Presenting an authoritative one-party rule since fifty years, the case of Singapore does not concord with the various theories of democratization. After proving that Singapore is not a Liberal-Democracy, we argue that the country manages to create a model of stability both in terms of politics and economy, that act as trade- offs to liberal characteristics. The approach uses a qualitative analysis of the electoral framework, a cultural comprehension of contemporary elements and data on its economic success. Ultimately, this thesis aims at studying the idea that Liberal-Democracy is not a model that necessarily needs to be implemented for the functioning of all nations.

This study argues that the right to form political parties remains elusive in Swaziland in spite of the country’s claim that it is democratic. Discusses the following issues: (1) Whether political pluralism is the only means of actualising the right to freedom of association, and (2) whether the limitation imposed on the right to freedom of association by section 79 of the Constitution of Swaziland is justifiable / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Henry Ojambo, Faculty of Law, Makarere University, Uganda / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

<p>This dissertation focuses on the intellectual and political trajectory of the Taller de Historia Oral Andina (THOA), an autonomous indigenous working group in which I participate, alongside other Aymaras and Quechuas from Bolivia. Grounding itself on the recuperation of ancestral knowledges of the ayllu and its reconstitution, this group has been seeking to decolonize knowledge and therefore society at large.</p><p>I have used an oral history methodology, revaluing the word and knowledge of the forefathers and foremothers. They are the inheritors and experts of the movement of caciques and representatives of communities and ayllus, who in the early twentieth century focused on defending their territorial rights on the basis of old colonial titles against the attacks of the landowning oligarchy. Using this methodology, I have questioned such principles of Western research as subject-object, Cartesian rationalism, the instrumental character of research, social discrimination, and epistemic racism in academia.</p><p>Guided by the Aymara axiom of qhip nayr uñtasis sarnaqapxañani, looking back to walk forth, as a pluriversal way of thinking that points the contemporaries to their immediate past and deep communal memory, out of whose relation critical sense emerges, it was possible to articulate the process of "Reconstitution and Strenghtening of the Ayllu," whose objective is the reconstitution of political and social organizing forms of thought, as well as the "renewal of Bolivia."</p><p>The concept of complementary duality is a salient aspect of Aymara and Quechua ontology, since together with triadic and tetralectic models, these are principles structuring ayllu knowledge, social organization, and politics. These principles are very different from the paradigms of dialectical materialism or the politics of "left" and "right." Despite colonial practices and colonialism, these principles still govern ayllu or communities, as paradigms learnt in the experience of work and needs, through the long observation of the cosmological movement and integration with animal and plant kingdoms, with mountains and vital or energetic fluids making up beings in the environment, all of which are considered as brethren and protecting parents.</p><p>Aymara and Quechua thought are wholistic and integral. Among their most important axes are parity and complementarity. These constitute a kind of vital codes, which in a way similar to deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) are found in almost all beings, in their most diverse modality, and therefore are the guarantors for the transmission of values and survival.</p><p>The THOA belongs to the range of lettered indiginous thinkers, such as Felipe Waman Puma de Ayala and Juan de Santa Cruz Pachacuti, as well as of the work Dioses y hombres de Huarochirí, the couple Katari-Amaru, or Eduardo Leandro Nina Qhispi - creator of the principle of brotherhood, who proposed the "renovation of Bolivia" -, among others who through our actions reivindicate the wisdom of the ayllus, which expresses a different way of doing politics. Bolivia's current President, Evo Morales, would be the starting point of that model, whose goal is the suma jaqaña or "good living".</p> / Dissertation

The purpose of this study is three-fold. The first is to provide the reader with a review of the literature concerning the topic of regional political integration. The second purpose is to provide an operational definition of regional political integration which can be useful in the testing of hypotheses. Regional political integration is defined in terms of the regional decision-making process. Various levels of regional political integration are defined, operationalized, and identified. The levels from lowest to highest are as follows: regional promotion, regional information exchange, regional policy coordination, regional monitor, and regional authoritative decision-making. The third purpose of the study is to analyze the factors which are hypothesized to be correlated with and responsible for the changing levels of regional political integration.

O objetivo deste trabalho é demonstrar que intervenção regulatória para promoção do pluralismo nos meios de comunicação social é condizente com a ordem democrática instituída pela Constituição Brasileira de 1988, e tem papel fundamental na garantia do pleno exercício do direito à liberdade de expressão. Demonstraremos que a proposta está em harmonia com as concepções contemporâneas sobre o regime democrático, que emergiram na segunda metade do século XX. Serão explorados os preceitos constitucionais que incidem sobre a discussão, quais sejam, o pluralismo político, a liberdade de expressão e o dever de proporcionalidade, que vincula a atividade dos poderes públicos. Delinearemos os contornos do conceito de regulação, expondo a discussão sobre sua aplicabilidade ao setor de comunicação social, e os tipos de políticas públicas comuns nesse sentido, o que inclui a promoção de pluralismo. Listaremos os mecanismos de promoção de pluralismo interno e externo verificados no direito comparado. À luz dos entendimentos consignados no texto e das discussões em voga sobre a regulação do mercado de comunicação, iremos propor parâmetros de interpretação para futuras políticas públicas de promoção do pluralismo no mercado de comunicação social brasileiro. / The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that regulatory intervention aiming to promote pluralism in the media is consistent with the democratic order established by the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, and has a fundamental role in ensuring full exercise of the right to freedom of expression. We shall reveal hereinafter that the above proposal is in harmony with contemporary conceptions regarding the democratic regime, all of which arisen in the second half of the twentieth century. Thus we shall explore constitutional principles that focus on such discussion; namely, political pluralism, freedom of expression, and the duty of proportionality which binds public authorities actions. We shall outline regulation concept boundaries, depicting the discussion upon their applicability to the media sector and the types of public policies that are common in this sense, including the promotion of pluralism. Consequently we shall list the mechanisms to promote internal and external pluralism as verified in comparative law. In light of the understandings comprised in the text and of the discussions in vogue on the media market regulation, we shall hereby propose construal parameters concerning future public policies aimed to promote pluralism in the Brazilian media market.

O objetivo deste trabalho é demonstrar que intervenção regulatória para promoção do pluralismo nos meios de comunicação social é condizente com a ordem democrática instituída pela Constituição Brasileira de 1988, e tem papel fundamental na garantia do pleno exercício do direito à liberdade de expressão. Demonstraremos que a proposta está em harmonia com as concepções contemporâneas sobre o regime democrático, que emergiram na segunda metade do século XX. Serão explorados os preceitos constitucionais que incidem sobre a discussão, quais sejam, o pluralismo político, a liberdade de expressão e o dever de proporcionalidade, que vincula a atividade dos poderes públicos. Delinearemos os contornos do conceito de regulação, expondo a discussão sobre sua aplicabilidade ao setor de comunicação social, e os tipos de políticas públicas comuns nesse sentido, o que inclui a promoção de pluralismo. Listaremos os mecanismos de promoção de pluralismo interno e externo verificados no direito comparado. À luz dos entendimentos consignados no texto e das discussões em voga sobre a regulação do mercado de comunicação, iremos propor parâmetros de interpretação para futuras políticas públicas de promoção do pluralismo no mercado de comunicação social brasileiro. / The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that regulatory intervention aiming to promote pluralism in the media is consistent with the democratic order established by the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, and has a fundamental role in ensuring full exercise of the right to freedom of expression. We shall reveal hereinafter that the above proposal is in harmony with contemporary conceptions regarding the democratic regime, all of which arisen in the second half of the twentieth century. Thus we shall explore constitutional principles that focus on such discussion; namely, political pluralism, freedom of expression, and the duty of proportionality which binds public authorities actions. We shall outline regulation concept boundaries, depicting the discussion upon their applicability to the media sector and the types of public policies that are common in this sense, including the promotion of pluralism. Consequently we shall list the mechanisms to promote internal and external pluralism as verified in comparative law. In light of the understandings comprised in the text and of the discussions in vogue on the media market regulation, we shall hereby propose construal parameters concerning future public policies aimed to promote pluralism in the Brazilian media market.

En 1958, la Cinquième République construit ses équilibres institutionnel et fonctionnel en réaction aux dysfonctionnements des Républiques précédentes. Partie à la découverte de la majorité, elle va d’abord rejeter la valeur positive que constitue, pour la démocratie, le conflit politique. Avec l’apparition du fait majoritaire en 1962, la majorité va muer d’une logique arithmétique vers une logique institutionnelle pour devenir une structure de décision homogène dévouée au Gouvernement. La réflexion sur l’équilibre des pouvoirs va alors se renouveler. Alors que la théorie dite moderne de la séparation des pouvoirs propose de faire du contrôle de l’action du Gouvernement par l’opposition, le critère de la démocratie moderne, nous proposons une analyse différente : l’équilibre des pouvoirs repose sur la fonction de contradiction exercée par les minorités parlementaires. Cette fonction de contre pouvoir combine alors une dimension négative de limite du pouvoir, la fonction d’opposition, et une dimension positive de valeur ajoutée de la décision politique, la fonction de complémentarité législative. La thèse propose ainsi un renouvellement de la réflexion sur le processus de prise de décision dans une démocratie pluraliste. / The Fifth Republic in 1958 built its institutional and functional equilibriums in reaction to the previous Republics. It first rejected the positive value that is conflict for a democracy. With the emergence of the “fait majoritaire” in 1962, the majority evolved from a quantitative notion to an institutional notion. It became a structure of homogenous decision making devoted to the Government. Thought on the balance of powers was then renewed. While the so-called modern theory of separation of powers suggests that the criterion for a modern democracy is the check on Government action by the opposition, we propose a different analysis: the balance of powers lies in the function of contradiction assumed by the parliamentary minorities. This role of counter-power combines a negative dimension of limitation of power, the opposition function, and a positive dimension of added value to political decision making, the legislative complementary function. This thesis offers a new perspective on the decision making process in a pluralist democracy.

Le « Burkina Faso depuis 1991 : entre stabilité politique et illusionnisme démocratique » ambitionne de se projeter au cœur du régime de la IVème République. Les fondements de la domination de l’élite politique post-transition sont examinés à travers la stratégie de conquête du pouvoir politique et la légitimation électorale à travers l’organisation des premières élections pluralistes. Le président Blaise Compaoré progressivement met en place un système de domination verrouillé où les possibilités de changements démocratiques s’amenuisent pour ses adversaires politiques. Cette mainmise du régime de M. Blaise Compaoré nécessite des ressources qui se déclinent en ressources internes et en un répertoire de légitimation internationale qui fait aujourd’hui du président Blaise Compaoré un acteur majeur du jeu politique sous-régional. / "Burkina Faso since 1991: between political stability and democratic illusion" aims to project in the heart of the regime of the Fourth Republic. The foundations of the dominance of the post-transition political elite are examined through the strategy of conquest of political power and electoral legitimacy by organizing the first multiparty elections. President Blaise Compaoré gradually set up a system of domination locked where the possibilities of democratic change are dwindling for his political opponents. This control regime Blaise Compaoré requires resources that are available in-house resources and a directory of international legitimacy that is now President Blaise Compaoré a major player in the political game sub regional levels.