L´objectif générale de cette étude consistait d´analyser la présence et/ou l´absence de groupes sociaux et d´institutions représentatives visant à formuler et/ou intervenir dans les politiques publiques du travail qui traitent les femmes, les noirs, les personnes avec des incapacités, les travailleurs avec plus de 40 ans (publics multiples), dans le CODEFAT (Conseil Délibératif du Fond d´Assistance au Travailleur). Ces publics étaient choisis en raison d´être les plus vulnerables à l´entrée du marché du travail et peuvent être conçus comme une des principales cibles dans la formulation de politiques publiques. La période analysée s´étendait de 1990 à 2002, de la formation jusqu´à la fin du second gouvernement de Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Dans ce contexte, prenant comme point de repère le processus décisoire tout au long de douze ans, on a analysé si le Conseil peut être considéré comme ´´une sphère publique forte´´ en termes théoriques et empiriques, s´il est délibératif, partiel ou tripartiel et s´íl maintient la capacité normative de formuler les politiques publiques d´une manière autonome, au moins, du point de vue formal. Dans cette façon, la question principale était la suivante : le Conseil était-il perméable à la présence et à la représentation des publics multiples dans le processus de la formation de politiques publiques ? On a employé comme base en premier lieu, la théorie de Nancy Fraser qui a réalisé une relecture de la conception de la sphère publique à Habermas, privilégiant une analyse des groupes socialement vulnerables. Il est également convenu d´étudier le fonctionnement du Conseil, l´existence ou inexistence d´autonomie dans son rapport avec l´Executif, vu qu´on a formulé le concept d´ambiguité institutionale à partir du cas en question et d´une revision de la littérature, comme un possible modèle explicatif du fonctionnement de la sphère publique au Brésil. / objetivo geral da pesquisa foi analisar a presença e/ou ausência de grupos sociais e instituições representativas que buscaram formular e/ou intervieram nas políticas públicas de trabalho que tratavam das mulheres, negros, pessoas com deficiência e trabalhadores com mais de 40 anos de idade (múltiplos públicos), no Conselho Deliberativo de Fundo de Amparo ao Trabalhador (CODEFAT). Estes públicos foram escolhidos por serem os mais vulneráveis ao ingresso no mercado de trabalho e poderiam se constituir como um dos principais focos na formulação de políticas públicas. O período analisado foi entre 1990 e 2002, compreendendo seu momento de formação até o término do segundo governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Nesse contexto, analisamos, a partir do processo decisório ao longo de doze anos, se o Conselho pode ser compreendido como "esfera pública forte" em termos teóricos e empíricos, por ser deliberativo, ser paritário, tripartite e ter poder normativo para formular políticas públicas autonomamente, ao menos do ponto de vista formal. Assim, a principal questão foi perceber se o Conselho foi permeável à presença e representação dos múltiplos públicos no processo de formulação de políticas públicas, utilizando como base, especialmente, a teoria de Nancy Fraser, que realizou uma releitura da concepção de esfera pública em Habermas e privilegiou a análise de grupos socialmente vulneráveis. Coube também analisar o funcionamento do Conselho, captando a existência ou não de autonomia em relação ao Executivo, sendo que a partir do caso analisado e da revisão da literatura, apresentamos o conceito de "ambigüidade institucional" como uma proposta de modelo explicativo do funcionamento de esferas públicas no Brasil. / The general objective of this research was to analyze the presence and/or representative absence of social groups and institutions that tried to formulate and/or intervened in the public politics of work that dealt with women, black people, handicapped people and workers of 40 years old and over (multiple public), at the Deliberative Body of Fundo de Amparo do Trabalhador (CODEFAT) - Worker’s Supporting Fund. These groups were chosen for being the most vulnerable to enter the job market and could be considered as being the main focus in the shaping of public policy. The period under analysis was between 1990 and 2002, comprising the beginning until the end of Fernando Henrique Cardoso government. In this context, the decision-making spreading twelve years was analized, in addition to weather the council can be considered as "strong public sphere" in theoretical and empirical terms, as b eing deliberative, as be equal, tripartite and as having normative power when autonomously formulating public policy, at least in the formal point of view. Thus, the main question was to analyze weather the council was permeable to the presence and representation of the multiple publics in the process of formulation of public policy, using as a base, especially, the theory of Nancy Fraser, who carried through a new conception of public sphere in Habermas and privileged the socially vulnerable group analysis. It was also possible to analyze the functioning of the council, observing the existence or inexistence of autonomy in relation to the Executive, based in the case in hand and the revision of literature, we presented the concept of "institutional ambiguity", as a proposal for a clarifying model of the functioning of public spheres in Brazil.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Inserida no contexto dos estudos sociológicos acerca das esferas pública e privada na composição das relações sociais, esta dissertação analisa a imbricação entre estas esferas na construção histórica das relações sociais brasileiras e na composição da cultura política que as rege, objetivando identificar seus impactos e expressões atuais nas políticas sociais, com enfoque na política de assistência social. Com fundamentação em referencial teórico-metodológico marxista, foram utilizadas categorias gramscianas para estudo e conceituação daquelas esferas. Como campo empírico de pesquisa no âmbito da política de assistência social foi eleito o programa Cheque Cidadão implementado pelo Governo do Estado do Rio de Janeiro desde o no ano de 1999, adotando-se como conjunto instrumental entrevistas, análise documental, e observação em campo. As análises de dados e as considerações finais apontam que a recorrente execução de políticas públicas de assistência através de entidades religiosas, ainda que num Estado considerado laico, permite a criação de relações fundadas a partir de identidades privadas entre os indivíduos sociais e seus governantes, viabilizando privilégios não necessariamente formais, mas sobretudo reais no acesso a políticas sociais de natureza pública, constitutivas de direito, deturpando-as e adubando assim nosso vasto solo de cultura política patriarcal, personalista, de supressão do público pelo privado e mercantil, onde se fundaram nossas raízes. / This dissertation analyzes how the public and the private spheres imbricate to build Brazilian social relations and the political culture that serves them as guideline. The study integrates sociological research concerning how social relations originate, aiming at identifying the impacts and influences that the aforementioned relations bring to current social policies, focusing on social assistance policies. The theoretical and methodological approach was based on Marxist literature, and categories taken from Gramsci works were used to study and conceptualize the public and private spheres. Empirical research referred to the program cheque cidadão, which has been implemented by Rio de Janeiro state government since 1999. Interviews, documentation and field work constituted the instruments used. Data analysis and final observations indicate that the fact that religious entities are in charge of accomplishing social assistance policies within a lay state gives way to relations that are based on private, rather public, identities between individuals and their rulers, which makes possible the existence of privileges _ real, if not formalized _ regarding access to social policies. These are meant to be lawful and of public nature policies. Therefore, the process described above distort them and feed the Brazilian political culture, deeply rooted in patriarchalism and personalism, that favors private relations in detriment of the public matters.

L´objectif générale de cette étude consistait d´analyser la présence et/ou l´absence de groupes sociaux et d´institutions représentatives visant à formuler et/ou intervenir dans les politiques publiques du travail qui traitent les femmes, les noirs, les personnes avec des incapacités, les travailleurs avec plus de 40 ans (publics multiples), dans le CODEFAT (Conseil Délibératif du Fond d´Assistance au Travailleur). Ces publics étaient choisis en raison d´être les plus vulnerables à l´entrée du marché du travail et peuvent être conçus comme une des principales cibles dans la formulation de politiques publiques. La période analysée s´étendait de 1990 à 2002, de la formation jusqu´à la fin du second gouvernement de Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Dans ce contexte, prenant comme point de repère le processus décisoire tout au long de douze ans, on a analysé si le Conseil peut être considéré comme ´´une sphère publique forte´´ en termes théoriques et empiriques, s´il est délibératif, partiel ou tripartiel et s´íl maintient la capacité normative de formuler les politiques publiques d´une manière autonome, au moins, du point de vue formal. Dans cette façon, la question principale était la suivante : le Conseil était-il perméable à la présence et à la représentation des publics multiples dans le processus de la formation de politiques publiques ? On a employé comme base en premier lieu, la théorie de Nancy Fraser qui a réalisé une relecture de la conception de la sphère publique à Habermas, privilégiant une analyse des groupes socialement vulnerables. Il est également convenu d´étudier le fonctionnement du Conseil, l´existence ou inexistence d´autonomie dans son rapport avec l´Executif, vu qu´on a formulé le concept d´ambiguité institutionale à partir du cas en question et d´une revision de la littérature, comme un possible modèle explicatif du fonctionnement de la sphère publique au Brésil. / objetivo geral da pesquisa foi analisar a presença e/ou ausência de grupos sociais e instituições representativas que buscaram formular e/ou intervieram nas políticas públicas de trabalho que tratavam das mulheres, negros, pessoas com deficiência e trabalhadores com mais de 40 anos de idade (múltiplos públicos), no Conselho Deliberativo de Fundo de Amparo ao Trabalhador (CODEFAT). Estes públicos foram escolhidos por serem os mais vulneráveis ao ingresso no mercado de trabalho e poderiam se constituir como um dos principais focos na formulação de políticas públicas. O período analisado foi entre 1990 e 2002, compreendendo seu momento de formação até o término do segundo governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Nesse contexto, analisamos, a partir do processo decisório ao longo de doze anos, se o Conselho pode ser compreendido como "esfera pública forte" em termos teóricos e empíricos, por ser deliberativo, ser paritário, tripartite e ter poder normativo para formular políticas públicas autonomamente, ao menos do ponto de vista formal. Assim, a principal questão foi perceber se o Conselho foi permeável à presença e representação dos múltiplos públicos no processo de formulação de políticas públicas, utilizando como base, especialmente, a teoria de Nancy Fraser, que realizou uma releitura da concepção de esfera pública em Habermas e privilegiou a análise de grupos socialmente vulneráveis. Coube também analisar o funcionamento do Conselho, captando a existência ou não de autonomia em relação ao Executivo, sendo que a partir do caso analisado e da revisão da literatura, apresentamos o conceito de "ambigüidade institucional" como uma proposta de modelo explicativo do funcionamento de esferas públicas no Brasil. / The general objective of this research was to analyze the presence and/or representative absence of social groups and institutions that tried to formulate and/or intervened in the public politics of work that dealt with women, black people, handicapped people and workers of 40 years old and over (multiple public), at the Deliberative Body of Fundo de Amparo do Trabalhador (CODEFAT) - Worker’s Supporting Fund. These groups were chosen for being the most vulnerable to enter the job market and could be considered as being the main focus in the shaping of public policy. The period under analysis was between 1990 and 2002, comprising the beginning until the end of Fernando Henrique Cardoso government. In this context, the decision-making spreading twelve years was analized, in addition to weather the council can be considered as "strong public sphere" in theoretical and empirical terms, as b eing deliberative, as be equal, tripartite and as having normative power when autonomously formulating public policy, at least in the formal point of view. Thus, the main question was to analyze weather the council was permeable to the presence and representation of the multiple publics in the process of formulation of public policy, using as a base, especially, the theory of Nancy Fraser, who carried through a new conception of public sphere in Habermas and privileged the socially vulnerable group analysis. It was also possible to analyze the functioning of the council, observing the existence or inexistence of autonomy in relation to the Executive, based in the case in hand and the revision of literature, we presented the concept of "institutional ambiguity", as a proposal for a clarifying model of the functioning of public spheres in Brazil.

This study investigates to what extent the curatorial project of Documenta 11 offered an operative cultural concept beyond multiculturality by favouring a transcultural approach to difference in the global sphere. It questions whether the central strategy employed – of postcoloniality as tactical manoeuvre to expand both the public and aesthetic spheres in order to create the conditions for an ethical engagement with difference – could facilitate a workable exemplar for showing art from different production sites, yet resist levelling of differences for an ever-expanding global art market. Proceeding from the postcolonial institutional critique envisioned by the artistic director, Okwui Enwezor, this study engages critically with the notion of opening-out Documenta in terms of inclusivity and equality of representation. It is argued that while the proposed postcolonial reinvigoration of overlapping public spheres held the promise of heterogeneous participation and minimised the formation of hegemonies, the expansion-project of Documenta 11 could on another level be interpreted to function as a globalising instrument usurping previously unexplored territories and discover marketable ‘others’ for a neocolonial cultural marketplace. Documenta 11 set out to subvert the expansionism of a global art market by constructing the global as postcolonial space in which proximity became the ethical space of engagement. It is the contention of this study that by emphasising the production of locality, the five Platforms localised the global discourse and expressly addressed how inclusivity and pluralism could be approached against the disparities created by globalisation processes. Historically, for artists from the South denial of proximity and coevalness based on colonial conceptions of space and time had meant exclusion from the canon and, where modernist notions persist, being labelled as deficient. In order to breach gaps, de-hegemonise cultural coding and aid transcultural translation, Documenta 11 located its project in its entirety in Homi K. Bhabha’s in-between space, in the gap, as it were. This orientation towards the gap is examined in terms of homelessness, displacement and nomadic subjectivity that impact the archiving logic of Documenta to become anarchival: memory production turned into counter-memory and the work of remembrance was shaped as counter-memorials. Criticised for a skewed commitment to social engagement, rather than aesthetics, the exhibition of Documenta 11 was nonetheless informed by a threshold aesthetic. Different kinds of oppositionality employed by artists, and adversarial approaches reinvigorated by Situationist and Third Cinema strategies put forward by the curators, are evaluated in this regard. An agonistic positioning is explored as, firstly, a counter-localisation to multiculturalism in a transcultural exhibition and, secondly, to resist assimilation and co-optation. It is argued that the embrace of the threshold, of thirdness and littoral curating by Documenta 11 could be considered an exemplar of a global trickster positioning aiming for an expansion of critical visual strategies. The contention of this study is that, having set out to grapple with the construction of multiple public spheres and the space of the transnational exhibition as a creole location, this Documenta at the very least opened up discursive spaces that could expand artistic discourses. At best, Documenta 11 uncovered routes by which difference in the transcultural field could be (re)negotiated. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Visual Arts / unrestricted

La prolifération contemporaine des techniques de surveillance tend à affirmer l’idée répandue que la nécessité institutionnelle de cumuler du savoir sur les populations serait un phénomène contemporain, ce que le recourt à la démarche socio-historique permet de déconstruire. La recherche menée dans les fonds préfectoraux des Archives Départementales de la Seine-Maritime, complétée par la consultation du « fonds de Moscou » a permis d’inscrire cette recherche au sein d’une étape constructiviste de l’analyse des sociétés de surveillance. Le corpus constitué majoritairement des fichiers de la police spéciale durant l’entre-deux-guerres interroge l’interdépendance entre la notion foucaldienne d’espace de sécurité et celle d’espace public, ou plutôt d’espaces publics. Résultat d’une forme de gouvernement de l’opinion, la veille proactive des espaces publics se développant en marge de l’espace public bourgeois était une nécessité afin de maintenir l’ordre républicain en cas de conflits entre ces espaces – comme ce fut le cas entre les militants des ligues d’extrême droite et de ceux qui se sont ralliés derrière la bannière de l’antifascisme. Un aspect de cette démarche est la régulation d’une parole prolétarienne, instrumentalisée par les acteurs principaux des institutions communistes et syndicales. Des individus suivis en fonction de leur influence sur les masses, de leurs actes, discours et propagandes dont la résultante en termes de jugement policier se fait en fonction de la préservation de la communauté nationale, par la désignation d’un ennemi de l’intérieur, étranger au sein du corps social et susceptible de propager une parole illégitime au sein de la population. / The contemporary proliferation of monitoring techniques in people's everyday lives tends to assert the widespread belief that the institutional necessity of accumulating knowledge about populations is a contemporary phenomenon. This pre-notion can be quickly deconstructed by recourse of the historical study, the work carried out during this thesis in the Prefecture funds of the Archives départementales de Seine-Maritime, supplemented by the consultation of the "fonds de Moscou" enables me to register this research within a constructivist step of the analysis of the surveillance societies. The corpus, mainly composed of police spéciale files during the inter-war period, enables us to question the interdependence between the Foucaldian concept of a security space and public sphere, or rather of public spheres. As a result of a form of government of opinion, the proactive observation of public spheres which have developed on the margins of the bourgeois public sphere was a necessity in order to maintain the republican order in case of conflicts between these spheres – as was the case between the militants of the extreme right leagues and those who rallied behind the banner of anti-fascism. Another of the main aspects of this approach is the regulation of a public speech from the proletariat, instrumentalized by the main actors of the communist and trade union institutions. Individuals who are tracked according to their influence on the masses, their acts, speeches and propaganda whose resultd in terms of police judgment is to the preservation of the national community, by the designation of interior enemy, a stranger within society and likely to spread an illegitimate speech within the population.

The novel Leonora by Elena Poniatowska is about Leonora Carrington who was born into a wealthy family and challenged family traditions, and those expectations imposed by her social background and her gender. It will be shown that the main character acts according to a self-construction process free of social impositions. Simone de Beauvoir’s well-known phrase “one is not born a woman, one becomes one”, is one of the feminist positions that contributes to this analysis, as well as the literary techniques explained by Gérard Genette, Oscar Tacca, Mieke Bal and the narratology theories of focalization, direct speech, indirect speech and free indirect speech. The aim of this essay is to analyze the literary techniques that present the self-construction of the main character, and their effects on the reader. The hypotheses of this essay are that in order to present the self-construction of the character, the literary techniques create an effect of alternately zooming the reader in to the main character’s experience, and zooming out to a more objective view. In addition, the literary techniques used to present Carrington’s self-construction seek to show her feminist stance and her transgressions in both private and public spheres. Poniatowska’s literary techniques deliver the message that when a woman is released from social and cultural constraints she has the power to modify spheres.

No description available.

Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The human security concept challenges the traditional view of state security. The very essence of human security means to respect human rights. The Commission on Human Security did not focus on women as a special area of concern in the 1994 Human Development Report. The report does not recognise that being subject to gender hierarchies increases women’s insecurity and that women experience human security differently from men and shows that the human security concept does not include gender based violence (GBV) because there is no specific attention paid to issues that predominantly pertain to women. This study is conducted from a feminist perspective. It is reflexive research and based on standpoint theory. The data is gathered through analysis of secondary data and primary data, collected through interviews. GBV in South Africa tends to be continuous and the perpetrator is most likely to be a spouse or partner. Studies show that women are seen as being dependent on and weaker than men. Many men view women’s rights legislation as a challenge to the legitimacy of men’s authority over women. Women who try to be more independent in their relationships are regarded as threats and violence against them becomes a way for men to show control. The criminal justice system in South Africa has made progress in protecting women from GBV but myths, stereotypes and social conventions still prevent women from receiving justice. Traditionally, the state regards what happens in the private sphere as outside its responsibility. The public/private dichotomy challenges state regulations and norms which is evident in the case of domestic violence. It is often argued that GBV has remained imperceptible because it takes place in the private sphere. However, this research indicates that due to the socio-economic situation in South Africa, the abuse is often publicly known by those in the immediate environment as people live in informal housing. This research shows that a human security framework that targets GBV has to be developed for those who bear its consequences. When women are not viewed as subjects, issues that mainly affect them remain invisible. It is necessary that analysis of human insecurity starts from the conditions of women’s lives. Many women in South Africa live highly traumatic lives. Fighting GBV requires that we know the victims of GBV and let them decide what they need to feel secure. Creating human security requires that other threats which contribute to GBV, such as poverty, gender stereotypes and prejudice are also addressed. GBV has become an epidemic in South Africa and is a permanent constraint in women’s lives and impacts society as a whole. The security of the state rest on the security of women and as long as the state fails to treat GBV as a serious crime and protect women the state is more likely to use violence on a larger scale against its citizens. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Menslike Veiligheidskonsept daag die tradisionele siening van staatsveiligheid uit: die kerbetekenis van Menslike Veiligheid is om menseregte te respekteer. Die Kommissie op Menslike Veiligheid het nie op vroue as ‘n spesiale area van kommer gefokus in die Menslike Ontwikkelingsverslag van 1994 nie. Die verslag het daarin gefaal om te erken dat die realiteit van geslags-hiërargieë vroue se insekuriteit verhoog, en dat die ervaring van menslike sekuriteit van mans en vroue verskil. Hierdie navorsing sal toon dat die menslike veiligheidsbegrip nie in staat is om geslags-gebaseerde geweld (GGG) in ag te neem nie, aangesien daar geen spesifieke aandag verleen is aan vraagstukke wat hoofsaaklik op vroue betrekking het nie. Hierdie studie is vanuit 'n feministiese perspektief gedoen. Die navorsing is reflektief en op standpunt-teorie gebaseer. Die data is deur die analise van sekondêre data, asook die gebruik van primêre data i deur middel van onderhoude ingesamel . GGG in Suid-Afrika is geneig om oor ‘n uitgerekte tydperk plaas te vind en die mees waarskynlike oortreders is ‘n eggenoot of lewensmaat. Navorsing toon dat gemeenskappe geneig is om vroue as swakker en afhanlik van mans te sien. Wetgewing op die regte van vroue word deur vele mans as ‘n uidaging van hul legitieme superioriteit, ten op sigte van vroue, gesien. Vroue wat dus onafhanklikheid in hul verhoudings probeer uitoefen, word as bedreigings gesien en geweld word gebruik om hulle “in hul plek te hou”. Die Suid-Afrikaanse kriminele regstelsel het al vordering gemaak in terme van die beskerming van vroue teen GGG, maar mites, stereotipes en sosiale konvensies belemmer steeds die volle gang van die gereg. Die staat het in die verlede die private sfeer as buite sy jurisdiksie gesien. Die openbare/private sfeer digotomie bied uitdagings vir staatsregulering en vir die implementering van regulasies , en dit word veral duidelik in die geval van huishoudelike geweld. Daar word aangevoer dat aangesien GGG in die private sfeer plaasvind, dit onsigbaar bly. Hierdie navorsing het egter bevind dat GGG in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks dikwels in die openbare gemeenskapsfeer (deur diegene in die onmiddelike omgewing) opgemerk word, omdat baie mense in Suid-Afrika informele nedersettings woon.Hierdie navorsing het verder bevind dat ‘n GGG raamwerk vir menslike veiligheid ontwikkel moet word wat diegene wat die gevolge van GGG dra insluit. Indien vroue nie spesifiek as navorsingssubjekte geag word nie, bly faktore wat hulle spesifiek beïnvloed onsigbaar. Dit is belangrik dat analise van menslike insekuriteit begin om die omstandighede van vrouens se lewens in ag te neem. Vroue in Suid-Afrika leef in hoogs traumatiese omstandighede. In die bestryding van GGG is dit belangrik dat die slagoffers van GGG in ag geneem word en dat dit hulle toelaat om dit duidelik te maak wat hulle onveilig laat voel. Die skep van menslike veiligheid vereis dat bedreigings wat bydra tot GGG, naamlik armoede, geslagstereotipes en vooroordeel , ook aangespreek word. GGG in Suid-Afrika het ‘n epidemie geword, en plaas ‘n permanente beperking op vroue se lewens. Dit het ook ‘n blywende impak op die samelewing as ‘n geheel. Die veiligheid van die staat rus op die veiligheid van vroue. Solank as wat die staat versuim om GGG te bekamp en as ‘n ernstigge misdaad te erken, en vroue nie die beskerming van die staat geniet nie, is daar ‘n hoër moontlikheid vir die gebruik van geweld deur die staat teen sy eie burgers op ‘n groter skaal.