Orientador: Wilma Peres Costa / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-07T10:32:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ferreira_SylvioMarioPuga_D.pdf: 938048 bytes, checksum: fd23c9e511456a6507e034bf78c4d139 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: O presente trabalho analisa a inserção do Amazonas na República Velha, a partir do Dinamismo e Colapso de seu produto principal, a Borracha, com ênfase em três temas: O Federalismo, a Economia Exportadora e a Representação Política. A análise do Federalismo cinge-se à questão fiscal, enfocando o debate sobre a Discriminação de Rendas na Constituição de 1891, e sua repercussão nos Estados Exportadores, situando o Amazonas e sua excepcional situação fiscal. No que tange à Economia Exportadora, a borracha representava seu principal produto, que entre 1870 e 1912, coloca a Amazônia numa posição ímpar no cenário econômico nacional, como o segundo produto na pauta exportadora brasileira. A disputa pelo excedente gerado se revela no âmbito público com as disputas fiscais envolvendo Amazonas e Pará e no âmbito privado com o encadeamento de uma extensa rede de débitos e créditos conhecida como Sistema de Aviamentos. A força motriz para a coleta do látex não estava alicerçada na mão-de-obra escrava, dada a especificidade do produto, disperso na floresta. A solução para o problema foi a vinda de trabalhadores nacionais principalmente do Nordeste, que tangidos pelas secas buscavam novos horizontes na Amazônia. Quanto à Representação Política, analisamos como no Amazonas seus atores políticos e econômicos se articulavam na defesa da borracha nos seus respectivos fóruns: A Assembléia Legislativa Provincial e a Associação Comercial do Amazonas. A definição desses temas nos remeteu a uma questão importante para a melhor compreensão do período republicano: a transição da Monarquia à República, à luz dos movimentos Abolicionista e Republicano, onde o Amazonas participa de forma efervescente do movimento abolicionista, tornando-se a segunda província a abolir a Escravidão, em 1º de julho de 1884. Por fim o estudo procura articular a relação que se desenvolveu no Amazonas entre essa economia exportadora peculiar, a ação de suas elites políticas e a vivência como Estado / Abstract: This work reviews the inclusion of the state of Amazonas in the Old Republic, from the dynamism and collapse of its main product, rubber with emphasis on three themes: Federalism, Exporting Economy and Political Representation. The review of Federalism is restricted to the tax issue, focusing the debate on the Discriminations of Revenues on the Constitution of 1891, and its repercussion in the exporting states, highlighting the state of Amazonas and its exceptional tax situation. As far as the exporting economy is concerned, rubber represented its main product, which rubber represented its main product, which between 1870 and 1912, places the Amazon Region on a unique position within the national economic setting, as the second product in the brazilian exporting list. The dispute for the surplus generated is evidenced within the public sphere with the tax disputes involving the states of Amazonas and Pará, and in the private sphere with the connection of an ample network of debts and credits know as the ¿Sistema de Aviamento¿(goods supply system). The driving for the collection of latex was not founded on slave manpower, owing to the specificity of the product, scattered through the forest. The solution for the problem was the arrival of national laborers chiefly from the Northeast, who driven by the draught looked for new horizons in the Amazon. As to the Political Representation, we have reviewed as in the State of Amazonas its political and economic actors used to articulate in defense of rubber within their respective forums: the Provincial Legislative House and within the State of Amazonas Trade Association. The definition of such themes referred us to an important issue for a better understanding of the republican period: the transition from monarchy to republic from the perspective of the abolitionistic and republic movements, where the State of the Amazonas participated in a vivid way of the abolitionistic movement becoming the second province to abolish slavery in July 1, 1884. Finally, the study tries to articulate the relationship that was developed in the State of Amazonas between this unique exporting economy, the action of its political elites and the existence as an state / Doutorado / Historia Economica / Doutor em Ciências Econômicas

A representação política tem sido objeto de críticas hodiernamente em razão, principalmente, da incapacidade de os representantes observarem as preferências dos eleitores. Tal fato conduziu, em um primeiro momento, ao crescimento da crítica participatória, com a pretensão de substituição do regime representativo pela democracia direta, mas se constatou que a representação possui qualidades intrínsecas que a tornam uma forma de arranjo político adaptado a dar vozes às múltiplas minorias sociais. Por este motivo, representação e participação passam a ser vistos como fenômenos políticos complementares e não antitéticos. Mesmo assim, é preciso compreender a representação política de uma forma em que as eleições, antes de constituírem uma mera forma de aquisição de autoridade, engendrem um complexo mecanismo de aquisição de obrigações e responsabilidade. Para tanto, o presente estudo insere a questão relativa ao controle e prestação de contas accountability em um panorama de pluralidade de dimensões qualitativas da democracia, para culminar com a demonstração de que a democracia é um governo limitado e, portanto, os representantes eleitos estão sujeitos à várias formas de accountability popular, institucional e social. / Political representation has been the subject of criticism in our times due mainly to the inability of representatives to observe the preferences of voters. This fact leds, at first, the growth of participatory critical, with the intention of replacing the representative government by direct democracy, but it was found that the representation has intrinsic qualities that make it a form of political arrangement adapted to give voice to the multiple social minorities. For this reason, representation and participation are seen as complementary rather than antithetical political phenomena. Still, one must understand the political representation in a way that elections before constitute a mere way of acquiring authority, engender a complex mechanism of purchase obligations and responsibility. Thus, the present study starts with the question of the control and accountability in a panorama of multiple qualitative dimensions of democracy, to culminate in the demonstration that democracy is a limited government and therefore the elected representatives are subject to various forms of accountability - popular, institutional and social.

Este trabalho é dedicado à análise do fenômeno partidário brasileiro. Mais especificamente, apresenta maiores detalhes de algumas de suas feições degeneradas e busca identificar, no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, as possíveis principais causas normativas que expliquem este processo para, em seguida, propor alternativas possivelmente capazes de combatê-lo. O foco do estudo é essencialmente jurídico, visto que, os partidos políticos, após longa e deliberada omissão dos legisladores (constitucionais, principalmente), desde meados do século XX, vêm afirmando sua presença nos ordenamentos jurídicos de todo o mundo. Hoje, portanto, os partidos políticos são amplamente reconhecidos como um dos principais players do cenário político e, como tal, têm merecido uma atenção cada vez maior dos juristas. Pois se o direito em geral e o constitucional em particular - interessa-se por todos os principais aspectos que envolvem o processo de aquisição, exercício e perda do poder político dentro do Estado, nada mais natural que também passe a interessar-se em regular o funcionamento destas associações especificamente constituídas para este propósito. Entretanto, apesar de reconhecido e regulado pelo direito legislado, o fenômeno partidário está sujeito à incidência de uma série de dinâmicas próprias que só podem ser investigadas sob o prisma sociológico ou político. Esta é uma realidade que não pode ser ignorada pelo jurista que se aventurar em apontar a necessidade de realização de ajustes normativos nas regras do jogo político. Por este motivo, o trabalho, apesar de seu enfoque jurídico, busca na ciência política evidências empíricas que apontem para a adequação ou inadequação das normas vigentes e das propostas ao final formuladas. O primeiro capítulo focalizará, principalmente, a evolução histórica dos partidos políticos brasileiros. O segundo enumerará algumas das principais características degeneradas de nosso sistema partidário. Finalmente, o terceiro procurará apontar as causas normativas para as deficiências encontradas e proporá, quando necessários, ajustes na regulamentação partidária, eleitoral e institucional vigentes. / This work is dedicated to the analysis of the Brazilian partisan phenomenon. More specifically, it presents greater details of some of its depraved features and tries to identify, in the Brazilian legal system, the main possible normative causes that explain this process for, after that, to consider altematives possibly capable to fight it. The focus of the study is essentially legal, since, the political parties, afier long and deliberated omission of the legislators (constitutional, mainly), since middle of century XX, come affirming its presence in the legal systems of the whole world. Today, therefore, the political parties are widely recognized as one of the main players of the politician scene and, as such, have deserved more and more attention from the jurists. Therefore, if the law in general - and specially the constitutional law - are interested for all the main aspects that involve the process of acquisition, exercise and loss of the politician power within the State, nothing more natural than also interest itself in regulating the functioning of these associations specifically constituted for this intention. However, although recognized and regulated for the legislated law, the partisan phenomenon is put under the incidence of a special dynamic series that only can be investigated under the sociological or politician prisms. This is a reality that cannot be ignored by the jurist who ventures himself in pointing the necessity of accomplishment of normative adjustments in the rules of the politician game. For this reason, the work, although its legal approach, searches in science politics empirical evidences that indicates the adequacy or inadequacy of the effective norms and of the proposals formulated at the end. The first chapter will focus, mainly, the historical evolution of the Brazilian political parties. The second will enumerate some of the main depraved characteristics of our partisan system. Finally, the third will try to point the normative causes related to the joined deficiencies and will consider, when necessary, adjustments in partisan, electoral and institutional effective rules.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Artur Rega Lauandos.pdf: 1096171 bytes, checksum: 69e7a67a8a2e302a5999b61c53487c23 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-11 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study aims to investigate the relationship between democracy and corruption, in particular the impacts that the phenomenon brings to the greatest locus of political representation in the Brazilian society: the Parliament. To that end, a detailed analysis of the institution is made, since its origins in England, the periods of historical development and its tasks and challenges in the twenty-first century. An investigation is made, in a historical perspective, of the formation of Parliament in Brazil, of the political and economic forces which influenced and composed it and how corruption was inserted in its interior subtracting its functions that are so important and characteristic, especially political representation. For this latest research, some cases of corruption are taken, by investigating its origins, the personal relationships that they exploit, the power network in which they take place and the effects on the development of congressmen activities. Corruption is presented as a result and as a factor of the maintenance of institutional underdevelopment in societies of patrimonial domination and as a symptom of the contradictions of modern democracies. / O presente trabalho visa à investigação das relações entre democracia e corrupção, em especial dos impactos que o fenômeno traz ao locus maior de representatividade política da sociedade brasileira: O Congresso Nacional. Para tanto, realiza-se uma análise detida da instituição Parlamento , desde suas origens na Inglaterra, os períodos históricos de desenvolvimento, suas funções e desafios no século XXI. Perquire-se, sob uma perspectiva histórica, como se deu a formação do Parlamento Nacional no Brasil, quais as forças políticas e econômicas que o compuseram e o influenciaram e como a corrupção foi inserida em seu seio subtraindo-lhe funções que lhe são tão caras e características, em especial a representação política. Para essa última investigação apresentada, tomam-se alguns casos de corrupção, pesquisando-se suas origens, as relações pessoais que os instrumentalizam, as redes de poder em que se inserem e os efeitos sob o desenvolvimento dos trabalhos parlamentares. Apresenta-se a corrupção como um resultado e fator de manutenção do subdesenvolvimento institucional nas sociedades de dominação patrimonialista e como um sintoma das contradições das modernas democracias.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:20:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Janete Krack Magnagnagno.pdf: 912632 bytes, checksum: ecf65045d826225b8fef234fbcc4351a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-07-24 / The aim of this work is to analyze the political representation presents in the Social Welfare municipal council, located in the Foz do Iguaçu city, Paraná state in Brazil. The Councils managers express the expansion of different forms of civil society participation in public administration and have introduced new forms of political representation, performed by civil society and government actors that proposes themselves to act in this instance as representatives of a specific segment. In accordance with the specific literature, the studies of political representation considers some types of representation: The mandate, the virtual , the advocacy, the discursive, the affinity and the contingent. The discussion about political representation has been realized around the dichotomies that involves some questions: Is the legitimacy of the representative action based in the authorization or there are other forms of legitimacy? Does the representativeacts on the interests of the group that it represents or its action is free? Are there mechanisms that can control and sanction the representatives? Is the mandate revoked? In this context, this study considers that the setting of the political representation presents in this Council recognizes that the political representantion is legitimed by three essential criteria: the affinity, authorization and the relation with social organization. This process results in a representation that presents the limits that are involved in the sharing power between government and civil society. / Os conselhos gestores além de expressarem a ampliação das formas de participação da sociedade civil na gestão pública, também têm apresentado novas formas de representação política, exercidas pelos atores da sociedade civil e do governo que se propõe a atuar nesta instância como representantes de determinado segmento. Os estudos sobre representação política introduzem tipos de representação: mandato, virtual, advocacy, discursiva, afinidade e contingente. A discussão de representação política é realizada em torno de dicotomias que a permeiam, quais sejam: a legitimidade da atuação do representante está ancorada na autorização ou há outras formas de legitimação; O representante atua sobre os interesses dos representados ou sua atuação é livre; existem mecanismos de controle e sanção dos representantes e o mandato é ou não revogável. A análise refere-se ao Conselho Municipal de Assistência Social do município de Foz do Iguaçu-PR, enquanto instância de representação política, percebendo que o cenário institucional do mesmo determina uma representação política cuja legitimação ocorre obrigatoriamente por três critérios indispensáveis: a afinidade, a autorização e a vinculação com organização social, tendo como resultante uma representação que apresenta limites para o ideal de partilha de poder entre governo e sociedade civil.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Zaira Maria Arretche_Dissertacao.pdf: 767049 bytes, checksum: 415dbfa6b2a80e7434eec25f1e1859dc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-11 / This essay examines the concepts of political representation of three contemporary democratic theories. It aims at exploring their theoretical consistency both regarding the democratic process and the electoral representativeness. The elitist theory of democracy, as framed by Joseph Schumpeter, is based upon the assumption that voters lack discernment skills while political elites have leadership capacity. As a result, representation can be grounded on authority formalism, as well as political participation could be restricted to the choice of representatives. Democracy would be ensured by this decision-making method. The republicanist Philip Pettit's theory, by its turn, is based on republican principles. The non-domination ideal requires the active participation of society, not only in the choice of representatives. Instead, the capability to compete in the decision sphere of power would allow voters to recall representatives by means of control mechanisms established by the rule of law. The theory of radical democracy, as framed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, lacks the prescriptive features of the two previous ones. It is based on a new analytical perspective of society, which breaks with essentialism dichotomy. They propose an agonistic model of democracy, which takes into account the plural nature of manhood, which is antagonistic and affectionate. As a result, this theory frames the role of representatives differently. As theories of representative democracy, these models of representation present themselves as critical operacionalization, with internal contradictions. As a result, they may, on some dimensions, de-constitute themselves either as democratic theories or as theories of representation. / Esta dissertação analisa as ideias de representação política de três teorias contemporâneas da democracia, com o propósito de demonstrar sua pertinência teórica no que diz respeito ao processo democrático e à representatividade eleitoral. A ideia de representação na teoria democrática elitista, tal como postulada por Joseph Schumpeter, baseia-se no pressuposto da incapacidade de discernimento por parte do eleitor, em contraposição à capacidade de liderança da elite política. Este pressuposto empírico conferiria justificativa moral para o formalismo da autoridade e à participação eleitoral restrita à escolha dos representantes. Nestas bases, as decisões políticas seriam democráticas. A teoria republicana, por sua vez, tal como formulada por Philip Pettit, tem por base o ideal de não-dominação. Por ser republicana, requer a participação ativa da sociedade, para além da escolha dos representantes. O cidadão teria capacidade para disputar decisões nas esferas de poder e destituir seus representantes, através da instituição do império da lei, com diversos mecanismos de controle. Por fim, a teoria da democracia radical, tal como formulada por Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe, não apresenta as características prescritivas das teorias anteriores. Baseia sua análise da sociedade em uma nova perspectiva, de ruptura com o essencialismo dicotômico. Propõe um modelo agonístico da democracia, que leva em consideração a natureza humana plural, antagônica e afetiva. Estes pressupostos implicam um reordenamento da função dos representantes. Enquanto teorias da democracia representativa, estes modelos de representação constituem-se em uma operacionalidade fundamental, os quais podem apresentar, algumas vezes, contradições internas, culminando por desconstituí-las como teorias democráticas ou como teorias representativas.

Les arrêtés des assemblées générales des sections parisiennes sont les actes politiques et juridiques à travers lesquels les citoyens de la ville de Paris s’expriment et décident. Ils peuvent aussi bien contenir des mesures destinées à être appliquée localement la plupart du temps que des pétitions adressées aux élus, ou aux autres lieux de pouvoir. Ils portent sur des domaines très variés : subsistances, instruction publique, questions militaires, assistance et secours publics… L’an I de la République française, et plus précisément la période qui s’étend du 21 septembre 1792 au 5 septembre 1793 correspond à l’élargissement de la participation citoyenne (fin du cens), à la préparation par les législateurs d’une nouvelle Constitution censée entériner ces nouveaux droits, mais elle voit également la construction de nouveaux outils institutionnels pour faire face à une situation d’urgence, aux fondements du futur Gouvernement révolutionnaire.À travers les pratiques de la production (délibération) et de la diffusion (interactions des citoyens avec les autres acteurs) des arrêtés, il s’agit de comprendre le fonctionnement des assemblées générale et quel « modèle » de la citoyenneté en ressort. En suivant le parcours de arrêtés hors de l’assemblée, notamment dans les assemblées d’élus que sont le conseil général de la Commune de Paris et la Convention nationale, il s’agit également de savoir comment la parole populaire façonne les choix politiques de la nation et entre en compte dans l'élaboration des lois. En quoi les arrêtés contribuent-ils à construire un régime d’un type nouveau, une république à la fois démocratique et représentative ? / The orders issued by the general assemblies of Parisian sections are politic and juridical acts used by the citizens of Paris to express themselves and take decisions. These acts can be local bylaws (applied in the area of the section), as well as petitions addressed to deputies or other authorities. They dealt with various affairs: subsistence, education, the military, public assistance, etc.The first year of French republic, especially from 21st September 1792, to 5th September 1793, see the extension of the electoral body (end of the ownership vote) and the drafting of a new constitution by the Assembly in order to consecrate these rights. New institutional devices are also designed to tackle situations of emergency in a time of war and civil unrest, and they become the foundation of the revolutionary government and the Terror.The study of the production and the diffusion of the decrees of the Parisian sections reveals how the general assemblies are organized and what type of citizenship they shape. Following the course of the decrees after their redaction in the sections, especially in the elected assemblies of the General council of the Paris Commune and the National Convention, one can see how the popular voice is taken into account in the drafting of laws and resulte in political decisions. In other words, it reveals to what extent the voice of the people influence the construction of a new government, the first democratic and representative republic.

This thesis deals with political representation in EU multi-level governance. The European Union and its political system is quite complex, due to its unusual and multi-level governance. It has gained the reputation of capturing professionalism, and conforming to elite governance to a point where it is seen as an elite political game. The thesis wish to examine the European political system, and ask the questions, how important is the degree of consent between the political elite and the public in the European Union? Does it necessarily have an effect on the system of political representation as such, and if is does, does it influence legitimacy? Or in other terms, is it necessary for a degree of consent between the political elite and the public for political representation and legitimacy? The European Union has a tendancy to gain critique for its focus on professionalism and elitism, and I wish therefore to state that it is important to generate an evident relationship between political representation and legitimacy in EU multi-level governance. It is necessesary to create a functioning relationship between the political elite and the public, but it does not necessarily mean that it influence political representation and legitimacy. It is important to view the opportunities for political representation and legitimacy in a situation such as this. The degree of consent is not to create an impossibility for sufficient political representation and legitimacy in the European Union, is it?

La recherche porte sur un système de représentation mis en place à Rome au niveau local en 2004, dans le but d'impliquer les non citoyens européens résidant dans la capitale italienne, dans le processus de prise de décisions collectives. Un tel système de représentation est composé de deux formes de représentation différentes: il s'agit, primo, de quatre «conseillers ajoutés» élus périodiquement au Conseil municipal de Rome par les non citoyens européens résidents et, secundo, de la «Consulta pour la représentation des communautés étrangères» également élue périodiquement et simultanément aux «conseillers ajoutés» par les non citoyens européens résidents. Une analyse comparative approfondie de ces deux formes de représentation, dont un tel système représentatif bicéphale est composé, nous permet de vérifier nos hypothèses de fond. Voici la première : ces deux formes de représentation sont conçues et réalisées suivant deux logiques tout à fait différentes, voire antithétiques, sinon incompatibles, de sorte que ce que l'on donne pour acquis, le fait que de telles formes de représentation peuvent bien coexister s'intégrant l'une à l'autre, est en fait à mettre en question. Voici la deuxième : un tel système représentatif est une sorte de réactualisation, sous certains aspects, des premières formes de participation politique par le biais de représentants élus dans une conjoncture nouvelle, car certaines de ses caractéristiques marquent un retour aux formes initiales du gouvernement représentatif. De la sorte, ce que l'on donne pour acquis, le fait que ce système de représentation est bien novateur, voire il constitue une véritable nouveauté, est en fait à mettre en question / This research is about a representative system, which was implemented in Rome at the local level in 2004, to involve not European citizens living in the Italian Capital in decision making process. This representative system is composed of two different forms of representation : firstly, four "Added (town) Councillors", who are periodically elected into the Rome municipal Council by not European citizens living in Rome; secondly, the "City Consulta representing foreign communities", which is also periodically elected simultaneously with the four "Added (town) Councillors" by not European citizens living in Rome. By performing a comparative analysis of the two forms of representation this bicephalous representative system is composed of, we will be able to test our main hypotheses. The first one is that these two forms of representation are conceived and implemented according to two very different, contrasting, antithetic logics, which are opposed to one another, if not incompatible. Therefore, it requires us to call into question a priori assumptions about the compatibility of these two forms of representation. The second one is that, in some regards, this representative system is somewhat of a readjustment of the initial forms of political participation through elected representatives under the present circumstances, for the reason that its underlying principles are partially in contrast to today's top trending characteristics of contemporary Western democracies, but similar to nascent modern democracies' characteristics. Therefore, it requires us to call into question a priori assumptions that this representative system is absolutely innovative, or even a real novelty

This study set out to answer how and to what extent the gendered effects of the COVID-19 pandemic are addressed in parliamentary debates in the Southern African regional context. As both the proportion of women in parliament and the level of democracy have been established by previous research as important conditions for women to be able to act for women as a group, four countries with varying combinations of these factors are examined. By conducting both a quantitative and a qualitative text analysis on Hansards from South Africa, Botswana, Zimbabwe, and Zambia, the study analyses the extent to which the gendered effects of the pandemic are addressed and how they are addressed respectively. The results reveal that a combination of a high proportion of women in parliament and a high degree of democracy is the most favourable condition for enabling the substantive representation of women. A democracy with a low proportion of women in parliament is shown to be more allowing for the substantive representation of women than an electoral autocracy with a high proportion of women in parliament. Moreover, the qualitative frame analysis sheds light on the different issues which are in focus on the framing of the gendered effects of the pandemic in different parliaments depending on their level of democracy. Particularly, the issue of gender-based violence in relation to the COVID-19 pandemic is found to have reached the political agenda in the democratic cases, whereas MPs in the less democratic parliaments are more likely to feminize their cause by focusing more on traditionally feminine policy issues such as the health effects of women within the context of the pandemic.