Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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En el contexto de los sistemas de comunicación virtual, se trata de analizar desde la antropología política las nuevas lógicas de participación social y los mecanismos de apropiación de los recursos, contenidos y significados que circulan en las redes telemáticas. A través de un estudio de caso, se destaca cómo opera y se desenvuelve una protesta globalizada en torno de la producción de una telenovela sudamericana (La Tormenta), retransmitida por Internet. Se observa la capacidad de acción de los usuarios de un foro para convertir la Red en un medio de organización y crítica y para reaccionar de forma colectiva frente a poderes mediáticos. Esta práctica política consigue trascender del campo virtual al mundo real reclamando reconocimientos y derechos. Una sublevación en Red de consumidores de productos culturales que termina transformando los mecanismos convencionales de participación ciudadana, valiéndose para ello de la conexión de relaciones sociales y emocionales que les ofrecen las nuevas tecnologías de la información. / In the context of virtual communication systems, the new rationale of social participation and the mechanisms used for the appropriation of the resources, contents and meanings that are broadcast through telematic networks are analyzed here from a political anthropology viewpoint. A case study is used in this paper to highlight how a globalized protest is developed against the presentation of a South American soap opera, La Tormenta (The Storm), which was broadcast on the Internet. Users’ capacity for action to convert the Network into ameans of organization and critique and collectively react against the power of the media is analyzed here. This political action went beyond the virtual field to the real world, thus allowing the recognition of rights. This uprise in the network of consumers of cultural products has contributed to transform conventional mechanisms of citizen participation, using the social and emotional connections provided by the new information technologies.

Orientador: Maria Suely Kofes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T18:41:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paterniani_StellaZagatto_M.pdf: 133303695 bytes, checksum: 48336012fb1a13c811ae59eeb043a495 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Em 2007, um imóvel ocioso no bairro da Luz, em São Paulo, foi ocupado: a comunidade Mauá. Quase cinco anos depois, os moradores receberam uma ordem de despejo. Sua reação foi lutar: para que as famílias sejam atendidas (isto é, inseridas em programas de política pública habitacional) e, ao mesmo tempo, para que o despejo não ocorra. Com o pedido de liminar de reintegração de posse, vêm à tona, de maneira mais intensa, processos de construção de uma coletividade que contempla a diferença e relações entre a ocupação, o poder público e o proprietário do prédio ocupado. Esta é uma etnografia de uma experiência, em dois níveis: o da experiência da ocupação e dos confrontos e embates a partir da liminar de reintegração de posse; e da minha experiência de encontro e confronto com essa experiência objetivada. Entendo que a ocupação Mauá não se esgota na sua arquitetura e, sim, contém potencialidades e outras coletividades. Por isso, inicialmente, faço uma breve discussão sobre o ocupar, antes de apresentar a Mauá e seus entornos e situá-la no centro da cidade de São Paulo. Dignidade e vida aparecem como categorias orientadoras do habitar (na ocupação), nas falas durante atos públicos na rua ou reuniões públicas com o governo e atores estatais. Porquanto a luta pelo direito à moradia ampara-se na ideia de viver dignamente, a ordem de despejo equipara-se a uma sentença de morte - da qual, contudo, é possível escapar pela luta. As intenções metodológicas da pesquisa foram: a) não entender o movimento social como bloco homogêneo, nem os atores e seus posicionamentos como previamente definidos (mas sim como relacionais e situacionais) e b) refutar a cisão entre "novos" e "velhos" movimentos sociais. Uma das hipóteses é que os múltiplos sentidos de coletividade são construídos, sobretudo, na conexão entre passado, presente e futuro, por meio de narrativas. Como resultado, proponho entender a política como composta por elementos de resistência, reivindicação e prefiguração / Abstract: In 2007, an idle property at the neighborhood of Luz, in the city of São Paulo, was squatted: the Mauá squatting [ocupação Mauá]. Almost five years after the squatting, the inhabitants received an eviction order. Their reaction was to struggle: for the families to be attended (that is, to be contemplated in programs of public housing policy) and, at the same time, for the eviction not to happen. Together with the injunction of repossession, we can intensely observe processes of construction of a collectivity that contemplates the difference and relations between the squatting, the public power and the building owner. This is in ethnography of an experience, in two levels: first, the experience of the squatting and the confrontation and shocks from the moment of the injunction of repossession; second, of my experience of encounter and confrontation with this objectified experience. I understand that the Mauá squatting is not only its architecture, but it also contains potentialities and other collectivities. That is the reason I begin with a brief discussion about the squatting, before introducing Mauá and its surroundings and situate it in the center of São Paulo city. Dignity and life show up as guiding categories of dwelling (in the squatting), in speeches during public protests at the street or public reunions with government and state actors. Inasmuch as the struggle for the right to housing is supported by the idea of living with dignity, the eviction equates to a death sentence - from which, however, is possible to escape through the struggle [luta]. The methodological intentions of this research were: a) not to understand the social movement as a homogeneous block, neither its actors and positions as previously defined (instead, to understand them as relational and situational) and b) to refute the split between "new" and "old" social movements. One of the hypotheses is that multiple senses of collectivity are mainly built in the connection between past, present and future, through narratives. As an outcome, I propose to understand the politics as composed by resistance, claiming and prefiguration elements / Mestrado / Antropologia Social / Mestra em Antropologia Social

Orientador: Bela Feldman Bianco / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T03:27:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sanjurjo_LilianaLopes_D.pdf: 8232921 bytes, checksum: 537f5ef0c9f3383a05ecc52034d4a630 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Esta tese trata do campo de ativismo político das organizações de direitos humanos argentinas integradas por familiares de desaparecidos da última ditadura militar (1976-1983). O objetivo é compreender os processos sociais que levam essas organizações a assumirem o lugar de protagonistas na construção das memórias sobre o passado ditatorial, bem como analisar as disputas que envolvem a consolidação de uma memória pública sobre a ditadura nesse espaço nacional. Partindo de uma perspectiva histórica e processual da cultura, o intuito é analisar como os familiares de desaparecidos, ancorados nas relações de parentesco com as vítimas da repressão, atribuem sentido às suas próprias experiências e identidades, ao passo que encontram legitimidade social para suas demandas e ações políticas. Exploro assim como noções sobre política, parentesco, sangue, identidade e verdade atravessam os embates pelas memórias da ditadura na Argentina / Abstract: The thesis deals with the political activism of the Argentinean human rights organizations composed of the families of the disappeared people in the last military dictatorship (1976-1983). The goal is to understand the social processes that lead these organizations to play a major role in the construction of the memories concerning the dictatorial past, as well as analyzing the disputes over the definition of a public memory about the dictatorship in this national space. From a historical and procedural perspective of the culture, the intention is to analyze how the family members of the disappeared people, anchored in the kinship relations with the victims of the repression, give meaning to their own identities and experiences, whilst finding social legitimacy for their political actions and demands. Therefore, I explore how the notions concerning politics, kinship, blood, identity and truth integrate the disputes over the memories from the dictatorship in Argentina / Doutorado / Antropologia Social / Doutor em Antropologia Social

A travers l’exemple de l’anthropologie du foncier à Owendo, cette étude vise à déconstruire les deux conceptions contradictoires qui mobilisent plusieurs catégories d’acteurs en présence dans la problématique de la production foncière au Gabon. Pour ce faire, elle se propose de réexaminer les modèles de tenures foncières s’appliquent aux liens qui unissent l’homme à la terre, à leurs transformations historiques dans le contexte gabonais. Ce contexte est notoirement marqué par la confrontation frontale de logiques et de comportements lignagers qui sont en interaction avec les prescriptions des logiques et comportementales étatiques, qu’il s’agisse de l’Etat colonial ou poscolonial.Le but de notre recherche est de montrer qu’à une vision dualiste sommaire entre tenants des pratiques foncières traditionnelles et tenants des pratiques administratives, il convient de substituer un regard interactionnel des positions des uns et des autres sur le champ des rapports institutionnels et culturels à l’espace. Ces rapports se traduisent par une dynamique des pratiques spatiales, notamment hors-lignage, hors-Etat et d’Etat-superlignager, qui semblent aujourd’hui marquer le passage de la conception sacrée du sol à la terre comme bien marchand. Il importe donc de développer un travail circonstancié des imaginaires et des matrices culturelles en interaction dans le jeu des acteurs d’un pays confronté tout à la fois à des questions de réponses foncières, de réserve foncière pour cause d’urbanisation et de développement national. / Through the example of anthropology at Owendo land, this study aims to deconstruct the two opposing that mobilize several categories of actors involved in the problem of land production in Gabon. To do this, it proposes to review the models of land tenure that apply to the links between people and land, their historical transformations in the context of Gabon. This context is well marked by the logic of confrontation front lineage and behaviors that interact with the requirements of logic and behavioral state, whether colonial or state poscolonial.The goal of our research is to show that a dualistic view contents between proponents of traditional land practices and advocates of administrative practices, should be replaced by a look interactional positions of each other on the field of institutional relations and cultural the space. These reports are translated into dynamic spatial practices, including non-lineage, off-state and state-superlignager, which now seem to mark the passage of the design of sacred ground to the land as a commodity. It is therefore important to develop a detailed work of imaginary matrices and cultural interaction in the acting of a country faced at the same time answers to questions of land, reserve land due to urbanization and national development.

MPM / Olive Tambo Institute of Governance and Policy Studies

La force militaire est une composante indissociable de l’appareil étatique. Dans les Forces armées canadiennes (FAC), les composantes marines, aériennes et terrestres jouent un rôle de médiateur dans les conflits internes et internationaux. Leur réputation pacifique influence des valeurs associées à la carrière militaire, telles que : le dévouement, la discipline et l’obéissance. L’esprit de sacrifice, la solidarité et le sens de collectivité, valeurs essentielles au bon fonctionnement interne des FAC, semblent être des valeurs paradoxales dans une société canadienne dite individualiste. Dans ce contexte particulier, l’individualisme est au coeur la culture occidentale. J’entends ici par individualisme l’aspect d’une société de droits et libertés individuels. De ce fait, une question s’impose : quelles sont les motivations des individus à s’enrôler dans les Forces armées canadiennes en sol québécois ? Le but de la recherche est ainsi de mieux saisir les motivations d’un individu à joindre le corps militaire, dans un contexte où le Québec s’inscrit dans une trajectoire historique où l’individu est l’élément central, notamment aux niveaux social, économique, juridique et politique. L’objectif principal est de comprendre les motivations d’enrôlement des militaires, vétérans et candidats en processus d’enrôlement au Québec. Les sous-objectifs du projet de recherche sont quant à eux : (1) explorer, au travers d’une approche ethnographique, de quelles manières les participants à cette étude conçoivent les motivations qui ont guidé leur processus d’enrôlement; (2) comprendre de quelles façons ils expliquent leurs expériences des valeurs des FAC, dont le sens de la collectivité dans une société dite individualiste. C’est avec les méthodes de collecte de données qualitatives que sont l’observation participante et les entretiens semi-structurés que nous analyserons les relations hiérarchiques entre les membres des Forces armées canadiennes pour mieux saisir les dynamiques organisationnelles reliées à la culture militaire au Québec. Ces méthodes viseront également à identifier s’il existe une marge entre les dires et les actions réelles des militaires sur le terrain. Ces données seront analysées en lien avec l’échantillon d’étude afin d’éviter toute généralisation. Comme la démarche ethnographique est inductive, sans pouvoir affirmer ceci avec certitude, nous nous attendons à voir des motivations d’enrôlement « typiques » chez les participants, ainsi que la possibilité de profils récurrents chez les militaires. / Military forces are an inseparable component of the state apparatus. In the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF), the sea, air and land components play a mediating role in national and international conflicts. Their peaceful reputation influence values associated with the military career, such as: devotion, discipline and obedience. The spirit of sacrifice, solidarity and sense of community, values essential to the proper internal functioning of the CAF seem to be paradoxical values in a so-called individualistic Canadian society. In this particular context, individualism is at the heart of Western culture. I mean here by individualism the aspect of a society of individual rights and freedoms. Therefore, a question arises: what are the motivations of individuals to enlist in the Canadian Armed Forces on Quebec soil? The goal of the research is thus to have a better understanding of the motivations of individuals to join the military corps in a context where Quebec is part of a historical trajectory where the individual is the central element, particularly at the social, economic, legal and political point of view. The main objective is to understand the enlistment motivations of soldiers, veterans and candidates in the enrollment process in Quebec. The sub-objectives of the research project are: (1) to explore through an ethnographic approach in what ways the participants of this study conceive the motivations that guided their enrollment process; (2) understand how they explain their experiences of CAF values, including the sense of community in a so-called individualistic society. It’s with the qualitative data collection methods of participant observation and semi-structured interviews that we will analyze the hierarchical relationships between members of the Canadian Armed Forces to understand better the organizational dynamics related to the military culture in Quebec. These methods will also aim to identify if there’s a margin between the statements and the actual actions of the soldiers on the ground. These data will be analyzed in relation to the study sample in order to avoid any generalization. As the ethnographic approach is inductive, without being able to affirm this with certainty, we expect to see “typical” enlistment motivations among the participants, as well as the possibility of recurring profiles among the military.

Depuis la fin du XIXe siècle, des dynamiques sociales diverses – holocauste du caoutchouc, colonie pénale, missions catholiques, présence d’institutions gouvernementales et non gouvernementales — ont reconfiguré les formes d’organisation sociale des habitants du moyen fleuve Caquetá, dénommés Gens de centre. Nous nous arrêterons en particulier sur l’effet de ces changements sur leurs formes d’autonomie. Avec la reconnaissance par l’État, au cours des années 1980 et 1990, des peuples indigènes en tant que minorités ethniques, surgit une dichotomie entre ce qui est « traditionnel » autochtone, par opposition à ce qui est « moderne », étant donné les processus d’acculturation et inclusion de ces groupes dans la société majoritaire. Dans le présent travail, on établit une comparaison des figures « d’autorité traditionnelle » et de « leader », une différenciation faite dans la région du moyen fleuve Caquetá. Dans un premier temps, on donne un aperçu théorique de la figure de chef dans les terres basses de l’Amérique du Sud et sa validité et pertinence dans la situation du moyen fleuve Caquetá. Puis, l’on présente comment se forme l’autorité traditionnelle et ses champs d’action. On montre, de la même façon, les différents processus qui ont donné lieu à l’apparition de la figure de leader et les espaces où celle-ci évolue. La relation entre les deux figures est à la fois contradictoire et complémentaire. Finalement, on expose, avec des exemples concrets, les rapports entre les Gens de centre et les institutions gouvernementales et la remise en question de l’autonomie accordée aux groupes minoritaires dans la Constitution politique de la Colombie de 1991. / The inhabitants of the Middle Caquetá river, called People of the Center, have experienced a series of varying impacts since the late nineteenth century –rubber holocaust, Penal Colony, catholic missions, presence of governmental and non-governmental institutions. These reshaped their forms of social organization. In this particular case, their forms of “self-government”. With the recognition of the indigenous people as ethnic minorities in the 1980s and 1990s, a dichotomy arose between what is “traditional” in relation to the indigenous as opposed to the “modern”, given the processes of acculturation and inclusion of these groups into mainstream society. In this sense, this work compares the figures of “traditional authority” and “leader”, as differentiated in the context of the inhabitants of the Middle Caquetá River. The first part is a theoretical revision of the figure of the chief in the lowlands of South America and its validity and relevance in the context of the Middle Caquetá River. Next, the context of formation of a traditional authority and its contexts of action are presented. Likewise, the different processes leading to the emergence of the figure of leader and the spaces in which it operates are shown. The relationship between these two figures is at once contradictory and complementary. Finally, some contexts that illustrate the relationship between the People of the Center and governmental institutions are considered. This leads to a questioning of the autonomy of minority groups recognized in the Colombian Political Constitution of 1991. / Los pobladores del medio río Caquetá, denominados Gente de Centro, vivieron desde finales del siglo XIX diferentes dinámicas –holocausto cauchero, Colonia Penal, misiones católicas, presencia de instituciones gubernamentales y no gubernamentales- que reconfiguraron sus formas de organización social; para este caso particular, sus formas de “gobierno propio”. Con el reconocimiento de los pueblos indígenas como minorías étnicas entre las décadas de 1980 y 1990 por parte del Estado colombiano, se plantea una dicotomía entre lo que es “tradicional” en relación a lo indígena, por oposición a lo “moderno”, dados los procesos de aculturación e inclusión de estos grupos a la sociedad mayoritaria. En este sentido el presente trabajo muestra de manera comparativa las figuras de “autoridad tradicional” y “líder”, diferenciación que se hace en la región del medio río Caquetá. En un primer momento se hace una revisión teórica de la figura del jefe en las tierras bajas de Suramérica y su vigencia y pertinencia en el contexto del medio río Caquetá. Acto seguido, se presenta el contexto de formación de una autoridad tradicional y sus contextos de acción. De la misma manera, se muestran los diferentes procesos que llevaron a la aparición de la figura de líder y los espacios donde se desenvuelve. La relación entre estas dos figuras es a la vez contradictoria y complementaria. Finalmente, se exponen algunos contextos donde se muestra la relación entre la Gente de Centro y las instituciones gubernamentales, contextos donde se pone en cuestión la autonomía reconocida para los grupos minoritarios, en la Constitución Política Colombiana de 1991.