The purpose of this study was to investigate empirically the political talk show phenomenon in Taiwan. Specifically, the study examined the perceived influence of political talk shows on the Taiwanese audience themselves (first-person effect) and others (third-person effect), the attitudinal antecedents of the perceived influences, and attitude toward restrictions on political talk shows. Data were collected from a convenient sample of 1053 adult Taiwanese citizens via an online survey. The results supported the hypothesized relationships between attitude toward political talk shows and perceived influence of the shows on self and others. Results also supported the looking glass perception hypothesis whereby the perceived influence of political talk shows on oneself was projected onto that of others. The perceived influences on self and others were unrelated to attitude toward restrictions, however.

This study expands research on uses and gratifications by exploring political information-seeking uses of the Internet and social networking sites (SNS) and their relationships with political efficacy and political participation. Approximately 300 young adults completed a survey covering information-seeking, information access, and information sharing uses for local civic and political purposes. The study hypothesizes that young adults' political talk, particularly in their online social networks, is associated with political efficacy. Variables that support the relationship between information-seeking and political efficacy are also explored. Random and convenience samples of young adults were combined in this study to explore the cognitive (perceived efficacy) and civic (actual behavior) behaviors of undergraduate students at Virginia Tech in order to examine the role of political talk in individuals' opinion networks measured by the outcome of political talk. Results show considerable support for hypotheses emphasizing the predicted relationships between Internet and SNS for political information-seeking uses, political efficacy, and political participation gratifications. Future research exploring the broad range of political communication uses and their association with political efficacy and political participation is warranted. / Master of Arts

Engaging in productive political discussion has long been a valued aspect of American democratic life. Due to ease of access and the potential for exposure to diverse views, the Internet and social media may support mediated political talk. Literature on the concept of face and politeness theory provides a framework for understanding interpersonal interactions, both online and offline. To understand if social media has the potential to host political discussion among millennials, a survey (N = 352) of undergraduate students examined social media use and political interaction experiences. Facebook was the most popular platform for exposure to others' political opinions and political self-expression. Facebook users with more diverse networks engaged in more political expression. Across numerous platforms, participants reported frequently being exposed to others' political opinions but infrequently sharing their own views. Negative and positive political interactions on Facebook and Twitter were explored for their threat to and support of negative face (need for autonomy) and positive face (need for validation). Findings indicate that engaging in negative interactions leads to more face threat while observing negative interactions solicits more face support. Engaging in positive interactions results in more face support and observing positive interactions leads to more face threat. Across interaction type and platform, participants who actively engaged in political interactions as opposed to merely observing them reported significantly more subsequent online political engagement. Future research on political interactions across various social media platforms and the application of interpersonal communication theory to the study of mediated political talk is warranted. / Master of Arts

The paper starts by providing the overview of the Eurovision Song Contest, its participant countries and the audience. The aim of the research is to find out how everyday political talk takes place on non-political platforms. For this study, a blog dedicated to the Eurovision Song Contest was chosen. The research is netnographic, and the conclusions are drawn based on content analysis (the comments left on the Eurovision news blog - Wiwibloggs.com) and interviews with the journalists of the blog. The paper approaches the blog as anon-institutionalized space, also known as “the third space.” It covers issues such as nation branding, communication in an anonymous setting and deliberative democracy. The paper further analyses different characteristics of the content shared on the blog and answers a question on whether such content is agonistic or antagonistic by nature.

2004年總統大選前後台灣出現許多電視政論節目，其中以劇作家汪笨湖主持年代MUCH台「台灣心聲」節目曾帶動台語政論風潮，引發「台灣心聲現象」，這個現象之後隨政治情勢變化等原因結束節目。政論節目召喚閱聽人的「認同」，閱聽人也對政論節目產生「迷」現象。政論節目與政治、國族認同結合，節目內容呈現特定符碼與意識形態。 / 本研究依據Hall的媒介文化模型，從這個概念研究產製流程、文本、與接收者解碼，了解其中的儀式性參與及最後形成的認同，透過「台灣心聲」政論節目的意義生產（編碼）與消費（解碼）面向，來觀察政論節目的文化產品意義。 / 本研究由研究者參與並觀察政論節目的運作流程，發現影響政論節目運作的因素包括收視率、主持人、政經大氣候、電視台小氣候等，呈現動態變化。本研究採論述分析法分析「台灣心聲」節目文本所呈現的認同意涵與意識形態建構。研究發現，當涉及族群及國族認同時，政論節目展演者在國家、台灣、中華民國、拚經濟等議題與符號上，呈現出運作差異範疇，透過符號運作政論節目區分出我者與他者的差異認同。 / 本研究深入訪問長期收看「台灣心聲」節目的閱聽人，了解閱聽人觀看節目的動機及認同；並採問卷調查法抽樣大台北地區大學生了解閱聽人選擇觀看的政論節目與其政治認同的關連性。深度觀看「台灣心聲」的受訪者強調認同「台灣主體意識」，台灣心聲的節目呈現形式、主持人風格、台語說書式模式並進一步產生了「迷」現象。 / Many political talk shows were brought forth in Taiwan before and after the 2004 presidential campaign. One of the shows, “Taiwanese Hearty Voice” in the channel “MUCH”, hosted by a playwright, Wang Ben Hu, surged the political talk shows in Taiwaness native tongue that caused the so-called “the phenomenon of Taiwanese Hearty Voice”. The phenomenon has waned while the political fever dropped and the show has ceased. Political talk shows arouse a sense of ‘identity’ among the audience and the audience is prone to be ‘fans’ of the shows. Political talk shows combined with politics and national identity present special encoding and ideology. / The thesis is based upon the Media Culture Model by Dr. Stuart Hall. From the model on the media process of production, text and the decoding of audience, the audience’s ritual participation and the finalized identity are studied. Through the political talk show case of “Taiwaness Hearty Voice”, I studied the media production of meaning “encoding” and comsuming “decoding” to explore the culture insight of the political talk show production. / The author of this thesis played both roles as participant and the observer in the show’s operation process and found the factors that affect the operation of political talk shows, such as ratings, who’s the host, political and economical climate at the moment, the atmosphere in the TV company, etc. They are dynamical. The method applied is discourse analysis, that analyses the identity insight and ideological structure presented by the text of “Taiwanese Hearty Voice”. It is found that, when involving ethnic and national identity, the participants of the show characterized distinct differences in the issues and encoding on “country”, “Taiwan”, “Republic of China” and “straining for economy”, etc. Manipulating the endcoding of political talk shows can distinguish the different identity between ‘we-group’ and ‘they-group’. / In order to understand the audience’s motivaton and identity, a survey is conducted to interview long-term audience of “Taiwanese Hearty Voice”. It adopted questionnaire survey and sampled college students in Grand Taipei area to correlate the choice of which political talk show to view and his/her political identity. In the survey, the audience who admits to be loyal audience of “Taiwanese Hearty Voice” emphasizes ‘the ideology of Taiwan’s identity’. “Taiwanese Hearty Voice” has presented its special form, host manner, and talk- show style in native Taiwanese tongue, which further produced a ‘fans’ phenomenon.

No description available.

本論文藉由檢視臺灣政論節目中所使用的語用策略（直接或間接）、語言行為類別、及語言行為目的，探討政治意識型態對於語言行為產生的影響。本研究以Grice（1975）的合作原則與Searle（1969）的語言行為理論作為分析框架，並以Leech（1983）的禮貌原則解釋語用策略及語言行為在不同政論節目中的分布差異。 　　本研究從臺灣主流的政論節目當中，政治光譜兩極的政論節目「大話新聞」（泛綠）與「2100全民開講」（泛藍）採集語料；並以Searle（1965年）的語言行為理論進行分析，總共識別12類直接語言行為和26類間接語言行為。 　　研究結果顯示，（一）語用策略方面，說話者在政論節目中使用間接語言行為的頻率比直接語言行為頻繁。（二）語言行為類別方面，直接語言行為中，排序則為：斷言（Assertive）、表述（Expressive）、指示（Directive）；而間接語言行為中，各類別使用頻率由高至低排序為：表述（Expressive）、斷言（Assertive）、指示（Directive）。（三）在政治意識型態的影響方面，支持執政黨的政論節目行使較多「直接且事實導向」的語言行為，而支持反對黨的政論節目則有較多的「間接且評論導向」的語言行為。（四）「譴責」是政論節中最常使用的語言行為，並且以間接方式表達居多。（五）推論過程中，推論步驟較多的「間接譴責」語言行為在政論節目中較常被使用。（六）「大話新聞」與「2100全民開講」雖偏向不同的政治意識型態，但是它們皆以斷言類（Assertive）或指示類（Directive）的語言行為來包裝，藉以間接達到「譴責」執政黨疏失的目的。 / This thesis investigates the political-ideological influence on speech acts in Taiwan political talk shows by examining the pragmatic strategies (directness and indirectness), the speech act categories, and the illocutionary purposes performed in the talk shows. In this thesis, Gricean maxims (1975) and Searle’s theory of speech acts (1969) are adopted as the analytic frames to study how speech acts are conducted, and Leech’s (1983) notions of politeness are the theoretical basis for explaining the distributional difference of pragmatic strategies. 　　The data analyzed in this study is composed of dialogues extracted from 6 episodes of two political talk shows with opposite stances on political issues, namely DaHuaXingWen (大話新聞), the pan-green talk show, and QuanMinKaiJiang (2100全民開講), the pan-blue one. Following Searle’s scheme of speech acts (1965), this study identifies the illocutionary act of every clause in the data and recognizes 12 types of direct speech acts and 26 types of indirect speech acts in the collected data. 　　The results of quantitative analysis show that, (1) indirect speech act is generally performed more frequently than indirect speech act in political talk shows. (2) The order of frequency in direct speech acts represents as: Assertive > Expressive > Directive; and in indirect speech acts, the order of frequency is: Expressive > Assertive > Directive. (3) In terms of the political-ideological influence, the political talks show supporting the ruling party (QuanMinKaiJiang) performs direct fact-orientated speech acts more, while the show that standing in the opposition to the ruling party (DaHuaXingWen) has more indirect opinion-oriented speech acts. (4) Condemnation is the most often used illocutionary act in political talk shows, and mainly done indirectly. (5) Indirect condemnations with longer length of inferential process are preferred in political talk shows. (6) Despite that DaHuaXingWen and QuanMinKaiJiang held different political stance, they share the same pattern of expressing indirect condemnation—wrapping it in speech acts of Assertives or Directives.

Submitted by Caroline Xavier (caroline.xavier@pucrs.br) on 2017-07-03T13:27:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_FELIPE_GOULART_TOMKOWSKI_COMPLETO.pdf: 661319 bytes, checksum: 652d7011baedb676606b1b58f3f86c31 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-03T13:27:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_FELIPE_GOULART_TOMKOWSKI_COMPLETO.pdf: 661319 bytes, checksum: 652d7011baedb676606b1b58f3f86c31 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-30 / A presente disserta??o tem por objetivo investigar o valor instrumental do comportamento humano para o funcionamento da democracia atrav?s da ideia de raz?o p?blica. A intera??o que existe entre governo e cidad?os ? determinante para que as pol?ticas p?blicas de um pa?s sejam condizentes com as prefer?ncias da popula??o e n?o de grupos de poder. Sendo assim, torna-se importante analisar a ideia subjacente ? democracia de "governo pela discuss?o" ? luz de teorias que nos iluminem tanto no que diz respeito ? ideia de decis?o coletiva justa, quanto, ao real comportamento humano. Para tal, primeiramente ? apresentada a ideia de raz?o p?blica a contraponto, em particular, as vis?es de Rawls e Sen, dando ?nfase para ao conceito de imparcialidade nas decis?es pol?ticas. Em seguida, na terceira se??o, trabalham-se as ideais de racionalidade, razoabilidade, introduzindo-se os conceitos de heur?sticas, vieses, e valores sociais. Assim, constr?i-se uma associa??o para se pensar sobre os resultados de diferentes tipos de comportamento humano para a democracia e como ? poss?vel refletir a partir dele sobre as ideias de objetividade posicional e transcendental. Finalmente, na se??o IV, realiza-se uma investiga??o emp?rica atrav?s da base de sobre a rela??o entre percep??es sobre informa??es e disposi??es pol?ticas e a frequ?ncia de conversa sobre pol?tica com os amigos. Utiliza-se um modelo de regress?o log?stica ordenada, com dados do Latino Bar?metro de 2015 para o Brasil, aliado ao m?todo de componentes principais para capturar dimens?es explicativas relevantes. Os seguintes resultados obtidos contradizem as hip?teses pr?vias: a falta de confian?a no governo e a percep??o de garantias faltantes n?o significativos, o ativismo dissociado a causas espec?ficas reduz, ao passo que, um senso de cidadania ao reverso aumenta as chances de se conversar sobre pol?tica com mais frequ?ncia com amigos. / The present dissertation aims to investigate the instrumental role of human behaviour for democracy through the idea of public reason. The interaction between government and citizens is decisive for a country's public policies to be in line with population preferences rather than power groups. Thus, it becomes important to analyse the idea underlying democracy of "government by discussion" in the light of theories that enlighten us both with regard to the idea of just collective decision and real human behaviour. To this end, we first counterpoint the idea of public reason, in particular, of Rawls and Sen, with an emphasis on the concept of impartiality in political decisions. Then, in the third section, we work on the notions of rationality, reasonableness, introducing the concepts of heuristics, biases, and social values. Thus, an association is constructed for thinking about the results of different types of human behavior for democracy and how the ideas of positional and transcendental objectivity fit this purpose well. Finally, in section IV, we conduct an empirical investigation based on the relationship between perceptions of relevant political information and dispositions and the frequency of political talk with friends. We use a logistic regression model, with data from the 2015 Latin Barometer for Brazil, combined with principal components method to capture relevant explanatory dimensions. The following results contradict previous hypotheses: lack of trust in the government and the perception of absent guarantees are not significant, while activism dissociated of specific causes reduces and a reverse sense of citizenship increases the chances of talking about politics more frequently with friends.

Fear is a challenge for European democracies today that is discussed in the same breath as rising populism and anti-immigrant speech. However, it seems that fear has also become a defining principle for Western (post)modern society in many other areas of life. This observation has been framed by the term culture of fear and described by recognized sociologists like Ulrich Beck, Zygmunt Bauman and Frank Furedi. They argue that changing social conditions like individualisation and globalisation have altered Western society’s preoccupation with security, uncertainty and risk. In consequence, Bauman and Furedi talk about a fear that has become “free-floating” and “liquid”. This research project asks about the implications of such a culture of fear for society and takes a closer look at what has been described as politics of fear. By conducting a critical political discourse analysis of the political talk show hart aber fair, this paper aims at tracing politics of fear in the German discourse over migration during the “refugee crisis” (2015-2017). In a three-tiered approach, the investigation embarks by defining culture of fear and its social premises, followed by a discussion of politics of fear theories drawing upon such concepts as precaution, prevention and securitisation. Emerging from this discussion, both a “traditional” politics with fear and a (post)modern politics of uncertainty are identified. The subsequent analysis of a selected hart aber fair episode from the 5th September 2016 bases on Siegfried Jäger’s approach to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and examines the argumentation and interaction of the guests in the debate. The findings indicate that in addition to the use of fear as a political means for populist politicians, the narrative of the “fearful society” has on a whole permeated the German political discourse over migration. Hence, culture of fear offers a new perspective for the understanding of political discourse and the current developments in political practice.