As crianças são as verdadeiras anarquistas”? Que peso tem uma “verdade” sobre as crianças? Para ilustrar essa dissertação, questionamos uma “verdade” pichada em um muro. Porque as verdades sobre as crianças estão em todos os lugares, nós, adultos, as escrevemos, as pichamos, as pintamos em todos os lugares. Essas “verdades” estão em livros, em manuais de científicos, em enciclopédias pediátricas, nos currículos e até nas representações artísticas sobre as crianças e sobre as infâncias. Fundamentada nas concepções decolonialistas sobre a infância e as crianças, esta dissertação faz um resgate teórico do pós-colonialismo e da decolonialidade latino-americana, em especial, das produções acerca dos Estudos da Infância e educação das crianças pequenas. Problematizando também uma discussão metodológica a partir das contribuições anarquistas. Apresento possibilidades e limites para discutir (outras) infâncias pelo anarquismo, pela América Latina, pelos territórios (de)colonizados, pela desescolarização, em consonância com os estudos pós-coloniais e decoloniais. / “Are children the real anarchists?” What weight has a "truth" on children? To illustrate this dissertation, we question a "truth" graffitied in a wall. Because truths about children are everywhere, we, adults, write them, graffiti them, paint them everywhere. These "truths" are in books, in scientific manuals, in pediatric encyclopedias, in curriculum, and even in artistic representations about children and childhood. Based on decolonialist conceptions about childhood and children, this dissertation makes a theoretical rescue from postcolonialism and Latin American decoloniality, especially from the contributions on Childhood Studies and early childhood education. Also problematizing a methodological discussion from the anarchist contributions. I present possibilities and limits to discuss (other) childhoods through anarchism, Latin America, colonized territories, unschooling, in line with postcolonial and decolonial studies.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T11:21:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AMELIA CARDOSO DE ALMEIDA.pdf: 1114741 bytes, checksum: 827432337aaa9ee0fbfa21870597c895 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-20 / This work aims investigate some trainers elements of a peculiar identity project of the Spanish-American, present in the Cuban José Julián Martí y Perez (1853-1895), great intellectual and also political leader of the nineteenth century, to identify echoes present in Martí concepts that dialogue with the area of post-colonial studies. The assumptions of Martí identity project were linked mainly in their quest for political independence of Cuba, his homeland, and also for cultural emancipation of which he called Nuestra America , to the detriment of imported cultural practices in Europe or the United States . Martí such assumptions are also present in the reviews made by postcolonial theorysts, especially with the cultural imitation of Latin American post- colonialism, but mostly post- colonial theory of Indian mother, especially the concepts developed by the Indian theorist Homi K. Bhabha. / Esta dissertação objetiva investigar alguns elementos formadores de um projeto de identidade peculiar à América hispânica presentes na obra do cubano José Julián Martí y Pérez (1853- 1895), intelectual e líder político do século XIX, para identificar ecos ou cotejamentos de seus ideais que dialogam com a área dos Estudos Pós-Coloniais. Os pressupostos do projeto identitário martiano se pautaram principalmente pela independência política de Cuba, sua pátria, e pela emancipação cultural da por ele denominada Nuestra América , em detrimento de práticas culturais importadas da Europa ou dos Estados Unidos. Tais pressupostos também estão presentes nas críticas feitas pelos teóricos pós-coloniais, principalmente a imitação cultural, tanto na vertente do pós-colonialismo latino-americano, mas, principalmente, na matriz indiana, nos conceitos desenvolvidos pelo teórico indiano Homí. K. Bhabha.

Orientador: Giséle Manganelli Fernandes / Banca: Laura Patricia Zuntini de Izarra / Banca: Peter James Harris / Resumo: O escritor australiano Peter Carey promove, em seu romance True History of the Kelly Gang, cuja primeira publicação ocorreu em 2000, a reinterpretação de um período histórico e também de um personagem da época, que se tornou uma figura forte na cultura australiana. A tradução desta obra foi publicada no Brasil em 2002 com o título A história do bando de Kelly. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar os efeitos que o estabelecimento de uma colônia penal causou na cultura e na literatura australianas, e a utilização do texto literário - sobretudo esta obra de Carey - como espaço de debate sobre a identidade nacional e de questionamentos ou respostas à antiga metrópole. Para tanto, este trabalho traça, em primeiro lugar, um panorama da história da Austrália, até a época em que viveu Ned Kelly, um fora-dalei que se tornou herói popular e ícone nacional, e do desenvolvimento da literatura no país. Em segundo lugar, são analisados alguns aspectos deste romance, entre os quais a crítica ao sistema colonial britânico, a oposição centro-margem representada pelo conflito entre as autoridades e o bando de Kelly, e o uso da variante australiana do inglês. Desta forma, procuramos mostrar que, neste romance, parte da história da Austrália - em especial o período colonial e o sistema de degredo, cuja influência ainda se faz sentir nos dias de hoje - são problematizados e colocados em discussão. / Abstract: The Australian writer Peter Carey reinterprets, in his novel True History of the Kelly Gang, whose first publication took place in 2000, a historical period and also a character of that time who has become a strong figure in Australian culture. The translation of this book was published in Brazil in 2002, with the title A história do bando de Kelly. This Master's Degree Thesis has the objective of analyzing the effects that the settlement of a penal colony had on Australian culture and literature, and the use of literary texts - especially this work by Carey - as a space for debate on national identity and for questioning or striking back at the former centre. In order to do so, this work firstly presents a panorama of Australian history, up to the time Ned Kelly, an outlaw who became a popular hero and a national icon, lived, and a survey of the development of Australian literature. Then, some aspects of this novel are analyzed, such as the critique of the British colonial system, the opposition centre-margin represented by the conflict between the authorities and the Kelly gang, and the use of the Australian variant of English. Thus, it is possible to show that, in this novel, part of Australian history - particularly the colonial period and the transportation period, whose influence can still be felt nowadays - is questioned, discussed and reevaluated. / Mestre

This thesis undertakes a close analysis of the integration of the post-colonial society of Martinique into the French nation-state. In 2009, a social movement in Martinique temporarily raised nationalist demands but also sought closer integration into the French state. This thesis examines how this integration has been thwarted by the specific colonial legacies of Martinique and by the politics of departmentalisation of the French state. The departmentalisation of Martinique, which occurred in 1946, sought to decolonise Martinique. This dissertation argues that it is impossible to achieve the integration of Martinique into France without addressing the economic and social legacies of colonialism. The reason for this is because such legacies make it impossible to create national unity. The departmentalisation of Martinique was a republican nationalist project which aimed to culturally assimilate and politically homogenise Martinique into the French state. However, despite departmentalisation, economic and social inequalities stemming from the colonial past remain, and still divide that society. Moreover, despite the legacy of colonial discourse, the Martiniquans stand firmly against political independence. The numerous nationalist and pro-independence parties that attempt to define and promote Martiniquan cultural identities fail to rally the population around the idea of independence. The very existence of these parties implies, on the other hand, that both cultural and republican nationalism failed to create and sustain a metadiscourse of community within the island. However, the 2009 movement was a golden site for observing and instigating social change because the protesters demonstrated and voiced a strong sense of collective identity and solidarity. The protesters contested both the failure of departmentalisation and the resilience of colonial discourses. Throughout the movement, the protesters challenged both the legitimacy of the French government and the influence of the Martiniquan nationalist parties on the protests. I argue that the protests created a liminal space through which the protesters voiced their individual and distinct personal histories and narratives. Such protests created an open space which allowed the protesters to individually address the resilience of colonial discourses and to contest its impacts on their lives, and on the Martiniquan society. I also argue that this liminal space was an integrative space, and the ultimate “rhetorical glue” that unified the protesters. This liminal space was exceptional in this sense, since the existing nationalist discourses and projects which have been implemented in Martinique tend to emphasise social divisions in the island. Indeed, assimilation does not allow the expressions of such cultural distinctiveness outside the French republican ideals. In addition, local nationalist parties attempting to build national unity through cultural discourse struggle to define the ambivalence and the ever-changing characteristics of post-colonial/hybrid Martiniquan identity. The findings could be useful to the formulation of Martiniquan political identity, and to the configuration of French integrative policies. I conclude that such policies would be effective if they tackled the lasting impact of colonial discourse in both Martinique and France.

<p>The media plays a key role in constructing identities and categories, as its messages influence the way we understand the world. In the debate on integration issues, categories such as ”Swede” and ”immigrant” are often treated as obvious and unproblematic. ”Swedish”, being the norm, is seldom defined   and   frequently appears   with   subtlety.   This   paper   set   out   to   study   what   characterizes Swedishness in newspaper articles on integration issues, and how it is represented in relations to immigrants. With a social constructivist outset, critical discourse analysis and post­colonial theory were the methodological and theoretical tools of the investigation. The results show that there are four main ways through which Swedishness is represented in the material: Swedishness defined as  common values and norms, Swedes as integrated and immigrants as disintegrated, Swedishness as characterized by certain traditions, habits and a common history and finally descriptions of the Swedish society as racist and discriminating. These discourses appear relatively constant over the examined periods, with modest changes over time. The results further show that the representations of Swedes and immigrants can be related to unequal power structures in the Swedish society as a whole, where the native Swedish population holds a dominant role.</p>

<p> </p><p>Uppsatsen behandlar och belyser vilka diskurser som präglar den allmänna debatten och rapporteringen kring religionen islam och dess utövare muslimer i "dagens" tryckta svenska nyhetsmedia. Huvuddelen av studien är koncentrerad till att fastställa hur de både begreppen islam och muslim framställs och definieras i empirin, men problematiken kring huruvida ett "vi" och "de andra" tänkande existerar berörs likväl. Vidare reflekteras över differenser i det empiriska materialet. Materialet påvisar att det finns skillnader mellan hur de både begreppen beskriv i olika genrer i de aktuella texterna.</p><p> </p><p> </p> / <p>This thesis examines and aluminates what kind of discourses that intercepts the public debate and reports of the religion islam and its follow muslims in "today’s" printed swedish news media. The main part of the study is concentrated to determine how the subjects islam and muslim is portrayed and defined in the empiric material, but the question whether a "we" and "they" thinking exists is also discussed. Further on a reflection is going to take place over the differences in the empiric material. The material shows that there are differences between how the subjects are described in the texts in focus.</p>

This thesis is a study of three global issues – development cooperation, education and gender - and their transformation to local circumstances in Lao People’s Democratic Republic (PDR), a landlocked country in Southeast Asia. Combining post-colonial and post-structural perspectives, it sets out to understand how discourses of education and gender in Laos intersect with discourses of education and gender within development cooperation represented by organisations such as the World Bank and the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). Through field observations, analysis of national and donor policies on education and gender, and interviews with Lao educationalists, this thesis offers an analysis that shows the complexities arising at the intersection where the first-world-north meets the local in the context of development cooperation. Foucault’s notion of the production and reproduction of discourses through different power-knowledge relations is used to show that the meanings accorded to education and gender within development cooperation, indeed are historically, culturally and contextually constructed. Within development cooperation policy, first-world-north discourses appear to have a hegemonic status in defining education and gender. Thus ‘Education for All’ and ‘Gender Mainstreaming’ become privileged discourses that also take root in Lao national policy-making. Development cooperation further brings with it discourses defining the cooperation itself. Partnership is one such privileged donor discourse. These policy discourses are however interpreted by Lao educationalists that are not influenced by policy alone; rather, contextual discourses also affect how policies are understood and negotiated. It is when these discourses intersect that structures of power and preferential rights of interpretation become visible. The analysis points to how the perspectives of international development cooperation organisations representing the first-world-north are in positions to set the agenda for development cooperation within policy. This position of power can, from a post-colonial perspective, be traced back to how former colonial structures created a privileged position for first-world-north knowledge that still prevails. This is to some extent acknowledged by development cooperation organisations through the emphasis on partnership. However, in the local context, partnership is not experienced as a discourse which has the effects of redistributing power. Partnership is rather transformed into a discourse of superiority and subordination where development cooperation organisations monitor and evaluate and local actors adjust and implement. Lao education officials however express alternative interpretations of partnership that are based on face-to-face collaboration and collective effort. These strategies have closer links to local practices and also reflect contextual discourse-power-knowledge relations which the education officials are well aware of. These strategies of negotiation also extend to the issues of education and gender. Discourses of ‘Education for All’ and ‘Gender Mainstreaming’ are acknowledged among the education officials as policy goals which to some extent also extend into practice. These discourses are however renegotiated to accommodate local circumstances. ‘Education for All’ is thus replaced by the ‘5-pointed star’ which serves as an operationalisation of the concept of ‘learner-centred education’. ‘Gender Mainstreaming’ has to co-exist with local discourses that on the one hand build on patriarchal organisations of society and on the other hand build on local strategies for access which weaken patriarchal structures. The analysis ultimately stresses the importance of incorporating local, contextual knowledge in educational development cooperation processes, both among international and national stakeholders. This process can be supported by a willingness to deconstruct taken-for-granted understandings and value systems; and in doing so, recognising the normative aspects operating both in the areas of education and gender.

The media plays a key role in constructing identities and categories, as its messages influence the way we understand the world. In the debate on integration issues, categories such as ”Swede” and ”immigrant” are often treated as obvious and unproblematic. ”Swedish”, being the norm, is seldom defined   and   frequently appears   with   subtlety.   This   paper   set   out   to   study   what   characterizes Swedishness in newspaper articles on integration issues, and how it is represented in relations to immigrants. With a social constructivist outset, critical discourse analysis and post­colonial theory were the methodological and theoretical tools of the investigation. The results show that there are four main ways through which Swedishness is represented in the material: Swedishness defined as  common values and norms, Swedes as integrated and immigrants as disintegrated, Swedishness as characterized by certain traditions, habits and a common history and finally descriptions of the Swedish society as racist and discriminating. These discourses appear relatively constant over the examined periods, with modest changes over time. The results further show that the representations of Swedes and immigrants can be related to unequal power structures in the Swedish society as a whole, where the native Swedish population holds a dominant role.

Uppsatsen behandlar och belyser vilka diskurser som präglar den allmänna debatten och rapporteringen kring religionen islam och dess utövare muslimer i "dagens" tryckta svenska nyhetsmedia. Huvuddelen av studien är koncentrerad till att fastställa hur de både begreppen islam och muslim framställs och definieras i empirin, men problematiken kring huruvida ett "vi" och "de andra" tänkande existerar berörs likväl. Vidare reflekteras över differenser i det empiriska materialet. Materialet påvisar att det finns skillnader mellan hur de både begreppen beskriv i olika genrer i de aktuella texterna. / This thesis examines and aluminates what kind of discourses that intercepts the public debate and reports of the religion islam and its follow muslims in "today’s" printed swedish news media. The main part of the study is concentrated to determine how the subjects islam and muslim is portrayed and defined in the empiric material, but the question whether a "we" and "they" thinking exists is also discussed. Further on a reflection is going to take place over the differences in the empiric material. The material shows that there are differences between how the subjects are described in the texts in focus.

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