<p>The objective of this thesis is to analyse whether Sri Lanka could have avoided the civil war, if changes in the constitution, from 1948 to 1978, offered a political structure guaranteeing the minority rights. Furthermore, the thesis intends to study if the Swiss and Lebanese political models could offer any guidelines for the Sri Lankan conflict.</p><p>The stated purpose of the thesis is studied by analysing official documents, literatures and articles. The finding of the study is that Sri Lanka might have prevented the civil war if the constitutional arrangements had guaranteed the minority rights.</p><p>The Sri Lankan conflict is a unique case, which probably requires its own resolution model. The Swiss and Lebanese models may be applicable in the Sri Lankan case to some extent. However, a possible solution that could prevent the current political and ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka, by avoiding another fatal civil war, is to establish power-sharing political arrangements, under a federal state. Whether or not Sri Lanka can achieve a sustainable peace is a question of political willingness.</p>

A China vem tendo grande influência sobre a República Democrática Popular da Coreia desde a sua fundação, nos anos 1940, até os dias de hoje. Não obstante, as relações entre os dois países oscilaram entre momentos de aproximação e distanciamento, ao longo da história, relacionadas tanto ao contexto externo regional e internacional, como às mudanças de política externa da China e da RDPC. O que se pretende com este trabalho é analisar a política externa norte-coreana, desde a fundação do país, examinando seus objetivos e suas estratégias, ao longo do tempo, de forma a identificar o papel que a China tem para o regime da RDPC. Para tanto, foi feita uma análise histórica, a partir da revisão bibliográfica pertinente ao tema. A hipótese central adotada afirma que, desde a fundação da RDPC até os dias de hoje, a China tem sido, além de um modelo econômico e político para o regime, uma peça fundamental da estratégia de barganha norte-coreana, por ser diretamente vulnerável à instabilidade da península coreana. / China has been having great influence over the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea ever since its foundation, in the 1940’s, up to today. Nevertheless, the relations between the two countries, throughout history, have oscillated between moments of rapprochement and moments of detachment. This is related not only to changes in the regional and international framework, but also to changes in the North Korean and the Chinese foreign policy. Therefore, this paper aims to analyse the North Korean foreign policy, since the country’s foundation, examining its objectives and its strategies, in order to identify the role played by China for the DPRK regime maintenance. For that purpose, a historical analysis based on literature review is presented. The central hypothesis states that, ever since the DPRK’s foundation until today, China has been both a role model, in economic and political terms, and a fundamental part in the North Korean bargain strategy, since it is directly vulnerable to the instabilities of the Korean Peninsula.

A China vem tendo grande influência sobre a República Democrática Popular da Coreia desde a sua fundação, nos anos 1940, até os dias de hoje. Não obstante, as relações entre os dois países oscilaram entre momentos de aproximação e distanciamento, ao longo da história, relacionadas tanto ao contexto externo regional e internacional, como às mudanças de política externa da China e da RDPC. O que se pretende com este trabalho é analisar a política externa norte-coreana, desde a fundação do país, examinando seus objetivos e suas estratégias, ao longo do tempo, de forma a identificar o papel que a China tem para o regime da RDPC. Para tanto, foi feita uma análise histórica, a partir da revisão bibliográfica pertinente ao tema. A hipótese central adotada afirma que, desde a fundação da RDPC até os dias de hoje, a China tem sido, além de um modelo econômico e político para o regime, uma peça fundamental da estratégia de barganha norte-coreana, por ser diretamente vulnerável à instabilidade da península coreana. / China has been having great influence over the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea ever since its foundation, in the 1940’s, up to today. Nevertheless, the relations between the two countries, throughout history, have oscillated between moments of rapprochement and moments of detachment. This is related not only to changes in the regional and international framework, but also to changes in the North Korean and the Chinese foreign policy. Therefore, this paper aims to analyse the North Korean foreign policy, since the country’s foundation, examining its objectives and its strategies, in order to identify the role played by China for the DPRK regime maintenance. For that purpose, a historical analysis based on literature review is presented. The central hypothesis states that, ever since the DPRK’s foundation until today, China has been both a role model, in economic and political terms, and a fundamental part in the North Korean bargain strategy, since it is directly vulnerable to the instabilities of the Korean Peninsula.

This master’s thesis will thoroughly analyze the discourse that is the transformation and interaction of the Maoist ideology with the previous Confucian traditions and its importance in institutional spheres of society in contemporary China. The thesis aims to analyze correlations and causations to the aspect of the rise of Maoism from a non-Communist Chinese society highly influenced by Confucian values and traditions to a Maoist dominated Chinese cultural, social, and political landscape. With a comparative discourse analysis and a theoretical framework based on the development and rise of authoritarian ideologies and the correlations ideologies and religions can have interchangeably, the thesis aims to shed light on the aspects of rising authoritarianism and how they influence contemporary Chinese institutions of power. This is indeed of utmost relevance and importance since the Chinese Communist Party under the rule of Xi Jinping now increases its cultural, social, and political influence within the country itself, the greater Chinese speaking world, and on the international stage. The CCP utilizes Confucian centers of learning around the world to strengthen the nation’s political, social, and ideological influence and power monopoly and to spread CCP propaganda through the Confucian centers. In other words, the Confucian philosophy and ideology has had an increasingly more important role in the Chinese political, social, and cultural landscape. The usage of comparative discourse analysis linked to authoritarian development and continuation of authoritarian systems is useful to understand the contemporary Chinese context but also other contexts where religiously linked authoritarian rule has been replaced with a communist or Marxist authoritarian rule based on ideology, such as the case of Imperial Russia and the Soviet Union and the rise of Communism in Eastern Europe after World War II.

Until the 1980s, the People’s Republic of China was principally opposed to United Nations peacekeeping, understanding the institution to be a thinly veiled excuse for powerful states to intervene in the sovereign affairs of others. However, the meaning the country attributes to peacekeeping has changed drastically since then. China has adopted a more pragmatic attitude and has gradually become more supportive and involved in United Nations peacekeeping. Today the country stands as a major contributor to peacekeeping, not least in terms of the number of peacekeepers it contributes to missions. However, how does China make sense of its current behaviour? This paper seeks to understand how the participation of Chinese military personnel and police in peacekeeping operations is made coherent with Chinese self-identity. The paper employs a narrative analysis that focuses on how narratives draw on master narratives about Chinese collective memory to construct participation in peacekeeping as a natural conclusion to already accepted notions about what it means to be Chinese. On the one hand, this paper confirms the findings of previous scholarship on Chinese identity and the country’s attitude on peacekeeping. Like these, this paper finds that China’s self-identity as a part of the Global South and as a great power plays a role in how China conceptualizes peacekeeping. However, on the other hand, the paper also finds dissonance in how the narrative relates peacekeeping to China’s identity as a part of the Global South. Additionally, this paper also demonstrates that the narrative draws on several master narratives that have not previously been identified as important to how China makes meaning of peacekeeping. Specifically, these are the collective memories of ‘Asian values’, China’s experiences from the Second World War, and the revolutionary history of the CPC.

Bakgrund: kronisk obstruktiv lungsjukdom (KOL) är en långvarig sjukdom och kännetecknas av att luftvägarna blir trånga och luftflödet minskar, vilket gör andningen mer ansträngd och leder till dyspné och andnöd. För att ge en individanpassad vård är det avgörande för sjuksköterskor att ta hänsyn till personers upplevelse av sjukdom och stödja dem i deras egenvård. Syfte: att beskriva personers upplevelse av att leva med KOL. Metod: En literatursöversikt utfördes baserad på Fribergs metod och inkluderade 10 orginalartiklar från Cinahl Complete och Pubmed. Resultat: Resultatet handlar om två huvudteman från analysen av tio kvalitativa artiklar om personers upplevelser av KOL. Dessa teman inkluderar utmaningar med att leva med KOL, uppdelat i fysiska och psykiska hinder, samt upplevelser av stöd, indelat i brist på stöd och stöd från vården. Dessa teman ger en inblick i de komplexa utmaningar som personer med KOL möter i sin vardag. Slutsats: Denna litteraturöversikt visar att personer med KOL påverkas inte bara av fysiska hälsoproblem utan också av emotionella och psykologiska utmaningar. Vårdpersonal bör ta hänsyn till dessa aspekter för att erbjuda en helhetstäckande och effektiv vård, vilket förbättrar livskvaliteten och välbefinnandet hos personer med KOL. En personcentrerad vård kräver empati, lyhördhet och en holistisk syn för att möta personernas behov. / Background: chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) is a long-term condition characterized by narrowed airways and reduced airflow, leading to labored breathing and resulting in dyspnea and shortness of breath. To provide personalized care, it is crucial for nurses to consider people’s experiences of the disease and support them in their self-care. Aim: To describe the people’s experience of living with COPD. Method: A literature review was conducted based on Friberg's method, incorporating ten original articles from Cinahl Complete and PubMed. Results: The findings are centered around two main themes from the analysis of ten qualitative articles on people’s experiences with COPD. These themes include the challenges of living with COPD, divided into physical and psychological hurdles, and experiences of support, categorized into social and healthcare support. These themes provide insight into the complex challenges that COPD people face in their daily lives. Conclusion: This literature review demonstrates that people with COPD are affected not only by physical health problems but also by emotional and psychological challenges. Healthcare professionals should account for these aspects to provide comprehensive and effective care, thereby enhancing the quality of life and well-being of people with COPD. Person-centered care requires empathy, attentiveness, and a holistic approach to meet the needs of people.

<p>Title: Similarities or differences within the centre-right? A study of the potential for party fusions within in the Swedish centre-right</p><p>Author: Charlie Weimers</p><p>Aim: The thesis seeks to find the potential for party fusions within the Swedish centre-right by analyzing the ideological similarities and differences between the parties.</p><p>Method/Material: In the thesis, four dimensions of the parties’ ideologies are analyzed: view of man, theory for societal structures, fiscal theory and moral values. The results of the study of the ideologies are then compared. The investigation is done with the party manifestos as starting point and with the analysis of ideas as theoretical tool.</p><p>Main Results: The comparative analysis, based on the parties’ ideological views, shows specific party constellations are more probable than others. The biggest ideological similarities are to be found between the Liberal People’s Party and the Centre Party, out of which I conclude that these two parties have the best potential for a fusion. The Moderate Party and the Christian Democratic Party also have clear similarities, thus there is a potential for fusion to a certain degree. The Moderate Party also shows some similarities with the Liberal People’s Party and the Centre Party, hence the possibility for a merger can not be excluded. My conclusion is based upon social liberalism and neo-conservatism as ideal types, which gives the Christian Democratic Party a position to the right. Thus, it would possible to claim that this party has the least options regarding fusion partners. The Moderate Party has the most alternatives, since the party is in a kind of “middle ground” between social liberalism and neo-conservatism.</p><p>Number of pages: 49</p><p>Course: Political Science C</p><p>University: Faculty of Social and Life Sciences, Karlstad University</p><p>Period: Fall, 2006</p><p>Tutor: Anders Broman</p><p>Keywords: centre-right, Sweden, party fusion, ideology, Moderate Party, Liberal People’s Party, Christian Democratic Party, Centre Party</p>

M.A. / The following study investigates the Landless People’s Movement (LPM) which is a grassroots movement in South Africa. While there have been many movements to emerge, the LPM was formed in 2001 in response to increasing housing evictions and insecure land tenure. The formation of the movement was met in some cases by minor state concessions but also by state brutality. This study focuses on the experiences of the urban landless and argues that the manner in which the movement frames its demands, together with the political opportunity structure, have an impact upon the extent to which the LPM has effectively mobilised around land issues, as well as upon the cycles that the movement has undergone. In order to unpack the experiences of the landless, two theoretical concepts were used to frame the discussion, namely, political opportunity structure and the cycles of protest. Analysing the changing political opportunity structure proved useful in demonstrating some of the constraints and opportunities faced by movements in their attempts to attain land, while the notion of cycles of protest was useful in showing the phases undergone by the movement from its inception in 2001 until 2010. In order to understand the experiences of the urban landless regarding the manner in which they frame their demands and mobilise around land issues, a qualitative research design was employed by making use of a case study method. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with both leaders and supporters of the movement. In addition, focus groups, meeting attendance and informal discussions helped to enrich the data included in this case study on the experiences of the urban landless.

Toute action humanitaire en République Populaire Démocratique de Corée (RPDC) nécessite le soutien total de l’Etat nord-coréen avec lequel il faut négocier les conditions de distribution de l’aide à sa population. De cette dépendance naissent pour les agences humanitaires de nombreux dilemmes et risques : en acceptant de se plier aux conditions drastiques imposées par les autorités nord-coréennes, ne contribuent-elles pas à soutenir un régime considéré comme premier responsable des souffrances de sa population, et ne violent-elles pas les principes éthiques sur lesquels se base leur action ? Ce dilemme a poussé plusieurs organisations à partir de RPDC, parmi lesquelles Médecins Sans Frontières en 1998.En outre, l’importance des enjeux politiques et stratégiques sur la péninsule coréenne incitent les principaux pays bailleurs de fonds en RPDC à utiliser très souvent l’aide humanitaire dans un but politique. Cette instrumentalisation est lourde de conséquences pour les travailleurs humanitaires sur le terrain, contraints à agir dans un espace humanitaire remarquablement réduit.Quinze ans après les départs très médiatisés de plusieurs agences, six ONG européennes résidentes à Pyongyang maintiennent des programmes d’assistance à une population dont les besoins humanitaires restent immenses. Ces ONG ont adopté des stratégies de contournement qui leur ont permis de travailler sur le terrain dans le respect de leur charte éthique et qui leur ont permis, à force d’interactions ininterrompues avec leurs interlocuteurs nord-coréens, d’assouplir les contraintes sévères qui leur sont imposées. Ce travail de recherche consiste à détailler et analyser ces stratégies. / Any humanitarian action in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) requires the full support of the North Korean state, with which the conditions of aid distribution to the population must be negotiated. From this dependence arise many dilemmas and risks for the aid agencies, including whether by complying with the drastic constraints imposed by North Korean authorities they are unwillingly helping sustain a regime that is primarily responsible for the sufferings of its population and concerns that this may violate the ethical principles at the core of their aid efforts. This dilemma obliged several aid organizations, including Doctors Without Borders in 1998, to completely cease aid activities in the DPRK.Moreover, given the political and strategic importance of the Korean Peninsula, primary donor states of the DPRK tend to use aid as political leverage. This use of aid significantly affects the aid workers on the ground, who find themselves constrained and working in a remarkably reduced humanitarian space.Fifteen years after the highly publicized departure of several aid agencies, six European NGOs residing in Pyongyang continue to provide assistance programs to a population whose humanitarians needs remain largely unmet. These NGOs have adopted dilemma-circumventing strategies which allow them to work while adhering to their ethical codes of conduct and, thanks to constant interactions with their North Korean counterparts, to soften the severe constraints to which they are subjected. These strategies will be detailed and analyzed in this research.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-06-01T13:44:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Maristela Bortolon de Matos.pdf: 11380293 bytes, checksum: 6cbd6c21f1c9cfc545f9b6f1e7fd2e08 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-01T13:44:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maristela Bortolon de Matos.pdf: 11380293 bytes, checksum: 6cbd6c21f1c9cfc545f9b6f1e7fd2e08 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Essa tese tem como tema as Culturas Indígenas e a Gestão das Escolas. Trata-se de um estudo de desenho etnográfico cuja coleta de evidências se deu por meio de entrevistas semi-estruturadas, censo, observação, análise de documentos, mapas e fotografias, com destaque para o diário de campo. O objetivo principal da tese é compreender as interações entre as culturas indígenas e os processos de gestão das escolas na Comunidade Indígena Guariba, no Município do Amajari, Roraima. O corpus da pesquisa é formado por uma contextualização da Educação Escolar Indígena no Brasil e em Roraima (abordando a gestão escolar e a gestão escolar indígena), apoiada nas legislações; uma contextualização do campo empírico, fazendo uma descrição da localidade e dos povos indígenas de Roraima e suas culturas; e uma abordagem da interculturalidade e diversidade cultural. Foram considerados os elementos internos e externos que interferem, bem como os aspectos formais e informais que configuram o cotidiano específico da gestão dessas escolas. Utilizei a análise de conteúdo (BARDIN, 1977 e 2011). A pesquisa tem como marco teórico de referência a Teoria da Complexidade (MORIN, 1991, 1996, 1997, 2009, 2011). A comunidade indígena que constituiu o campo empírico da pesquisa é composta pelas etnias Wapixana e Makuxi, e as escolas estão vinculadas às secretarias estadual e municipal de educação. O processo analítico e a permanência no campo me permitem afirmar que há uma influência mútua entre as culturas indígenas e os processos de gestão das escolas na Comunidade Guariba. Entre outros resultados da pesquisa, concluí que: as interações entre a vida na comunidade e a vida nas escolas têm a cultura indígena local como elemento mediador; a Comunidade Indígena Guariba atualmente utiliza a escola para reafirmar e manter manifestações culturais locais; as interações e inter-relações podem ser percebidas em diferentes e diversas situações (ou ações) que ocorrem nas escolas e na comunidade, amplamente descritas nesta tese; e as manifestações culturais indígenas locais são parte inerente à forma como se configura a gestão das escolas. / This study is focused on the themes of Indigenous Peoples’ Cultures and School Management. It presents an ethnographic drawing whose collection of evidence was built on semi-structured interviews, census, observation, document analysis, maps, pictures, and special regards to field diaries. The main objective of this thesis is to understand the interactions between indigenous cultures and the processes of management adopted by the schools of the Indigenous Guariba Community, in the municipality of Amajari, Roraima. The research corpus is build upon: a study of the Education for Indigenous People in Brazil and in the State of Roraima (considering both regular and indigenous school management) as supported by legislation; a contextualization of the empirical field, with a description of the people of Roraima, their place and traditions; and a study of intercultural dialogues and cultural diversity. Internal and external elements that interfere on the subject, as well as formal and informal aspects that configure the daily life of the management of these schools were considered in this research. Content analysis was used (BARDIN, 1977 & 2011), and the theoretical framework was based on the Complexity Theory (MORIN, 1991, 1996, 1997, 2009 & 2011). The indigenous community that constituted the empirical field of research includes the ethnic groups Wapixana and Makuxi. Their schools are linked to the Municipal and to the State Boards of Education. The process of analysis I used as well as my long term staying in the region allow me to confirm that there is a mutual dialogue between indigenous cultures and the methodsof schools management in the Guariba Community. Some of the conclusions Ihave reached in this study are: the local indigenous culture is used as a mediator in the interaction between community and school lives; today, the Indigenous Community of Guariba uses of the school in order to reaffirm and maintain their local cultural activities; the interactions and inter-relations can be perceived in different and diverse situations (or actions) that happen in the schools and in the community, as widely described in this dissertation; and the local indigenous activities are inherent in the way the school is managed.