This study hypothesizes that the major barriers to expanded trade between the U.S. and Eastern Europe are systemic in nature. Using this approach, each political/ economic system is examined in an attempt to define the obstacles to foreign trade expansion, to describe the most important systemic and political factors at work, and to demonstrate how they have determined and will continue to shape the economic relationships between the U.S. and the countries of Eastern Europe. A final synthesis presents the two systems in a unified picture of the economic environment and concludes that significant trade expansion is unlikely in the near future due to basic systemic incompatibilities which impede the resolution of key foreign trade problems.

Réfléchir sur le « bon régime », c’est s’interroger sur l’organisation politique qui convienne à la nature imparfaite de l’homme. Cette nature, combinée avec la contingence dans laquelle l’action humaine se déploie, rend illusoires les tentatives de constructions théoriques et absolument parfaites. Le « bon régime », c’est un régime juste, modéré, orienté vers le bien commun. Mais c’est surtout un régime adapté à la communauté qu’il a pour vocation d’organiser. Le pragmatisme et la « prudence » sont nécessaires pour dégager la constitution qui convient à la communauté politique. La composition sociologique de celle-ci, son histoire, ses moeurs et ses traditions déterminent pour une large part les solutions constitutionnelles qui peuvent être mises en oeuvre. Le « régime » s’insère dans un « système » qui le détermine en partie. Le régime mixte est pendant longtemps apparu comme la forme institutionnelle adaptée à la réalisation du bon régime puisqu’il permet la juste représentation des divers intérêts en présence et l’adhésion du plus grand nombre. Son apparente disparition à l’époque moderne et contemporaine est trompeuse, car ses caractéristiques principales, notamment la modération et l’équilibre, évoluent et se transforment pour s’adapter aux nouvelles réalités. Le constitutionnalisme moderne, par son attachement aux mécanismes de distribution des pouvoirs censés garantir l’équilibre et la modération du pouvoir en est l’illustration parfaite. Mais c’est surtout la persistance paradoxale de diverses formes d’hétéronomies – sociologique, morale, naturelle – qui montre que les modernes et les contemporains n’ont pas rompu de manière définitive avec le « bon régime », si cher aux anciens. / Reflecting on the concept of « good political regime » means reflecting on the best suited political organisation for the imperfect nature of man. This nature, combined with the contingency in which human action occurs, makes all tentative of perfect theoretical constructions illusionary. The « good political regime » is a fair regime and a moderate one oriented towards common good. But it is above all a government adapted to the community it intends to organise. Pragmatism and prudence are necessary in order to organise the most suitable constitution for the political community. Its sociological composition, its history, its customs and traditions are for a large part responsible in determining the constitutional solutions that can be implemented. The political regime occurs in fact in a political system which determines it in return. A “mixed” constitution has appeared for a long time as the most adequate institutional form, as it enables the fairest representation of the diversity of its interest, and the adhesion of the majority to the constitution. Its apparent disappearance in modern times is deceiving since its most distinctive features, among which moderation and equilibrium, have evolved and been transformed to adapt to new realities. Modern constitutionalism, by its attachment to the mechanisms of power distribution constitutes a perfect illustration of this phenomenon of adaptation. But it is above all the paradoxical persistence of different forms of heteronomy – sociological, moral, natural – that best exposes how the modern man has not definitively broken with the « good political regime » so dear to the Ancients.

Esta dissertação reflete sobre a concepção do tema da ideologia de gênero e sua reverberação nas mídias regionais do Tocantins a partir da aprovação dos Planos Estadual e Municipais de Educação (2015-2025). Tem como objetivo compreender os significados da expressão “ideologia de gênero” a partir dos discursos, motivos e/ou justificativas que se manifestaram em jornais regionais online do Tocantins para a supressão das questões de sexualidade e de gênero dos planos municipais e estadual de educação deste estado federativo. Tem como método a pesquisa qualitativa, com inspirações da etnometodologia e etnopesquisa crítica, etnopesquisa formação, bem como da análise do discurso numa perspectiva teórico-metodológica da abordagem multirreferencial. Traz uma pesquisa bibliográfica para exploração dos conceitos de identidade, diversidade, diferença, gênero, sexualidade, ideologia, ideologia de gênero e plano de educação. A pesquisa documental foi realizada com três jornais regionais online: Jornal do Tocantins, T1 Notícias e JM Notícia. Foram coletados trinta e três etnotextos ao todo, sendo nove do Jornal do Tocantins, cinco do T1 Notícias e dezenove do JM Notícia. Todos esses etnotextos foram lidos a partir da análise do discurso. Como resultado é possível destacar o agrupamento de dez noções subsunçoras para compreensão da expressão “ideologia de gênero”: 1) “Ideologia de gênero” como sendo contrária a concepção natural e “biológica” dos gêneros masculino e feminino; 2) “Ideologia de gênero” como prática gay, ou do movimento gay; 3) “Ideologia de gênero” como possibilidade de destruição da família [tradicional]; 4) “Ideologia de gênero” como promotora da sexualidade precoce; 5) “Ideologia de gênero” como má compreensão do conceito de gênero; 6) “Ideologia de gênero” como usurpadora da educação moral familiar; 7) “Ideologia de gênero” como conhecimento não científico; 8) “Ideologia de gênero” como uma teoria autoritária; 9) “Ideologia de gênero” como produtora de inconveniências; 10) “Ideologia de gênero” como contrária a uma sociedade onde a Bíblia junto com a Constituição Federal e o Código Civil são pilares da sociedade. Conclui-se que a utilização da palavra ideologia na expressão “ideologia de gênero” é a partir de uma valorização pejorativa de acordo com a vertente crítica da ideologia; sua utilização tem sido feita com a intenção de criação de um Estado Teocrático no Brasil em especial pela tomada da Educação como um campo de disputa e de formação desta sociedade; assim como a “Ideologia de gênero” tem sido utilizada também para desqualificar outras formas de saberes e conhecimentos científicos que te / This dissertation approaches to the theme of the gender ideology and its reverberation in the regional media of Tocantins after the approval of the State and Municipal Education Plans (2015-2025). It aims to understand the meanings of the expression "gender ideology" from the discourses, motives and / or justifications that have been expressed in Tocantins online regional newspapers for the suppression of sexuality and gender issues of the municipal and state education plans of this Federative state. It uses the qualitative approach and the method of ethnomethodology and critical etnopesquisa, etnopesquisa formation in a multirreferencial way. It brings a bibliographical research to explore the concepts of identity, diversity, difference, gender, sexuality, ideology, gender ideology and educational plan. The documentary research was carried out with three regional newspapers online: Jornal do Tocantins, T1 Notícias and JM Notícia. Thirty-three ethnotexts were collected in all: nine of Jornal do Tocantins, five of T1 News and nineteen of JM News. All these ethnotexts were read from Discourse Analysis. As a result, it is possible to highlight the grouping of ten subsuming notions to understand the expression "gender ideology": 1) "Gender ideology" as being contrary to the natural and "biological" conception of male and female gender; 2) "Gender ideology" as a gay practice, or the gay movement; 3) "Gender ideology" as a possibility of destruction of the [traditional] family; 4) "Gender ideology" as a promoter of precocious sexuality; 5) "Gender ideology" as a misunderstanding of the concept of gender; 6) "Gender ideology" as a usurper of family moral education; 7) "Gender ideology" as non-scientific knowledge; 8) "Gender ideology" as an authoritarian theory; 9) "Gender ideology" as a producer of inconveniences; 10) "Gender ideology" as contrary to a society where the Bible, together with the Federal Constitution and the Civil Code, are pillars of society. We conclude that the use of the word ideology in the expression "gender ideology" is based on a pejorative valuation according to the critical slope of ideology; Its use has been made with the intention of creating a Theocratic State in Brazil in particular by the taking of Education as a field of dispute and of formation of this society; as well as the "Gender Ideology" has also been used to disqualify other forms of scientific knowledge and knowledge that tries to show and denounce the different ways of being male and female in the societies.

Informal and formal caregivers of persons with Alzheimer's disease and related dementias (ADRD) encounter a more difficult and unique set of challenges than do caregivers of individuals with general disabilities. If adequate caregiver supports are not provided, caregivers may experience increased strain as the disease progresses, increasing the likelihood of unnecessary institutionalization of their care recipients and increasing the cost to the public. Using rational choice theory and political systems theory, the purpose of this study was to differentiate between the phenomenological experiences of formal and informal caregivers of ADRD patients. The overall research was a qualitative design that used semi-structured interviews to collect data from 5 formal and 5 informal caregivers who were recommended by the local Alzheimer's association chapter. Data were analyzed using direct content analysis of recurrent themes including how policymakers might respond to needs for respite, support, and more resources. Research findings suggested more education is needed about the disease and how best to give care for both formal and informal ADRD caregivers. Furthermore, distinctions between formal caregivers and informal family caregivers and their care recipients were identified, and these details should be noted by policymakers. Informal ADRD caregivers would benefit more from the research findings. Particular benefits would include financial supports, additional funding for caregiver respites, more education, and better care methods for ADRD care recipients. These recipients are rapidly growing in numbers and pose unique 21st century socioeconomic challenges to informal caregivers.

In today’ democracies, we, citizens, elect individuals to represent us, to talk on our behalf. In this way, political leaders embody the beliefs, wishes, and will of populations, and must act as citizens’ representatives. However, nowadays, a crisis of confidence seems emerge between citizens and politicians. The particular leadership pacing political systems can give to us an interesting point of view to understand this phenomenon. In this way, it is essential, for all of us, citizens, to understand what define us as such, what is our role, what kind of power is in our hands. It is also necessary to understand what the role of politicians elected as representatives is. More significantly, it is a necessity for all of us to have a critical look about what the core components of our societies are. Thereby, in this thesis, I give an enlighten point of view about the meaning of leadership in political systems. I hold six different perspectives in the aim of emphasizing the components of political systems, our role of citizens, and the role of political leaders. Those six perspectives are the following: the reasons explaining the emergence of societies, the role and the explanations about the existence of political parties, the characteristics of political leaders, the characteristics of citizens as political followers, the importance of the authenticity in political systems and finally the moral and ethical dimension as a necessity in the way to handle power.