navy thus becomes a key factor of Chinese prosperity. Beijing becomes aware that a strong navy could protect its oil transporting lanes. However, China does not have a strong navy to acquire its oil transporting lanes. However, China does not have a strong navy to acquire its oil transporting lanes and offshore oil deposits. For this reason, the development of PLA Navy is a natural trend for Chinese expanding national interests. China wants to defend its SLOC far away from its coast to sustain oil supplies stability so that conducts its naval” far sea defense” policy to build a blue-water navy.

A China vem tendo grande influência sobre a República Democrática Popular da Coreia desde a sua fundação, nos anos 1940, até os dias de hoje. Não obstante, as relações entre os dois países oscilaram entre momentos de aproximação e distanciamento, ao longo da história, relacionadas tanto ao contexto externo regional e internacional, como às mudanças de política externa da China e da RDPC. O que se pretende com este trabalho é analisar a política externa norte-coreana, desde a fundação do país, examinando seus objetivos e suas estratégias, ao longo do tempo, de forma a identificar o papel que a China tem para o regime da RDPC. Para tanto, foi feita uma análise histórica, a partir da revisão bibliográfica pertinente ao tema. A hipótese central adotada afirma que, desde a fundação da RDPC até os dias de hoje, a China tem sido, além de um modelo econômico e político para o regime, uma peça fundamental da estratégia de barganha norte-coreana, por ser diretamente vulnerável à instabilidade da península coreana. / China has been having great influence over the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea ever since its foundation, in the 1940’s, up to today. Nevertheless, the relations between the two countries, throughout history, have oscillated between moments of rapprochement and moments of detachment. This is related not only to changes in the regional and international framework, but also to changes in the North Korean and the Chinese foreign policy. Therefore, this paper aims to analyse the North Korean foreign policy, since the country’s foundation, examining its objectives and its strategies, in order to identify the role played by China for the DPRK regime maintenance. For that purpose, a historical analysis based on literature review is presented. The central hypothesis states that, ever since the DPRK’s foundation until today, China has been both a role model, in economic and political terms, and a fundamental part in the North Korean bargain strategy, since it is directly vulnerable to the instabilities of the Korean Peninsula.