Die Analyse der georgischen und russländischen Deutungsmuster zum Kaukasus-Konflikt 2008 soll zusammen mit einer Analyse der deutschen, US-amerikanischen und britischen Berichterstattung über den Konflikt offenlegen, ob und wie sich die beiden Konfliktparteien mit ihrer jeweiligen Sicht der Dinge in der massenmedialen Darstellung des Konflikts durchgesetzt haben. Dafür bietet der Konflikt besonders gute Bedingungen: Die diametralen außenpolitischen Interessen der beiden Parteien bei NATO und EU sind gute Voraussetzungen, um Deutungsmuster der Konfliktparteien abzugrenzen und zuzuordnen. Die schlechte Informationslage zu Beginn der Auseinandersetzungen hat die Abhängigkeit der Medien von den Informationen der Konfliktparteien erhöht.:1 Einleitung I Forschungsstand 2 Public Diplomacy 2.1 Ursprung und Einordnung der Public Diplomacy 2.2 Theoretische Ansätze 2.3 Strukturierung des Feldes 2.4 Ausgewählte Studien zur Public Diplomacy 2.5 Zusammenfassung 3 Auslandsberichterstattung 3.1 Internationale und demokratietheoretische Relevanz 3.2 Einflussfaktoren 3.3 Strukturen der Auslandsberichterstattung 3.4 Außenpolitische Relevanz 3.5 Zusammenfassung 4 Kriegsberichterstattung 4.1 Theoretische Ansätze 4.2 Untersuchung von Informationsstrategien 4.3 Journalistische Selbstreflexion 4.4 Zusammenfassung 5 Rollenselbstverständnis von Journalist*innen 5.1 Selbstverständnis im Ländervergleich 5.2 Auslandskorrespondent*innen 5.3 Embedded Journalists 5.4 Zusammenfassung 6 Länderstereotype 6.1 Stereotype in Wahrnehmung und Berichterstattung 6.2 Russlandstereotype 6.3 Zusammenfassung 7 Framing 7.1 Theoretische Ansätze 7.2 Methodische Ansätze 7.3 Strategisches Framing 7.4 Frames in Auslands- und Kriegsberichterstattung 7.5 Medienframe-Wirkung 7.6 Zusammenfassung 8 Zusammenfassung des Forschungsstandes II Kaukasus-Konflikt 2008 9 Georgien 9.1 Historischer Hintergrund 9.2 Das unabhängige Georgien vor dem Krieg 10 Bedeutungswandel der Region 10.1 Russische Interessen 10.2 Westorientierung Georgiens 11 Internationale Dimensionen 11.1 Rolle der USA 11.2 Rolle der EU 12 Entwicklung des Konfliktes 13 Eskalation des Konfliktes - eine Chronik 14 Bericht des Europäischen Rates 14.1 Hintergrund und Zielsetzung des Berichtes 14.2 Ergebnisse der Mission 14.2.1 Rekonstruktion der Ereignisse 14.2.2 Juristische Bewertung der Ereignisse III Schlussfolgerungen 15 Public Diplomacy 16 Regierungsposition als Einflussfaktor 17 Mediensysteme als Einflussfaktor 18 Kulturelle Kongruenz als Einflussfaktor 19 Kriegsberichterstattung IV Untersuchung 20 Methode 21 Forschungsdesign 21.1 Beispiele für die Operationalisierung von Frame-Elementen 21.2 Operationalisierung der Sinn-Einheiten 21.3 Statements 21.4 Berichterstattung 21.5 Herleitung der Deutungsmuster 22 Untersuchung 22.1 Zeitraum 22.2 Untersuchte Statements 22.3 Untersuchte Medien 22.4 Grundgesamtheit 22.5 Kodierung der Statements und der Berichterstattung 22.6 Herleitung der Deutungsmuster V Ergebnisse 23 Kommunikation der Konfliktparteien 23.1 Umfang der Kommunikation 23.2 Themen der Kommunikation 24 Deutungsmuster der Konfliktparteien 24.1 Georgische Deutungsmuster 24.2 Russische Deutungsmuster 25 Zusammenfassung 26 Berichterstattung zum Konflikt 26.1 Umfang der Berichterstattung 26.2 Struktur der Berichterstattung 26.3 Autor*innen und Themen in der Berichterstattung 27 Deutungsmuster der Berichterstattung 27.1 Deutungsmuster zu militärischen Maßnahmen 27.1.1 Militärische Maßnahmen im Bericht der IIFFMCG 27.1.2 Fazit 27.2 Deutungsmuster zur Durchsetzung nationaler Interessen 27.2.1 Durchsetzung nationaler Interessen im Bericht der IIFFMCG 27.2.2 Fazit 27.3 Deutungsmuster zur internationalen Konfliktlösung 27.3.1 internationale Konfliktlösung im Bericht der IIFFMCG 27.3.2 Fazit 28 Zusammenfassung VI Fazit 29 Framing 30 Einflussfaktoren 30.1 Regierungsposition 30.2 Mediensysteme 30.3 Kulturelle Kongruenz 31 Zusammenfassung 32 Ausblick VII Anhang 33 Abbildungen 34 Abkürzungsverzeichnis 35 Codebuch 35.1 Statements 35.2 Berichterstattung

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yes / This article highlights and analyses a hitherto largely neglected dimension to the growing agency of large developing countries in global affairs: their hosting of international sports mega-events. Why are large developing countries hosting sports mega-events and what does this contemporary phenomenon tell us about the significance of, for example, the Olympics and the World Cup in global affairs? We explore these questions through brief examination of the cases of the three most active sports mega-event hosting states in recent times: Brazil, China and South Africa. The 2008 Beijing Olympics, the 2010 World Cup in South Africa, and the upcoming 2014 World Cup and 2016 Olympic Games in Brazil provide interesting examples with which to explore developing country agency in the international system and in particular the discursive basis of that agency. We see the hosting of sports mega-events as the practice of public diplomacy by states to both demonstrate existing soft power capability as well as pursue its further enhancement.

The role of Public Diplomacy (PD) in conducting foreign relations has emerged as a critical component for modern statecraft, foreign policy and arguably for the state’s global existence. With the world now more interconnected than ever before, public diplomacy has taken on new meaning and new importance. However, despite these marked shifts, public diplomacy remains under-researched and under-utilised both as a concept and as a vital activity. The complexities that underscore the development and evolution of public diplomacy within a dynamic international milieu therefore warrant renewed attention. The benefits and opportunities that accompany public diplomacy are equally complicated by a number of challenges to its practice. This research identifies and advances a critical understanding of public diplomacy through a theoretically rigorous perspective that accounts for the fluid environment in which it operates, the evolving nature of stakeholders and audiences involved in shaping it, the sweeping impact of global information and communications development, the persistence of cultural divides and conflicts of interests and how they contribute to the lack of strategic frameworks in place to advance public diplomacy practice. This thesis investigates Qatar as a case study due to its international stature and influence despite it being a small geographical state. Renowned for its international role as a leading actor in conflict reconciliation and commended for its contributions to international humanitarianism, the ambitious, forward-looking and steadfast foreign policy of Qatar has faced increased pressure in recent years. Qatar has encountered significant challenges in the form of the Nepali workers’ crisis that ensued following its selection as host for FIFA World Cup 2022 and with the diplomatic siege against it by a number of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states. This study critically analyses Qatar’s public diplomacy practice considering these pressing developments and advances an original strategic public diplomacy framework that can assist Qatar in managing and mitigating the effect of these crises on its global image and reputation. This research contributes to enhancing public diplomacy practice within the diplomatic context of statecraft and foreign policy by developing a nuanced and original framework that can be utilised by Qatar and other states to manage and mitigate modern public diplomacy challenges. The thesis utilises a mixed-methods research approach that includes literature reviews, media analyses, interviews and questionnaires. The study contributes to knowledge and practice by advancing research in an understudied field and by developing and implementing an original strategic PD empowerment framework.

論文的目的是想要了解羅馬尼亞自2007年成為歐盟成員後，在公共外交面對的主要挑戰。作者試圖從2007年以後，找出羅馬尼亞公共外交元素，理解該國在建立國家品牌的努力。 　　共產主義解體之後，羅馬尼亞不能夠建立自己的認同，無力面對歐洲聯盟的高期望。這兩個情況共同導致羅馬尼亞2007年之前的困境，加入歐盟之後這個困境更甚。看歐洲的環境及挑戰，羅馬尼亞爲克服挑戰努力以赴，但步履艱辛。 本論文參考資料主要是二手資料（例如：參考書，研究論文，報告，期刊文章等），但作者自信這些資料價值不容懷疑。 / The purpose of this thesis is to gain understanding of the main challenges of public diplomacy in the case of Romania after the 2007 European Union membership acceptance. The situation that presents itself after 2007 was only looked at in correlation to the country’s past attempts to create a national brand that includes elements of public diplomacy. Not being able to create an identity after the fall of communism and high expectations from the European community, together create the situation in which Romania finds itself not only before 2007 but more visible after the European Union membership. Looking at the European context and examples of the connectivity between challenges a set of possible recommendations are constructed to overcome the challenges. Both challenges are present before and after 2007 but once the European Union membership was granted they became even more visible. The information is based on secondary sources (e.g. reference books, research papers, reports, journals’ articles, etc.) from organizations, publishers, universities, research institutes, media outlets, individuals, etc.

Public diplomacy is a form of diplomatic activity aimed at communicating directly with foreign publics. In light of the technological developments of recent decades, digital tools and platforms have transformed the field of public diplomacy and became a significant force in shaping the diplomatic field. Sweden is a country with a strong international presence, where public diplomacy is a prioritized field for the Ministry for Foreign Affairs. This study contributes to the limited research on Swedish public diplomacy strategy by analyzing the way in which Sweden’s four core values are communicated in the digital sphere. The analysis is conducted in two segments. First, the Swedish public diplomacy strategy is examined. Secondly, using Critical Discourse Analysis, twelve articles published on the website for Swedish Foreign Policy Stories were analyzed. The analysis shows that the core values are incorporated in the texts. The values are not stated overtly, but strong indications in the discourse can be found suggesting their relevance. The size of the sample is not large enough to allow for generalizations of the findings. The study concludes that except for discourse, other elements, such as the visual semiotic choices also contribute to the communication of Sweden’s four core values.

Pendant plus de quarante cinq ans l’atout maître de la diplomatie publique américaine a été l’Agence d’information des Etats-Unis (l’USIA, United States Information Agency), établie en 1953 à l’apogée de la guerre froide pour répondre à la propagande soviétique anti-américaine et coordonner les programmes culturels et d’information à l’étranger. En privilégiant une approche comparative, notre thèse se propose d’apporter un éclairage sur le rôle longtemps ignoré de la diplomatie publique au sein de la machine de la politique étrangère américaine en se concentrant sur trois Administrations présidentielles, Eisenhower, Kennedy et Reagan qui se distinguent comme des périodes charnières. Dans ce cadre, notre étude tente de déterminer le rôle qu’ont pu jouer les stratégies de la diplomatie publique américaine élaborées depuis Washington telles qu’elles furent pratiquées par les agents des services d’information (USIS) dans les pays de « la zone cruciale » (France, Italie et Allemagne) en Europe de l’Ouest, ou dans les nations captives. Notre thèse démontre que des premières campagnes de propagande des combattants de la guerre psychologique, dans les années 1950, aux émissions high-tech des champions de l’information et de la désinformation des années 1980, l’USIA fut au cœur des stratégies de persuasion de la puissance américaine en Europe. Au regard des succès et des échecs des activités officielles et officieuses pour lesquelles l’USIA a œuvré, nous abordons la délicate question de la réception des programmes d’information officiels et de l’efficacité des stratégies d’influence américaines dans les batailles européennes pour la liberté. / For 46 years, the centrepiece of U.S. public diplomacy was the United States Information Agency (USIA) established in 1953 at the height of the Cold War to counter anti-American propaganda from the Soviet Union and coordinate foreign information dissemination programs. The purpose of my dissertation - a comparative study - is to try to shed a new light on the too long neglected role of public diplomacy in the American foreign policy process over the course of three key presidential Administrations- Eisenhower, Kennedy and Reagan. Therefore in the course of my dissertation, through field centered case studies, I investigate the strategies set up by the USIA in Washington and by the USIS [United States Information Services] in the field for “the crucial zone” (defined as France, Italy and Germany), and for key “captive nations” (such as Poland, Romania, Czechoslovakia and Hungary). In my dissertation I argue that since the first propag! anda campaigns of the cold warriors to the high-tech broadcastings of the champions of information and disinformation, USIA was at the core of the American strategies of persuasion and power in Europe. Indeed, in the field, between 1953 and 1991 the psychological warfare between the US and the USSR turned into a cultural Cold War and a war of information in which both public and private networks were involved. Considering the success and failures of the covert and overt activities of the USIA I may tackle the tricky issue of the effectiveness of American strategies of influence in the European battle for freedom.

<p><strong>Purpose/Aim: </strong>The purpose of this paper is to describe how a number of strategically selected employees at the Swedish Institute, with the purpose to promote Sweden in the world, look at the challenges facing Sweden concerning nation branding in the new era of cooperation within the European Union. I examine how these people look upon the work of public diplomacy and nation branding in order to actively participate and influence the EU's common communications platform.</p><p><strong>Material/Method: </strong>The method used in this thesis is qualitative interviews. The reason why I chose this method is because I consider it to be the most appropriate in order to collect information about how these selected employees at the Swedish institute regard the challenges that lay ahead in terms of nation branding within the European Union.</p><p><strong>Main results: </strong>On the basis of the results I have gained by dint of the analysis, it can be concluded that it is of utmost importance to take the societal changes, which are a result both of the worldwide globalization and the EU cooperation, into consideration when designing a future communication strategy for the Swedish Institute. The nation-state continues to play an important role in Sweden, but its importance is declining as the EU cooperation is progressing. The citizens’ identity plays a crucial role in designing a nation’s communications strategy, and from the analysis I conclude that we move not from a Swedish to a European identity, but towards a pluralistic union where multiple identities meet under one umbrella; the EU.</p>

<p>Dans la mondialisation d’aujourd’hui et dans un monde plus démocratique et ouvert, la diplomatie publique est devenue un sujet qui suscite de plus en plus d’intérêt. Selon Anholt, un analyste de société anglais, tous les gouvernements doivent, pour le compte du peuple, des institutions et des entreprises, développer une stratégie pour améliorer et fortifier la perception du pays. La théorie utilisée est celle d’Anholt appelée <em>Nation branding</em> où il applique une théorie commerciale dans le monde des sciences politiques et sociales en comparant les pays aux marques commerciales. Dans ce mémoire, en utilisant les méthodes de l’étude du corpus et l’entretien, je compare les stratégies et les objectifs de la diplomatie publique de la France et de la Suède. Après avoir fait un inventaire des cinq grandes voies de promouvoir un pays à l’extérieur et après avoir regardé les stratégies actuelles des deux pays, on trouve de nombreuses similarités, surtout dans les stratégies des cinq voies de promouvoir un pays. Les différences se trouvent ailleurs. Par exemple la Suède n’hésite pas à comparer l’image du pays avec une marque commerciale selon la théorie de <em>Nation branding</em> tandis que la France est plus hésitante, mais le nouveau ministre des Affaires étrangères et européennes en France est favorable à la notion. D’autre part, j’ai pu constater que l’optique suédoise de la diplomatie publique correspond plutôt à une volonté de placer la Suède sur la scène mondiale et d’instaurer un sentiment de <em>good will</em> tandis que la France souhaite avant tout sauvegarder son rang de puissance mondiale et considère la position forte de sa langue comme une condition nécessaire pour ce faire. L’action culturelle extérieure suédoise s’organise surtout depuis la Suède, parce que la Suède n’a pas de réseau culturel comparable à celui de la France. La mise en place du Conseil de la promotion de l’image de la Suède dans le monde permet partiellement de contrer la grandeur de la France.</p> / <p>In the globalization of today, in a more democratic and open world, public diplomacy has become a subject that gets more and more attention. According to Anholt, a British social analyst, all governments should, on behalf of the people, the institutions and the companies, develop a strategy to improve and strengthen the perception of the country. The theory applied is Anholt’s <em>Nation Branding</em> where he uses the ideas of branding for the public diplomacy of a country. He likes to compare countries to commercial brands. The aim of this minor thesis is to compare the strategies and objectives of the public diplomacy of today in France and Sweden. To reach my conclusions I have collected information from Anholt’s books of <em>Nation branding</em> and from the official websites of the different national administrations. I also made interviews with people involved in the matter. There are five ways to communicate the image of a country abroad. France and Sweden have similar strategies within these fields. The differences are to be found, foremost in the way of talking about the country as a brand and the value of <em>Nation Branding</em>. It’s a part of the Swedish strategy while the French are more reluctant. At the same time, the French minister of foreign and European affairs, Kouchner, seems to be influenced by the ideas behind <em>Nation Branding</em>. I have also come to the conclusion that the aim of the Swedish public diplomacy regards primary to place Sweden on the world map and to create a sense of good will while the main priority of France is to stay a leading world nation and considers the language aspect very important to do so. The Swedish cultural diplomacy is organized at the head office in Stockholm while the French have an immense network of cultural institutes. As Sweden is not represented worldwide, the Swedish solution is a national council of international representations that work together to form a strategy to promote Sweden.</p>