La question du règne des philosophes ne se comprend qu’au prix d’un détour par les marges de la politique classique. D’abord nous avons montré que ces marges sont définies historiquement par un discours qui articule le règne, le savoir et le salut (chapitre I). Puis nous avons montré que la notion de règne, dès lors qu’elle est attribuée à des philosophes, s’établit dans les marges de la notion classique de basilein, en en subvertissant le sens classique (chapitre II). Ensuite nous avons montré que le discours sur le règne des philosophes est une tentative venant des marges de la politique pour subvertir en en faisant usage, c’est-à-dire pour destituer, la liaison classique entre le muthos et l’unification politique (chapitre III), ce qui a impliqué de comprendre comment le philosophe peut être aux marges de la politique tout en en étant le fondement (chapitre IV). Cela nous a conduit à voir que le philosophe est en marge par rapport à l’exigence d’être utile à la cité (chapitre V) et par rapport à l’exigence d’un savoir fondé sur l’expérience (chapitre VI). Enfin, nous avons essayé de montrer que le règne des philosophes s’inscrit dans la recherche du salut de la cité, thème marginal dans les études sur Platon (chapitre VII). / The question of the philosophers’ reign can only be understood at the cost of a detour through the margins of classical politics. First of all, I have shown that these margins have historically been defined by a discourse focusing on the relationship between kingdom, knowledge and salvation (chapter 1). I have then shown that the notion of kingdom itself, when it is attributed to philosophers, positions itself in the margins of the notion of basilein, while actively subverting its classical meaning (chapter 2). The discourse about the philosophers’ reign must therefore be understood as an attempt coming from the margins of politics to use the traditional relation between the muthos and political unification, in order to subvert it, namely, to depose it. This required me to explore the way in which the philosopher can simultaneously be in the margins of politics and at the very foundation of politics (chapter 4). The philosopher’s position in the city is doubly marginal: first, he is not subject to the imperative to be useful to the city (chapter 5), and secondly, he is not subject to the imperative to ground knowledge in experience (chapter 6). Finally, I have set out to show that the philosophers’ reign inscribes itself within a quest for the city’s salvation, a theme that is itself marginal in Plato studies, and deserves more attention than it has hitherto received (chapter 7).

Title: The Origins of Education in Great Moravia and its Subsequent Manifestations Author: Mgr. Radovan Vlha Department: Czech Language Department Supervisor: prof. PhDr. Radoslava Kvapilová Brabcová, CSc. Abstract The thesis focuses on the origins and manifestations of the education on the territory of Great Moravia. The main research method is the analysis of historical source texts, archaeological artefacts and analogical comparison with the situation in 9th century Europe. The growth of education in Great Moravia commenced with the arrival of Constantine and Methodius mission, which proceed from the Byzantine conception of education. The mission picked up the threads of Bavarian missionaries' work, which is proved by the widely professed Christianity prior to the year 863. Initially, the education centres of western missionaries were used with new premises being built later; Sady near Uherske Hradiste being considered the most important. Scholars with aristocratic backgrounds were educated in these centres. The curriculum consisted predominantly from Old Church Slavonic, prayers, theology and music, sometimes accompanied with Latin. The development of the craft industry requisite for the building of churches, decorating jewellery with Christian motives and production of books was directly connected to...

Denn wenn das Reisen für die Philosophie eine Rolle spielt, dann in Zusammenhang mit der Hervorbringung von philosophischen Texten. Diese nun sind nicht 'Unterwegs' geschrieben, sondern 'zuhause'. Am Ende jeder Reise gab es ein Hinsetzen, ein Zu-Sich-Zurückkommen, ein Sich-Sammeln, und erst daraus entstand Philosophie. Jedenfalls ist das unsere Vorstellung. Das, was wir Philosophie nennen, halten wir für das Produkt einer geistigen Hervorbringung, einer gedanklichen 'Setzung'.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Après avoir atteint l'excellence en tant qu'intellectuel de parti stalinien pendant la Guerre froide, Roger Garaudy s'est construit comme intellectuel "véritable" contre la doxa du PCF qu'il était pourtant chargé d'incarner, à la faveur de son autonomisation suite au choc du XX° Congrès du PCUS périmant sa foi en Staline. C'est ainsi que la résurgence progressive de son habitus théologico-philosophique a fait de lui l'homme du dialogue par excellence adapté à la démarginalisation du PCF dans le champ intellectuel des années 1960. Mais si son engagement sur la tagente hérétique a fait de lui l'un des intellectuels communistes poussant le plus loin le projet de rénovation du PC en offrant une véritable stratégie alternative à celle du Parti après 1968, l'exclusion qui s'en est suivie s'est traduite par un retour du refoulé religieux qui, couplé à la posture prophétique d'un intellectuel désormais excentré dans le champ intellectuel français, a largement contribué à la délégitimation de l'ancien philosophe du PC avant même sa radicalisation ultime qui a achevé de le disqualifier suite à sa condamnation pour négationnisme. / After he reached excellence as a stalinist party intellectual during the Cold War, Roger Garaudy built himself as a real intellectual against the doxa that he was yet supposed to embody, following his emporwement after the shock of the 20th Congress of the CPSU which made his faith in Stalin obsolete. That is how the progressive resurgence of his theologico-philosophical habitus allowed him to become by excellence the "man of dialogue" within the French Communist Party, the most adjusted intellectual to the demarginalization of the FCP in the french intellectual field of the 1960s. But if his undertaking to the heretic tangent made him the communist theoretician who went the furthest on the way towards destalinization by offering a real alternative strategy to the Party's after 1968, his ensuing exclusion manifested thereafter as a backlash of the religiously repressed which, together with the prophetic posture of an intellectual henceforth unwarranted in the french intellectual field, largely explains the delegitimation of the former leading communist philosopher, even before his ultimate radicalization which completed his disqualification after he was condemned by french justice for negationism.

This thesis presents a conceptual examination of the modernist director read through Gillian Rose's speculative lenses of the 'broken middle'. Highlighting the significance of speculative philosophy, I explore the meaning of the director as a mediating subjectivity. I demonstrate how a speculative reading of the director can act as a corrective to the received totalitarian, despotic image of the director. I urge for the rehabilitation of the director as a history and as a practice and I propose the emergence of this figure as being the outcome of a complex theatrical articulation entangled with the discipline of philosophy. Combining close readings of philosophical texts by Rose, Plato, Castoriadis, Badiou, Rancière, Laclau and Mouffe, among several other intellectual references in this study, I explore the director as a mode or trope of embodied philosophy. My argument also proposes the director as an Event, in Badiou's definition, and I trace this configuration as already taking place with the 'tragic' paradigm of the Athenian theatre. This Event of the director, I then argue, gets fully inaugurated in modernism as the Event of thought in theatre. I explore how the director acting as a mediator transforms theatre to what Puchner calls 'a theatre of ideas' while simultaneously philosophy becomes itself transformed to a theatre of thought. Chapter 1 outlines the key strands of Rose's thought and sets out the theoretical parameters of my examination. The chapter argues for a speculative reading of the director cross-examined with current positions within theatre historiography. The chapter paves a new understanding of the director, not historically, but conceptually, as a mode of embodied thought. Chapter 2 explores the relationship between the primacy and centrality of the aesthetic paradigm of theatre in philosophy and the role and practice of the poet - or 'chorodidaskalos' - who I consider as an early philosophical figuration of the modern director. I highlight speculative 'aporia' which in Rose indicates a path 'without a path' as the primary modality of thinking philosophically, already at work in tragedy, that renders the modernist director as a theatrical thinker. Chapter 3 puts forward the case of the director's mediating subjectivity by arguing for the Event of the director. I analyse Badiou's philosophy of the Event, making connections to speculative philosophy and illuminating the Evental dimension of this figure. Chapter 4 moves the examination to the Event of the director that I locate in Richard Wagner. My reading explores the philosophical dimension of Wagner as an artist and a thinker by which I rehabilitate his overtly negative image. I do this by reading Left Hegelianism, and anarchist philosophy more broadly, in Wagner's operatic works, writings, and political activism. Chapter 5 examines the 'speculative director' in the aesthetic project of Naturalism and Realism. The chapter includes a published section by which I explore the political mode of the director indirectly, by examining the articulatory discourse in Laclau and Mouffe's definition and the practice of affirmation. Chapter 6 looks at the avant-garde manifesto as a form of meta-language that seeks to actively re-shape theatre and the world as embodied, declaimed philosophy. The chapter repositions the avant-garde's aesthetic preoccupation with failure as a profoundly transformative project rather than as being incomplete. The included published article examines more closely the affinity between the Spartacus Manifesto by Rose Luxemburg (philosophy) and the more politicized forms of the Dada Berlin manifesto art (theatre). Chapter 7 is the concluding chapter by which I argue the case of the director finally having entered the theatre as a philosopher; that is, through Bertolt Brecht.

Dugald Stewart was an influential teacher and philosopher during the final years of the Scottish Enlightenment. Until recently he has been seen as merely a significant expositor of Thomas Reid's common sense philosophy. This thesis does not attempt to assess the novelty of Stewart's writings in relation to his Scottish predecessors such as Reid: rather, it offers a detailed historical study of aspects of his work, placing them in the political and cultural context of the period following the French Revolution. Two questions stimulated this thesis. First, what prompted Stewart, a moral philosopher who was not an experimental philosopher, to write a major work on methodology? Second, why was there a gap of twenty-two years between the first volume of his Elements of the Philosophy of the Human Mind (1792) and the second (1814), which contained his methodological treatise? I aim to answer these questions by offering a contextual intellectual history of some important aspects of Stewart's work. The thesis argues that Stewart faced a new problem: he had to deal with attacks on moral philosophy - the core subject of the Edinburgh University curriculum - some of which were produced by institutional and political factors affecting the Scottish universities, others by the rising authority of the experimental physical sciences. I consider a selection of Stewart's writings in the light of this problem. In 1804 Stewart's own student, Francis Jeffrey, gave public voice to the charge that the science of mind (which constituted the central part of Scottish common sense philosophy) was outdated, unscientific and useless. Thereafter, Stewart was engaged in what he saw as an urgent task - the defence of the very status of philosophy and the role of the philosopher. The thesis considers some of his major works (and other writings) from this perspective: Philosophical Essays (1810) contained his first direct retort to Jeffrey; Stewart's treatment of methodology in Elements of the Philosophy of the Human Mind, Volume 2 (1814) and his section on intellectual character in Volume 3 (1827) are viewed as two significant components of his attempt to reassert the primacy of moral philosophy and the role of the moral philosopher.

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Isocrate et Confucius entreprennent d’abord l’éducation de la vertu puis préparent à une vie harmonieuse, ils demandent principalement aux disciples de se perfectionner. De plus, les deux maîtres ont chacun leur propre ambition de l’enseignement : Isocrate a l’intention de cultiver le rhéteur accompli, afin de faire savoir aux disciples la réflexion à propos de la méthode philosophique de « doxa » pour rechercher la vérité, de persuader et de guider moralement ses auditeurs, de contribuer au service de la Grèce. Pour Confucius, il introduit l’idéal du « Jun Zi » qui est le standard de la vertu et de la perfection humaines, qui respecte les rites anciens, agit avec les qualités de Ren et du juste milieu et recherche aussi la voie harmonieuse entre les êtres humains et l’Univers. La sagesse d’Isocrate et de Confucius poussent davantage la société de leur époque vers la paix et vers le bonheur. Isocrate offre l’idée de la diffusion des valeurs athéniennes dans toute la Grèce et Confucius engage transmettre les rites de Zhou et forme le fondement de la civilisation traditionnelle chinoise—le confucianisme. Cependant, aujourd’hui, l’influence des deux Maîtres demeure différente : Isocrate n’est pas autant étudié que Confucius. De toute façon, les deux grands Sages contribuent à l’éducation des êtres humains : soit dans le domaine de la rhétorique, soit dans la recherche de sagesse, et laissent aux gens d’aujourd’hui des inspirations importantes à l’humanité, ils méritent d’être respectés et considérés comme auteurs d’un héritage important. / Both Isocrates and Confucius attached first importance to ethics education and then to harmony education. They required especially their disciples to attain self-improvement spiritually. In particular, the two greatmasters also put forward their unique teaching objectives respectively. Isocrates hoped to train perfect rhetoricians, let them grasp "doxa"--the philosophical method of meditation, to seek the truth, and use their moralorations to persuade and lead the audience to eventually devote the public to serving the Greek cause. Confucius hoped to cultivate an image of"gentleman", who was not only a perfect human moral standard, but also anobserver of etiquette, a follower of benevolence and the doctrine of the mean,and an explorer to follow the path to the harmony of human and the universe. The wisdom of Isocrates and Confucius greatly promoted the pace of progress of social peace and the happiness of the general public in their respective times. Isocrates introduced the concept of "Greek" (Hellenisation) for the entire Greek territory while Confucius advocated to restore rites andlaid the foundation for the traditional Chinese culture, Confucianism. But their influence today varies greatly: Isocrates has not been inherited and researched as much as Confucius. In a word, these two great sages have made remarkable contributions to human kind with Isocrates in rhetorics and Confucius in humanistic wisdom. They have all left us modern people humanistic spirit of enlightenment. They are worthy of being respected and inherited.