From its distinction during the 1920s as the hub of black culture and commerce in America to its later reputation as the unmitigated manifestation of inner city decay, Harlem evokes an urban palimpsest, a lived geographic space onto which collective desires and fears are written and overwritten. Because of the symbolic place Harlem occupies in the national imaginary, my dissertation focuses on this central public site. Jay-Walking in the City: Violence Against Women, Urban Space, and Pedestrian Acts of Resistance advocates an investigation of textual histories of abusive domestic experiences in this neighborhood in order to underline the importance of public spheres in redressing trauma. As part of the larger archive of Harlem literature, the novels I investigate in this dissertation offer counter-narratives to those circulating in post-war America concerning the safety of this neighborhood’s streets and the character of its residents. Ann Petry’s The Street (1946), Gloria Naylor’s The Women of Brewster Place (1980), Audre Lorde’s Zami: A New Spelling of My Name (1982), and Sapphire’s Push (1996) all contain episodes of domestic or sexual violence against women perpetrated in the Harlem households where the protagonists of these novels live. This dissertation focuses on the moments when Harlemites whom these women encounter in the public sphere intervene in the violent conditions of these primary characters’ lives. These interposal episodes within each novel challenge the pervasive cultural dichotomy that extols the American home as a stronghold of social and national security and lambastes the inner city as a volatile space of danger and fear. / text

This study explores cultural productions in one television genre in Chinese mainstream media: dispute resolution shows. By applying the theoretical frameworks of Hall’s encoding and decoding and Habermas’ public spheres, this study mainly answers two research questions: 1) how does mainstream production convey politically-preferred cultural and social values to viewers; and 2) how do audience members exercise their citizenship in decoding televised social values and cultural norms? In a specific examination of Oriental Pearl Live Newsroom, mixed-methods are adopted, including unsupervised learning of the Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA), content analysis, thematic analysis, focus groups, and interviews. In the findings, the interviewees admitted that they propagated social and cultural values in accordance with the mainstream political ideology of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in order to maintain social stability and state order. However, my interviewees also suggested that they had an ambition and willingness to promote a civil society in China, which requires a counterbalanced power from the audience’s side. The results of the audience analysis generally indicated that they challenged the power of legitimate authorities, including the nation-state, the elite class, and the media. This study identified five online public spheres: 1) Government is the core; 2) Request for rule of law; 3) Media is a paradox; 4) The elite class is not the boss; 5) The grass is always greener (adoration of foreign countries). In general, this study supports conceptualizing audience members as citizens. It demonstrates how audience members deconstruct the dominant interpretations of social values and their attempts to elaborate less-favorable voices in Transitional Chinese society. This conceptualization suggests the importance of audience members in creating diverse public spheres and promoting a civil society.

Public spheres theories provide purpose and direction to composition instruction: the teaching of writing within this context empowers our students to participate in public discourse and make a difference in communities. New media has been celebrated for its democratic nature, and composition instructors have begun to use public spheres theories as they incorporate new media in the classroom to create a protopublic space. Yet most composition instructors have ignored the wealth of evidence that shows that the Internet is not as democratic as it seems. As such, our new media teaching practices should account for both the democratic opportunities and failures of the Internet. By using examples from my own classroom, I demonstrate how blogs can be used within the composition classroom by focusing on public spheres oriented teaching practices and methods. Four specific pedagogical approaches which instructors can incorporate are discussed: embracing the small-scale, counterpublic, and private potential of the blog; teaching students rhetorical skills which enable them to contribute more meaningfully to online conversations; teaching aspects of online infrastructure and distribution; and consciously using Habermas' criteria of public spheres to construct an online public community of class members. By using new media in the composition classroom, teachers can promote civic virtues within our students, support democracy, and positively transform the Internet's public space.

Afin de participer aux décisions politiques, suivant des procédures institutionnalisées ou par le simple fait de se forger une opinion, les médias d’information jouent un rôle central. Avec les problématiques écologiques contemporaines, cette exigence de participation s'accroît. Comment, dans les discours médiatiques, les enjeux environnementaux sont-ils traduits et mis en forme ? Par l’étude de deux trajectoires de controverses sociotechniques (autour du gaz de schiste et de la centrale nucléaire de Fessenheim) dans la presse généraliste (Le Monde et 20minutes) et un éventail de journaux plus large, nous explorons comment celles-ci se fixent dans différents répertoires de « montée en généralité ». À l’aide d’une articulation entre méthodes quantitative (lexicométrie) et qualitative (analyse du discours), nous dévoilons un dialogue entre différents « mondes de justification » (Boltanski et Thévenot, 1991) et cherchons l’existence d’une « cité écologique » (Lafaye et Thévenot, 1993) dans l’espace public médiatique. / In order to participate in political decisions, following institutional processes or through the simple fact of opinion-forming, the informative media play a central role. With the contemporary ecological problems this kind of involvement is ever more needed. How are environmental issues interpreted and shaped by media discourses ? By studying the trajectories of two socio-technical controversies (shale gas and the nuclear power plant of Fessenheim) in the mainstream press (Le Monde and 20minutes) and in a larger range of newspapers, we explore how these are linked to different “forms of generalization”. By combining quantitative (lexicometric analysis) and qualitative (discourse analysis) methods, we reveal a dialogue between different “worlds of justification” (Boltanski and Thévenot, 1991) and search for the existence of an “ecological city” (Lafaye and Thévenot, 1993) in the media public sphere.

The movement Caravana de Madres de Migrantes Desaparecidos; a transnational social movement uniting Central American mothers from Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador and Nicaragua whose children have disappeared in Mexico while migrating to the US, is part of a Latin American tradition where a mother-centered kinship system is at the center. The movement has managed to reunite more than 300 families. The concept of motherhood is important in forming the identity of this particular movement, when making their voices heard in the public sphere to find their disappeared children, fight for migrants rights and for social change. In what ways does the concept of motherhood influence the Caravana de Madres de Migrantes Desaparecidos’s struggle and communication for social change? How does the movement’s use of motherhood as a primary identity marker contribute to or hinder the movement's struggle for human rights and development?  To explore these questions we have collected data primarily through semi-structured interviews with members of the movement. We have also included other material such as recorded meetings, articles and videos for the contextual data in our content analysis. Our theoretical framework spans from more general theories on social movements and transnational movements to post-colonial theories on feminism and development, especially the Women Culture Development Approach (Bhavnani et al. 2016). Theories that concern cultural trauma and collective identity are also included since these are of specific relevance to the particular social movement of our case study.  We found that besides spreading awareness on the widespread issues of migration and enforced disappearances, the movement is contributing to both gender autonomy and empowerment for the mothers of the Caravana de Madres de Migrantes Desaparecidos. In the process of joining the movement many women undergo a journey from being a victim in mourning to becoming a social activist who encourages the engagement of even more women in social change initiatives. This in turn has long lasting effects on social change in their home countries. Unfortunately, we found that since their male spouses often are not part of this process, when returning home many mothers experience a backlash in terms of gender equality.

Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-07-20T14:57:39Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Abdul Pedro Manuel Muchingeca - 2017.pdf: 2032038 bytes, checksum: 79fc6475c80f6fba22625af2480443ab (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-07-20T15:00:59Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Abdul Pedro Manuel Muchingeca - 2017.pdf: 2032038 bytes, checksum: 79fc6475c80f6fba22625af2480443ab (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-20T15:00:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Abdul Pedro Manuel Muchingeca - 2017.pdf: 2032038 bytes, checksum: 79fc6475c80f6fba22625af2480443ab (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-12 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The present theoretical-reflexive and empirical effort fits within the context of media reception studies and aims to understand the Angolan political-mediatic setting from the perspective of the subject-recipient supported by the Habermasian concept of the public sphere. This dissertation sought to move away from a view of a presumptive receiver, conjecturing possible interpretations for the media products, listening to the real receivers and knowing the true appropriation / positioning. The central hypothesis is that the Angolan families have a real and critical diagnosis of the surrounding situation from Telejornal (main news service of the country) but can not reach a libertarian conclusion. For the theoretical-methodological support, we have contributions from Jurgen Habermas, Stuart Hall, Raymond Williams, Boaventura de Sousa Santos, Laurence Bardin, Ricardo Soares de Oliveira, Jesus Martin-Barbero and Nilda Jacks. The research method used is the Family Mediation Technic that involves ethnography, television reception and in-depth Interview. The main result is that there is a production of sense capable of forming critical public spheres, but this does not happen due to the existence of fences - to a party-state and to the Cultural (patriarchal) fence. It is an empirical research that was carried out in the city of Luanda - capital of the Republic of Angola. / O presente esforço teórico-reflexivo e empírico enquadra-se no contexto dos estudos de recepção midiática e objetiva compreender o cenário político-midiático angolano sob a perspectiva do sujeito-receptor amparados pelo conceito habermasiano de esfera pública. Esta dissertação buscou sair de uma visão de um receptor pressuposto, conjecturando possíveis interpretações para os produtos midiáticos, escutando os receptores reais e conhecendo a verdadeira apropriação/posicionamento. A hipótese central é a de que as famílias angolanas têm a partir do Telejornal (principal serviço noticioso do país) um diagnóstico real e crítico da situação que vivem mas não conseguem chegar a uma conclusão libertária. Para o suporte teórico-metodológico, contamos com aportes de Jurgen Habermas, Stuart Hall, Raymond Williams, Boaventura de Sousa Santos, Laurence Bardin, Ricardo Soares de Oliveira, Jesus Martin-Barbero e Nilda Jacks. O método de pesquisa empreendido é a Técnica de Mediação Familiar que envolve etnografia, recepção televisiva e Entrevista em profundidade. O principal resultado é que existe produção de sentido capaz de formação de esferas públicas críticas, porém, isso não ocorre devido a existência de cercas- a cerca partido-Estado e a cerca Cultural (patriarcal). É uma pesquisa empírica que foi realizada na cidade de Luanda -capital da República de Angola.

Studiens syfte är att finna en förståelse kring vilka sociala faktorer som producerar ett normativt beteende gällande ansvarsfördelningen runt barnen efter en separation. Undersökningen grundar sig därför i följande frågeställningar: Hur ser normen kring ansvarsfördelningen av ett barn ut efter en separation och hur upplevs denna ansvarsfördelning. Studien bygger på en kvalitativ metod som i sin utformning skall generera en större förståelse för våra frågeställningar. Vi har gjort fyra enskilda interjuver med två separerade par som har delad vårdnad över sina barn. Vår teoretiska utgångspunkt utgår ifrån socialkonstruktivismen.Den behandlar och beskriver hur kvinnliga och manliga beteende mönstren reproducerasvid interaktion individer emellan. Även teorin som förklara männens dominans i dagens samhälle (patriarkatet)samt den könade arbetsfördelningen inom den privata och offentliga sfären (liberala feministiska perspektiv) finns att ta del av. Vi har funnitett dialektisktförhållande mellan traditionella könsmönster, reproducering utav dessa, den könade arbetsfördelningen samt relationen mellan barn och deras föräldrar innan separationär faktorer som påverkar normen kring hur ansvarsfördelningen av ett barn efter en separation ser ut och upplevs. / The aim of this study is to determine which social factors create the dominating pattern in the delegation of responsibility of a child after a separation. The study is therefore based on the following enquiry: What is the norm during separation concerning the delegation of responsibility for a child between parents and how is this division of responsibility perceived.  This study is based on a qualitative method through which a greater understanding of these enquiries will be met. We have done four separate interviews with two sets of already separated partners who havejoined custody over their children. Our theory is based on social constructivism and discusses how current female, respective male behavioural patterns are reproduced between individuals. In addition, the theory which explains male dominance in present society (patriarchate) together with gender based division of labour within private and public spheres (the liberal feministic perspective) are both presented. We have discovered a dialectical relationship between traditional gender roles, theirreproduction ofthese,the gender based division of labour and even the relationship between children and their parents are all factors that contribute towards the determination of assigning responsibility of a child during separation and how it is perceived.

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-08-02T13:14:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Messiluce da Rocha Hansen.pdf: 3293103 bytes, checksum: 20361ba2d1e5714977002ab8db6845ea (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-08-08T11:52:28Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Messiluce da Rocha Hansen.pdf: 3293103 bytes, checksum: 20361ba2d1e5714977002ab8db6845ea (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-08T11:52:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Messiluce da Rocha Hansen.pdf: 3293103 bytes, checksum: 20361ba2d1e5714977002ab8db6845ea (MD5) / CAPES / A presente tese tem o propósito de contribuir para o processo de reconstrução do modelo de esfera pública das mídias incorporando as fortes conotações normativas da comunicação instituídas na democracia deliberativa. Para tanto, é realizada uma ampla revisão e análise dos modelos de esfera pública liberal e republicana e deliberativa salientando os nexos entre elas, bem como as formas como essas diferentes tradições do pensamento político concebem o processo de formação da opinião pública e delimitam os espaços e funções da participação popular na vida política democrática. De forma mais específica, a pesquisa usa o recurso analítico da síntese teórica para revisar o conceito de esfera pública de modo a oferecer uma resposta ao problema teórico de como conciliar as demandas comunicativas da democracia deliberativa com a percepção de que a mediação dos fluxos da comunicação política é feita de forma cada vez mais central na esfera pública constituída pelas mídias. A tese divide-se em duas partes complementares. Uma primeira, na qual, a partir de uma revisão da literatura dos modelos de democracia liberal, republicano e deliberativo e de seus subsequentes modelos de esfera pública, são discutidas as condições estruturais da formação democrática da opinião pública e da vontade política e, assim, das condições de legitimação democrática dos atos administrativos e legislativos do sistema político. E uma segunda, dedicada à reconstrução do modelo de esfera pública midiática a partir da noção de redes de esferas públicas múltiplas e parciais, dos princípios de acessibilidade e participação efetiva dos cidadãos na esfera pública e da diferenciação entre comunicação normativa e comunicação estratégica. Por fim, conclui-se que somente um sistema midiático organizado segundo a premissa da pluralidade de tipos de mídia, baseada na coexistência entre sistemas de mídia comercial, de serviço público, comunitário ou alternativo nos diferentes setores de mídia, pode constituir a base para o desenvolvimento de uma esfera pública midiática autolimitada e abrangente o suficiente para atender às fortes demandas comunicativas de regimes democráticos e, mais particularmente, da democracia deliberativa. The present dissertation proposes to reconstruct the mediatic model of public sphere by incorporating the strong communicative normative connotations found in deliberative democracy. As such, a comprehensive review and analysis was carried out of liberal, republican and deliberative public sphere models, stressing the interconnections between them and the ways these different traditions of political thought conceive processes that shape public opinion and define the spaces and functions of popular participation in democratic political life. More specifically, the research uses analytic techniques of theoretical synthesis to revise the concept of public sphere in order to provide a theoretical answer to the problem of how to reconcile the demands of communicative deliberative democracy with the perception that the mediation of communication policy is made ever more central to the public sphere constituted by the media. The thesis is divided into two complementary parts. The first, grounded on a literature review of models of liberal, republican and deliberative democracy and their subsequent models of public sphere, it discusses the structural conditions for the democratic formation of public opinion and political will, and thus the conditions for the democratic legitimacy of administrative and legislative acts of the political system. The second part seeks to delineate a more precise description of the abstract mediatic public sphere derived from the concepts of networks of multiple and partial public spheres, the principles of open access and effective participation of citizens in public life and the distinction between normative and strategic communication as established by Habermas. In conclusion, is argued that media systems organized on the basis of plural media types, characterized by the coexistence of commercial media systems, public service media, community and alternative media in different sectors, is the basis for developing a mediatic public sphere, self limiting and sufficiently comprehensive to meet the heavy communicative demands of democratic regimes and, more particularly, of deliberative democracy.

L´objectif générale de cette étude consistait d´analyser la présence et/ou l´absence de groupes sociaux et d´institutions représentatives visant à formuler et/ou intervenir dans les politiques publiques du travail qui traitent les femmes, les noirs, les personnes avec des incapacités, les travailleurs avec plus de 40 ans (publics multiples), dans le CODEFAT (Conseil Délibératif du Fond d´Assistance au Travailleur). Ces publics étaient choisis en raison d´être les plus vulnerables à l´entrée du marché du travail et peuvent être conçus comme une des principales cibles dans la formulation de politiques publiques. La période analysée s´étendait de 1990 à 2002, de la formation jusqu´à la fin du second gouvernement de Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Dans ce contexte, prenant comme point de repère le processus décisoire tout au long de douze ans, on a analysé si le Conseil peut être considéré comme ´´une sphère publique forte´´ en termes théoriques et empiriques, s´il est délibératif, partiel ou tripartiel et s´íl maintient la capacité normative de formuler les politiques publiques d´une manière autonome, au moins, du point de vue formal. Dans cette façon, la question principale était la suivante : le Conseil était-il perméable à la présence et à la représentation des publics multiples dans le processus de la formation de politiques publiques ? On a employé comme base en premier lieu, la théorie de Nancy Fraser qui a réalisé une relecture de la conception de la sphère publique à Habermas, privilégiant une analyse des groupes socialement vulnerables. Il est également convenu d´étudier le fonctionnement du Conseil, l´existence ou inexistence d´autonomie dans son rapport avec l´Executif, vu qu´on a formulé le concept d´ambiguité institutionale à partir du cas en question et d´une revision de la littérature, comme un possible modèle explicatif du fonctionnement de la sphère publique au Brésil. / objetivo geral da pesquisa foi analisar a presença e/ou ausência de grupos sociais e instituições representativas que buscaram formular e/ou intervieram nas políticas públicas de trabalho que tratavam das mulheres, negros, pessoas com deficiência e trabalhadores com mais de 40 anos de idade (múltiplos públicos), no Conselho Deliberativo de Fundo de Amparo ao Trabalhador (CODEFAT). Estes públicos foram escolhidos por serem os mais vulneráveis ao ingresso no mercado de trabalho e poderiam se constituir como um dos principais focos na formulação de políticas públicas. O período analisado foi entre 1990 e 2002, compreendendo seu momento de formação até o término do segundo governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Nesse contexto, analisamos, a partir do processo decisório ao longo de doze anos, se o Conselho pode ser compreendido como "esfera pública forte" em termos teóricos e empíricos, por ser deliberativo, ser paritário, tripartite e ter poder normativo para formular políticas públicas autonomamente, ao menos do ponto de vista formal. Assim, a principal questão foi perceber se o Conselho foi permeável à presença e representação dos múltiplos públicos no processo de formulação de políticas públicas, utilizando como base, especialmente, a teoria de Nancy Fraser, que realizou uma releitura da concepção de esfera pública em Habermas e privilegiou a análise de grupos socialmente vulneráveis. Coube também analisar o funcionamento do Conselho, captando a existência ou não de autonomia em relação ao Executivo, sendo que a partir do caso analisado e da revisão da literatura, apresentamos o conceito de "ambigüidade institucional" como uma proposta de modelo explicativo do funcionamento de esferas públicas no Brasil. / The general objective of this research was to analyze the presence and/or representative absence of social groups and institutions that tried to formulate and/or intervened in the public politics of work that dealt with women, black people, handicapped people and workers of 40 years old and over (multiple public), at the Deliberative Body of Fundo de Amparo do Trabalhador (CODEFAT) - Worker’s Supporting Fund. These groups were chosen for being the most vulnerable to enter the job market and could be considered as being the main focus in the shaping of public policy. The period under analysis was between 1990 and 2002, comprising the beginning until the end of Fernando Henrique Cardoso government. In this context, the decision-making spreading twelve years was analized, in addition to weather the council can be considered as "strong public sphere" in theoretical and empirical terms, as b eing deliberative, as be equal, tripartite and as having normative power when autonomously formulating public policy, at least in the formal point of view. Thus, the main question was to analyze weather the council was permeable to the presence and representation of the multiple publics in the process of formulation of public policy, using as a base, especially, the theory of Nancy Fraser, who carried through a new conception of public sphere in Habermas and privileged the socially vulnerable group analysis. It was also possible to analyze the functioning of the council, observing the existence or inexistence of autonomy in relation to the Executive, based in the case in hand and the revision of literature, we presented the concept of "institutional ambiguity", as a proposal for a clarifying model of the functioning of public spheres in Brazil.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Inserida no contexto dos estudos sociológicos acerca das esferas pública e privada na composição das relações sociais, esta dissertação analisa a imbricação entre estas esferas na construção histórica das relações sociais brasileiras e na composição da cultura política que as rege, objetivando identificar seus impactos e expressões atuais nas políticas sociais, com enfoque na política de assistência social. Com fundamentação em referencial teórico-metodológico marxista, foram utilizadas categorias gramscianas para estudo e conceituação daquelas esferas. Como campo empírico de pesquisa no âmbito da política de assistência social foi eleito o programa Cheque Cidadão implementado pelo Governo do Estado do Rio de Janeiro desde o no ano de 1999, adotando-se como conjunto instrumental entrevistas, análise documental, e observação em campo. As análises de dados e as considerações finais apontam que a recorrente execução de políticas públicas de assistência através de entidades religiosas, ainda que num Estado considerado laico, permite a criação de relações fundadas a partir de identidades privadas entre os indivíduos sociais e seus governantes, viabilizando privilégios não necessariamente formais, mas sobretudo reais no acesso a políticas sociais de natureza pública, constitutivas de direito, deturpando-as e adubando assim nosso vasto solo de cultura política patriarcal, personalista, de supressão do público pelo privado e mercantil, onde se fundaram nossas raízes. / This dissertation analyzes how the public and the private spheres imbricate to build Brazilian social relations and the political culture that serves them as guideline. The study integrates sociological research concerning how social relations originate, aiming at identifying the impacts and influences that the aforementioned relations bring to current social policies, focusing on social assistance policies. The theoretical and methodological approach was based on Marxist literature, and categories taken from Gramsci works were used to study and conceptualize the public and private spheres. Empirical research referred to the program cheque cidadão, which has been implemented by Rio de Janeiro state government since 1999. Interviews, documentation and field work constituted the instruments used. Data analysis and final observations indicate that the fact that religious entities are in charge of accomplishing social assistance policies within a lay state gives way to relations that are based on private, rather public, identities between individuals and their rulers, which makes possible the existence of privileges _ real, if not formalized _ regarding access to social policies. These are meant to be lawful and of public nature policies. Therefore, the process described above distort them and feed the Brazilian political culture, deeply rooted in patriarchalism and personalism, that favors private relations in detriment of the public matters.