Cette thèse d'histoire contemporaine traite de la vie du républicain et chimiste François-Vincent Raspail (1794-1878). Son objectif est de comprendre ce qu'est le républicanisme au XIXe siècle. Pour ce faire, on tente de saisir, à travers le cas de Raspail, l'évolution des idées républicaines, à l'échelle individuelle. En outre, Raspail a la particularité de conjuguer ses théories politiques et scientifiques. Enfin, on analyse et on déconstruit les mythes politiques qui entourent Raspail : le lutteur infatigable, l'homme incorruptible ou encore le médecin des pauvres. / This thesis in contemporary history deals with the life of the republicain and chemist François-Vincent Raspail (1794-1878). Its objective is to understand that is the republicanisme in the XIXth century. To do so, throughout the case of Raspail, we attempt to capture the evolution of the republicain ideas at the individual level . In addition, Raspail has the particularity to combine political and scientific theories. Finally, the political myths surrounding Raspail are analyzed and deconstructed : the tireless fighter, the incorruptible man and the doctor to the poor.

Supervised injection sites (SISs) have become subject to much political and social controversy in Canada since the late 1990s. Since the implementation of North America’s first SIS, Insite, in 2003 in Vancouver, the controversy has reached new levels. Despite the increasing evidence base available regarding the effectiveness of SISs as a harm reduction strategy trans-nationally, the implementation of this intervention in Canada prevails within public and parliamentary debates. Guided by the theoretical contributions of Joel Best (2008) on claims-making and the construction of social problems, this thesis explores the SIS debate in Canada and the assertions advanced with respect to the implementation of SISs. Building on the available literature, the author identifies numerous types of claims advanced by proponents and opponents of SISs through a qualitative content analysis of 164 newspaper documents from The Vancouver Sun, The Ottawa Sun and The Ottawa Citizen. It was determined that claimsmakers often present the intervention as a solution to the ‘drug problem’ or part in parcel of the problem. Opponents in particular attempt to construct the intervention as harmful for the community in that the implementation of a SIS would exacerbate various aspects of the ‘drug problem’ including drug abuse and crime. Very rarely, however, claimsmakers suggest the SIS is merely one strategy to addressing public health issues related to injection drug use and that there is ‘no easy fix’ to this ‘drug problem’. Further, the author applies the findings from this analysis to make sense of the Canadian federal government’s proposed policy response, The Respect for Communities Act, towards the establishment of SISs.

Arthur Adamov (1908-1970) est une figure peu étudiée du théâtre contemporain. Le regard culturel et social que nous avons adopté doit permettre de renouveler l'intérêt pour cet homme de théâtre inclassable, mais dont l'apport a été majeur. D'abord lié à l'«absurde», il s'est tourné vers un théâtre social voire politique, sans jamais s'y cantonner, alors même qu'il se rapprochait du parti communiste. Cette thèse analyse les évolutions de son théâtre, qui n'a jamais été figé, et dont les formes se sont transformées en fonction des évolutions politiques et sociales ainsi que celles du milieu théâtral. Elle met en lumière l'intellectuel engagé et les divers répertoires d'action qu'il a utilisés, surtout entre la crise de mai 1958 et la fin de la guerre d'Algérie. L'œuvre d'Adamov a reflété la société de son temps, elle a parfois été encouragée, a suscité des enthousiasmes, mais aussi de vives critiques. Sont mises en exergue autour de son œuvre les sociabilités et instances de légitimation : directeurs de salles, revues, metteurs en scène. Les lieux où il est joué, en France - des salles avant-gardistes aux théâtres de la banlieue «rouge» - ou à l'étranger, déterminent une géographie propre aux théâtres ouverts à une dimension politique et à un nouveau public. Les écarts entre le public souhaité et réel, comme entre le théâtre théorisé, pensé et la pratique forment un autre axe d'analyse. Enfin, cette recherche dresse un tableau de la réception de son œuvre, particulièrement empreinte des sensibilités de son temps. C'est une utopie artistique et politique quelque peu enfouie, qui surgit dans sa dimension singulière et collective. / Arthur Adamov (1908-1970) is a Jess studied figure of contemporary theatre. The social and cultural point of view that we adopt allows renewing interest for this unclassifiable and playwright. Initially linked to the "absurd", he shifted towards social and political theatre; meanwhile he was getting closer to the communist party. This thesis analyzes the evolution of his theatre that never freezes but reconfigures with the transformation of theatre, political and social backgrounds. We try to bring out the engaged intellectual and the list of his various actions that reached its peak between May 1958 cri sis and the end of the Algerian war. Adamov' s work reflects the society of his time; it has been encouraged, provoked enthusiasms as well as received hard critics. Sociability and legitimation instances reconfigure around his work: theatre hall directors, magazines, producers. The places when he has been played, in France - from avant-garde halls to the "red" suburb - or abroad, determines the particular geography of theaters opened to certain political dimension as well as to a new audience. The gap between the wished and real audience, as between theorized, imagined and practical theater, form other axes. Finally, this research provides information about the reception of Adamov's works, especially the impressions and sensibilities of his time. It's all about artistic and political utopia somehow buried which will arise in its collective dimension.

The purpose of the thesis is to analyze the arguments presented by the Center party (Centerpartiet) and the Moderate party (Moderaterna) in two motions regarding a ban on male circumcision. The public discussion about non-medical male circumcision surfaced in the autumn of 2019, when the Center party decided to strive a ban on male circumcision during their congress meeting.   The study's questions were: What arguments are used to legislate a ban on male circumcision? How can the motions be understood as a form of politicization of religion? Is religion portrayed as an object or subject? Is religion presented as a resource or a problem? Using qualitative argumentation analysis, the content of two motions, one from the Center Party and one from the Moderates, as well as opinions on these motions from district boards, federal boards and party leaders, were examined and analyzed based on the theory politicization of religion. The results showed that religion was mainly presented as an object, meaning religion was referred to but there was no dialogue with religious leaders, figures or communities. Based on the analysis, religion was presented both as a resource and a problem, however it was more frequently presented as a problem than as a resource.

Research on transformations has recognized that trajectories towards sustainability are negotiated and contested through framings and narratives. There is, however, still a greater need to explore the role of social movements and their ability to characterize a problem, propose solutions and motivate the public to become engaged. This holds particularly true for the extensive field of climate politics in which different climate change framings compete. In recent years, a new wave of climate activism has emerged amidst an increased sense of urgency and severity of the climate crisis. One of the driving forces, Extinction Rebellion (XR), has managed to engage large numbers of people while making radical demands to the government. However, critical voices have challenged XR’s use of politically “neutral” language which communicates climate change in moral rather than political terms for displacing power and conflict. Drawing on framing theory and post-foundational political theory, I examine how XR UK frames the climate crisis in relation to political change, to better understand how the movement navigates between consensus and antagonism in the context of a depoliticization of climate change discourses. The analysis is based on a collection of semi-structured interviews with XR UK activists as well as key movement documents.  The analysis and subsequent discussion reveal a dynamic and contentious discursive field, with key findings including the identification of three collective action frames: (1) Climate Breakdown, (2) Web of Life and (3) Global Justice. These are linked together by the Global Climate Emergency master frame. The degree to which the frames are (de-)politicized varies and reflects different interpretations of transformation towards sustainability.

This diploma thesis deals with the polemic dispute between the subcultural magazines Tramp and Naše osady regarding the concept of the tramp identity and politicization of the subculture of tramping between the years 1929 to 1931. It examines the so-called red tramping - the inclination of part of the tramps towards communism as well as the related politicization of the subculture and its development, the platform of which is often considered to be the magazine Tramp; as well as criticism of this approach by Naše osady magazine, which advocates non-political tramping. The result of this work is the division of politicization of the subculture in the observed period into three stages: the efforts of MP Jiří Stříbrný and the media in his possession to politicize the subculture towards his politics, politicization and declaratively non-political members the culmination of a moral panic over tramping, and the communist politicization of tramps. The thesis concludes that Tramp magazine was a platform for red tramping, but only in the second half of its existence, not throughout the whole period, and that red tramping can be described as its leftist and later communist orientation, which remains largely ideological than to openly invoke the Communist Party. Furthermore, the thesis finds that the controversy,...

The year 2020 started with the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. This socio-economic crisis has led to changes in our society as several restrictions were demanded, such as self-quarantining, wearing face masks and social distancing to limit the spread of the Coronavirus. This resulted in a high need for online communication. The United States of America has reached and maintained a high death rate in comparison to other countries. Therefore, this paper researches what are the characteristics of the U.S. President’s, Donald Trump, communication in relation to COVID-19. The paper reviews literature on Trump’s language and communication style, his political incorrectness, and his habits on Twitter communication during the election in 2016. Moreover, it describes theoretical key terms, such as political mediatization, networked society, and further uses Castells’ concept of mass self-communication as a framework for the content analysis. The resource for this analysis is Trump’s official Twitter account, where 4018 tweets were retrieved from March, April, February and June in 2020. Out of those tweets, 638 are COVID-19 related tweets. Key findings show that Trump is using a simple (casual) and offensive tone of voice in his tweets. His Twitter communication demonstrates attacking his opponents and others in a politically incorrect manner while praising himself. Along with negative partisanship and idealization of pressing issues with no coherent and factual arguments. Furthermore, he is using the pandemic as a tool for reaching his political goals, thus politicizing the COVID-19 pandemic on his Twitter account.

National parliaments (NPs) are vital to the European Union’s (EU’s) democratic legitimacy. They are tasked with controlling their governments through oversight and scrutiny while providing a deliberative forum by offering policy alternatives, informing, and connecting citizens to the EU. NPs can only provide public accountability if they adequately meet these challenges, ensuring a well-informed citizenry that is able to form and vote according to their preferences on European integration. To do this, Members of Parliament (MPs) need to publicly communicate EU issues and important developments concerning the EU project. Yet, the use of the communicative function of NPs in EU affairs remains underexplored and questions of public accountability unanswered. Against this background, this study aims to shed light on the general salience of the EU in the plenary by adopting a principal-agent framework to analyze the factors that co-vary with the willingness of MPs to discuss the EU. Employing regression analysis on a novel dataset with observations from 17 European NPsincluding over 20,000 plenary protocols from 2006-2019, this study notes a general upwards trend of the emphasis MPs put on the EU over time, driven by critical junctures, most notably, the Lisbon treaty and the Eurozone crisis. The results of this study also indicate that MPs are most consistently responsive to elections and other key EU events. Besides, factors related to authority transfers and EU legislation as well as strategic party incentives determine how much MPs use their communicative function in the plenary. Nevertheless, this study unveils some challenges to the democratic legitimacy of the EU.

Using a qualitative text analysis tying into the hermeneutic tradition, this study aims to explain how Swedish military attachés, as part of the process of professionalization, reported information as possible proponents of their own armed service during WW1. Michael I. Handel’s taxonomy, including four definitions of politics in the intelligence process, will here be used to analyze how the interests of the Swedish army as a stakeholder in the competition for state funds came to light in intelligence reporting. Based on the perceived conflict between a “professional intelligence culture” and the political use of intelligence, Handel’s taxonomy will also be used to discuss the attachés attitudes regarding the relationship between professional military officers and political decision making. These conclusions are made to create a Swedish historical perspective in research geared towards the politicization of intelligence, a field dominated by Anglo-Saxon perspectives and generalizations based on empirical findings not necessarily relevant to Swedish conditions. This study is therefore an attempt at relating the Swedish intelligence history to the phenomenon of intelligence politicization in an era where the professionalization of the military trade was highly prevalent. The study concludes that the reports show a tendency, with slight exceptions, where the attachés defend and propagate the interests of the army. This especially in cases where there is a clear rival in the competition for state funding within a political bargaining process, here exemplified by the Swedish navy. Cultural ideals emphasizing professional judgements over political opportunism, where officers who can propagate military demands in spite of political opposition are idealized, come to light in the reports. This suggests that the socioprofessional change within the Swedish officer corps between 1890-1914 coincides with a will to speak truth to power in line with the interests of military professionals.

Scholars have long examined the inherent trade-offs between control and capability when presidents politicize the executive branch through their appointment powers, including through political appointments to federal agency leadership positions. Empirical research over the past few decades connects high ratios of appointees to career leaders with decreased agency performance and higher voluntary turnover at the career senior ranks. However, less attention has been dedicated to the effects of such appointments on the attitudes of the civil service workforce, factors which has been shown to influence organizational performance. Employing a study of the U.S. Department of State, I evaluate the relationship between degree of agency politicization and self-reported measures of engagement, motivation, and job satisfaction among civil servants. Analysis suggests that the ongoing reliance on outside political appointees in senior leadership by successive presidents impedes the State Department's efforts to build and sustain positive workforce attitudes. This study examines the effects of the institutionalized use of outside appointments on the broader federal workforce, presenting a new perspective for scholarly understanding of the dynamics at play when presidents politicize the agencies they are entrusted to lead. / Doctor of Philosophy / U.S. presidents frequently use their appointment powers to exert control by placing trusted outsiders in positions of authority in federal government agencies. However, research has repeatedly shown that agencies with large numbers of outside leaders can struggle to perform effectively and lose experienced career civil servants at higher rates. While a connection between appointee leadership and performance is well established, researchers are less certain of what factors actually causes it to develop. In particular, little attention has been given to understanding the opinions of career employees of a federal agency about working within such a system or how those attitudes might help explain their behaviors at work. Through a study of one agency, the U.S. Department of State, I examine appointee-career relationships by exploring career employees' thoughts on leadership at the State Department, going beyond attitudes about specific leaders to evaluate whether using outside appointees to lead agencies creates barriers to employee recruitment, retention, and performance. The analysis suggests that, while the institutionalization of political appointments provides a president with greater control over an agency, the constant churn created through reliance on outsiders for leadership may harm an agency's ability to achieve its goals by undermining employee trust in leaders and the agency itself.