本稿は日中の対外政策を構成する重要な概念である、PDの変容を分析した。本稿の検証が示すように、両国のPDの概念変容は決してそれぞれ独自の要因のみで説明できるわけではなく、互いを含む他者との相互作用の中で起こっているのである。国家がPDを活かしてソフト・パワーを追求しているため、日中のPDはしばしば他国とのパワーバランスの変化に影響されており、両国が抱えている国内の問題と課題も、それぞれのPDの変容を促した要因である。 / 博士(政治学) / Doctor of Political Science / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

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This thesis focuses on the ideological workings of Germany’s main public diplomacy organization, the Goethe-Institut. Drawing upon his experience doing fieldwork at the Goethe-Institut in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, and employing discourse and semiotic analysis, the author identifies four ideological currents within the organization. Relating these currents to four specific interest groups for which the Goethe-Institut is a strategic point of operation, and examining their complex interrelation, allows for an analysis of how their interplay at once constructs, deconstructs and reconstructs the notion of the German Nation.

中國於1971年加入聯合國，藉此重返國際社會；但在毛澤東主政下，中國仍自我封鎖。鄧小平於1976年接替毛澤東後，終於在1979年開啟中國的大門；此時國際環境中現有的規則、制度及價值，大多為西方國家所主導。中國做為後來者，在二十年間成為亞洲經濟的動力來源，世界各國無不密切觀察其快速的崛起；對於中國在國際體系中扮演的角色，以及該如何面對中國竄升的實力，國際間出現兩種看法。 第一種看法將中國視為必須加以防堵的威脅，第二種則將中國視為可透過交往加以運用的機會。「中國威脅論」之說，在1989年的六四天安門鎮壓事件發生後到達顛峰，中國面臨遭到國際孤立的局面，中國政府因此深刻體認到國際聲譽及形象受損的嚴重後果。而當中國共產黨執政的正當性日益仰賴經濟改革成果之際，中國政府更急於塑造友善的國際環境，使其經濟改革得以前進。中國政府開始啟動了全面的國際形象改造，以緩和將中國視為威脅的國際氛圍。 中國領導人自此大力宣傳其「和平崛起」，並在其傳統文化中尋找「軟實力」元素，做為推展多面向公眾外交的後盾。本文內容主要檢視中國擁有的軟實力資源，及其推動高層官員出訪、積極參與國際論壇、主辦北京奧運及上海博覽會等公眾外交作為，結論認為中國的國際形象改造計畫，在全球不同的區域獲致不同的成效。 / China reentered the international community in 1971 when it joined the United Nations, but it remained a closed country under Mao’s watch. Deng Xiaoping succeeded Mao in 1976 and he opened China’s door in 1979 to a global environment where existing rules, institutions, and values had been largely shaped by western countries. In two decades the latecomer has become the economic powerhouse in Asia and has had other states watching its rapid rise in the global community. Two rival views have since emerged as to China’s role in the international order and how to deal with its rising power. The first deems China as a threat to be contained. The second projects China as an opportunity that can be employed through engagement. The “China threat” argument reached its height after the crackdown on student protest at the Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989. The aftermath of international isolation seriously alerted the Chinese government to the effect of severe damage to its reputation and image internationally. As the Chinese Communist Party’s power legitimacy increasingly relies on delivering economic success, the Chinese government became ever more eager to create a friendly international environment where its economic development may be furthered. The Chinese government has since launched a sweeping reform of its global image to smooth away the perception of China as a threat. Chinese leaders have since touted its “peaceful rise” and turned to its traditional culture for soft power resources to better support its public diplomacy on all possible fronts. Examining China’s soft power resources and its efforts in staging high-level official visits, actively participating in international forums, and hosting the Beijing Olympics and the Shanghai World Exposition, this thesis finds that China’s global image promotion has reaped various degree of success in different regions.

The present thesis evaluates the responses of the contemporary Greek foreign policy structures and processes, conceptualised as the Greek foreign policy system, in the face of the transformation of world politics. This transformation, precipitated by the concurrent complex processes of globalisation and regionalisation, pose empirical and analytical challenges to the national management of foreign policy. Consequently, government departments and agencies assigned with responsibility for the conduct of what has been traditionally termed foreign policy, namely the national foreign policy machinery with the foreign ministry and the diplomatic network at its core, find themselves challenged as roles and responsibilities are relocated. Such change underpins the machinery s institutional responses and the need to rethink its role and structure. The thesis synthesises several literatures, primarily those identified with international relations, transformational foreign policy analysis, and new approaches to diplomatic studies informed by insights from institutionalist approaches. This is combined with extensive fieldwork within the Greek bureaucracy and the diplomatic network, and seeks to cast light on a relatively understudied area: namely the organisation and nature of the Greek foreign policy system in an era of considerable change. The thesis draws a dual image of the contemporary Greek foreign policy system which displays elements of both continuity and change. According to the first image, the Greek foreign policy machinery embraces contemporary foreign policy developments, and is enmeshed in a process of change and adaptation as a response to its changing operational environment. The second image depicts the foreign policy system as traditionalist conforming to geopolitical approaches, which are linked to compartmentalisation in the organisation of foreign policy. This image is supported by evidence which suggests that the Greek foreign policy machinery is infused with elements of hierarchy, centralisation and verticality in its organisation, which prevent the adoption of integrated and horizontal models prescribed by globalist approaches to the management of foreign policy.

如今，全球化進程和大規模跨界過程對全球轉變具有很大的影響，在這個情況下信息和通信技術對國外社會的影響發揮關鍵的作用。目前國際關係專家指出兩種這樣的影響。第一個影響官方結構，即外交官和政治家，第二個影響公共組織，商業結構和不同國家的人口。最後一個是稱之為 “公眾外交”，這有助於使用媒體機制公開對特定國家活動的國外意見。與印刷媒體平行，可以強調，現在的電視媒體對國外意見和國際進程的動態有很大的影響。為了提高電視媒體的獨特特徵，媒體分析家提出了“電視外交”的概念來解釋國家領導人和外交官決定把全球電視廣播當成政治平台。 目前大眾媒體討論的主要議題是國際恐怖主義、國內及國際戰爭、非法毒品和人口販運、新疾病的出現和擴散、氣候變化和其他問題。不同的國家使用自己的方法來研究這些問題，並導致一般公眾對當今發生的事情看法有所不同。這表示每個國家傳導訊息的方法有所不同，這些方法與各國家的外交政策直接相關。因此，本論文專注於國家新聞網對當代國際關係的影響，特別側重於CNN和RT及其對美國和俄羅斯聯邦發展外交政策戰略的影響。 / Nowadays there are transformations affected by the globalization processes and large-scale cross-border activities, where information and communication technologies have started to play a crucial role in terms of influencing foreign societies. Up to date international relations specialists emphasize two levels of such impact. The first one influences on the official structures, namely diplomats and politicians, while the second one has an impact on public organizations, business structures and population of different countries. The last one we are used to calling "Public Diplomacy", which help to form foreign opinions about the activities of a particular country, using media mechanisms. Drawing a parallel with printed media, one can stress that nowadays television media has a great impact on foreign opinion and the dynamics of international processes. In order to outline TV-media distinctive features, media analysts presented the concept "telediplomacy", where state leaders and diplomats have started to use the global television broadcast as a platform for the proclamation of their political decisions. The main topics mass media discusses today are all about the international terrorism, local and international wars, illegal drug and human trafficking, emergence and spread of new diseases, climate change and other issues. Different countries use their own approaches to examine these problems, which lead to completely different interpretation of general public on what is happening nowadays. It means that in each country there are different methods of supplying information materials, which are directly related to the foreign policy of any country. Therefore, this study is focused on the impact of national information networks on contemporary international relations, and particularly focused on CNN and Russia Today and their influence on the development of foreign policy strategies in the United States and the Russian Federation.

O presente trabalho pretende analisar as motivações de uma internacionalização do ensino básico, com uma atenção especial ao Ensino Médio. Por meio de uma análise qualitativa e dedutiva, a pesquisa teve como hipótese que as motivações estão diretamente relacionadas a elementos político-institucionais e sociológico, em um contexto de globalização e de novas estratégias de atuação internacional de atores nacionais e subnacionais, sendo que, no caso da Educação, o principal instrumento para essa atuação é o ensino de línguas estrangeiras modernas. A análise teórica foi desenvolvida no campo das Relações Internacionais, Ciência Política, Sociologia e Direito; bem como no campo prático, ao analisar possíveis fatores de internacionalização na Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo. Ao fim, conclui-se que o processo de globalização (e seu caráter integrador e excludente), o processo de integração regional, as novas estratégias de ação dos estados por meio da diplomacia pública e da paradiplomacia, as novas estratégias de escolarização das famílias (e dos Estados), a retomada da importância do ensino de línguas estrangeiras modernas a partir da Lei de Diretrizes e Bases, de 1996, além da demanda crescente por conhecimento nesse campo, fizeram com que houvesse o ambiente e as condições necessárias para que o tema da internacionalização e o ensino básico entrassem na agenda e no campo das políticas publicas pertinentes / This paper discusses the motivations that drive the internationalization of basic education, with special attention to high school. Through a qualitative and deductive analysis, the research has the hypothesis that the inclusion of the theme of internationalization of basic education in public schools is directly related to the politicalinstitutional and sociological motivations, in the context of globalization and new strategies for international operations national and subnational actors, and, in the case of the Education, the main instrument for this action is the teaching of modern foreign languages. The analysis was developed through theoretical analysis in the field of International Relations, Political Science, Sociology and Law, as well as the practical field, to analyze possible factors of internationalization in the Secretariat of Education of the State of São Paulo. At the end, it is concluded that the process of globalization (and its integrative and exclusionary character), the process of regional integration, new strategies of action states through public diplomacy and paradiplomacy, the new strategies for schooling from families (and from states), the resumption of the importance of teaching modern foreign languages from the LDB 1996, and the growing demand for knowledge in this field, had caused the environment and the conditions required for the issue of the agenda and enter in the field of public policy

A Diplomacia Pública trata da comunicação dos temas de política externa de um país para participar na discussão do tema no país, apresentando como objetivo verificar como as características da cultura organizacional do Itamaraty impactam no papel da Assessoria de Imprensa do Gabinete do Ministério das Relações Exteriores no desenvolvimento da Diplomacia Pública. A análise foi realizada em comparação aos princípios elaborados por James Grunig (2002) na Teoria da Excelência em Relações Públicas. Os dados selecionados para análise de conteúdo foram recolhidos por meio de entrevistas com diplomatas ligados à Assessoria de Imprensa do Gabinete, diplomatas externos à Assessoria do Gabinete e jornalistas com experiência na cobertura de temas internacionais. A pesquisa foi complementada com dados extraídos da análise do site do Itamaraty e de suas redes sociais oficiais: Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, Flickr, SoundCloud e Instagram. O estudo revelou que as características organizacionais do Itamaraty como bacharelismo, formalismo, espírito de corpo e elitismo estão presentes na Assessoria de Imprensa do Gabinete, de maneira a impactar nas atividades de Diplomacia Pública, distanciando-as dos princípios da Teoria da Excelência de Grunig (2002). / Public Diplomacy addresses the communication of a country\'s foreign policy to the international public opinion. Considered to be an interdi sci pl i nary theme between Communication and International Relations, the Public Diplomacy a theme scarcely researched in Brazil. This dissertation intends to participate in the discussion of the subject in the country, aiming to verify how the characteristics of Itamaraty\'s organizational culture impact on the role of the Press Office of the Cabinet of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the development of Public Diplomacy. The analysis was carried out in comparison to the principles elaborated by James Grunig (2002) i n the Theory of Excellence i n Public Relations. The data selected for the analysis were col I ected through interviews with diplomats I inked to the Press Office of the Cabi net, diplomats outside the Press Office and journalists with experience in the coverage of international issues. The research was complemented with data extracted from the analysis of the Itamaraty\'s website and official social networks: Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, Flickr, SoundCloud and Instagram. The study revealed that the organizational characteristics of Itamaraty as bachelorism, formalism, esprit de corps, and elitism are present in the Press Office of the Cabinet, in a manner that it impacts the activities of Public Diplomacy, distancing them from the principles of Grunig\'s Theory of Excellence (2002).

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>Title: The Image of Sweden - A study of the Swedish Embassy’s Nation Branding and Public Diplomacy in Germany</p><p>Number of pages: 46 (57 including enclosures)</p><p>Author: Heidi Marie Nömm</p><p>Tutor: Göran Svensson</p><p>Course: Media and Communication Studies C Level – Bachelor’s Thesis.</p><p>Period: Autumn term 2006/2007</p><p>University: Division of Media and Communication Department of Information Science Uppsala University</p><p>Purpose/Aim: The purpose of my research study is to examine how the press, culture and PR department at the Swedish Embassy in Berlin is organising its external communication of Swedish affairs and “branding” Sweden as an attractive and competitive nation in Germany. My research objective is therefore to investigate the nature of the Embassy’s Nation Branding by means of one specific media channel, which is the Embassy’s German website, in order to find out how Sweden’s nation brand is communicated according to my chosen theory.</p><p>Material/Method: The method of analysis is a combination of both qualitative and quantitative methods: a qualitative interview in terms of collecting information about the Embassy’s external communication, as well as a quantitative content analysis of the Embassy’s German website. Furthermore I’m making use of secondary data from previous research, various articles and several information sources from the Internet.</p><p>Main results: On the basis of the results I have gained by dint of the content analysis, it can be concluded that the Embassy’s German website foregrounds and focuses on communicating cultural topics, whereas political and governmental issues are being undermined. Hence, the website shows an uneven representation of Anholt’s nation brand key areas which denote that it is communicating a too one-sided and unbalanced picture of a national image, thus Sweden’s nation brand.</p><p>Keywords: Nation Branding, Public Diplomacy, external communication, content analysis, case study, Swedish Embassy Berlin, channel of communication, information flow.</p>

<p>Globalization abates barriers and makes the world similar, but also leads countries to perform like companies seeking and competing for global capitals. In this competition the „nation brand‟ becomes a critical tool to stand out and attract any sort of foreign investments. In this research, the factors which affect the nation brand, presented in the Anholt´s hexagon model, will be tested through the combination of theory on nation branding and empirical data. The study analyzes how different organizations affect and promote the commercial image of Spain in Sweden. Up to seven entities susceptible to affect the brand Spain were analyzed; the ICEX, the economic and commercial office of Spain in Stockholm, the embassy of Spain in Stockholm, Invest in Spain, the Elcano Royal institute, the Hispanic-Swedish chamber of commerce in Madrid and the Swedish trade council in Madrid. The study also presents an outline of the current context of the brand Spain and its projection in Sweden, as well as an overview on the trade relationship between both countries. The individual commitment of most of the organizations investigated, under the guidance of the Ministry of foreign affairs and the Ministry of industry, tourism, and trade of Spain, appears as one of the main findings. Despite the limited scope of this investigation, the relative novelty of this field of study leaves room for further research in different directions, questioning those who claim that globalization threats local diversity.</p>