The master's thesis deals with analysis of foreign professional articles focused on Brexit referendum in 2016. Focus is on review of each article - what type of analysis was used in the article, aim and motivation to do that analysis, and their comparison. In the end of this thesis quantitative analysis of Czech on-line articles writing about Brexit referendum is provided.

In June 2016, the United Kingdom held its EU referendum, colloquially known as Brexit, in which the people of the island nation voted on whether their country should remain a member of or leave the European Union. This thesis investigates what economic variables may have lain behind the majority outcome of a given voting area (or district) and to what degree they may have impacted it. A logistic regression is conducted primarily on referendum and election data from the Electoral Commission, census data from the Office for National Statistics, and political leaning scores as quantified by the Manifesto Project. The resulting model, which exhibits a hit ratio of 92 percent correct predictions, shows that age, education, national identity, political leaning, irreligion, and unemployment have significant correlations with the majority Brexit outcome of a district. On the other hand, population, health, and income variables do not have statistically significant effects; however, poor health, on average, does seem to have a large positive effect on the odds when taking relative sample size into account.

Diante do descontentamento do povo com seus representantes, nota-se a existência de uma possível crise democrática. Percebe-se haver uma falta de identificação entre as leis vigentes e políticas públicas adotadas com as reais necessidades populares o que gera descrença no sistema e nos políticos, levando o povo, cada dia mais, a se afastar das decisões políticas. A máxima democrática de que todo poder emana do povo e deve ser exercido em seu nome, não vem sendo demonstrada no histórico brasileiro, pois, após a eleição, alguns representantes acabam exercendo o poder em benefício próprio, e pior, muitas vezes contra o anseio popular. A Constituição da República de 1988, seguindo tendência democrática atual, buscou contornar o problema prevendo instrumentos que propiciassem a participação popular de forma direta, sem, contudo, alijar a representação. Todavia, mais de vinte anos após a promulgação da Constituição, esses mecanismos têm sido pouco utilizados. Assim, o presente estudo tem por objetivo analisar, em especial, os instrumentos da democracia direta que traduzem a vontade popular manifestada nas urnas, quais sejam: o plebiscito e o referendo. A partir de uma análise histórica da democracia, busca-se entender o porquê da escassez dessas consultas populares, bem como avaliar os meios de que dispõem para conformar o ideal do cidadão às políticas governamentais adotadas por seus representantes. / Over time there has been an increasing schism between elected officials and the electorade, this causing a crisis of our democracy. This schism strengthens the view among citizens that public policy and enacted laws and regulations do not address popular needs. The result is growing disenchantment with politics itself, leading to distrust of political system, government, and, of course, politicians. This leads to the failure of our democratic system, specifically, lack of plebiscite and referendum. The principle that all power emanates from the people and must be exercised on their name has never been a reality in Brazilian history. Although such a concept may be abstract and difficult to implement, the primary reason for the failure of its implementation is the lack of accountability of politicians to their electorate. Instead, what our democratic society has seen, or at least has perceived, is that politicians do not act to address popular needs; rather, politicians act to address special interests for themselves personally and for persons with the ability to influence political decisions. The Constitution, enacted in 1988, sought to address some of these representation failures by providing mechanisms that would encourage, and enable, public participation in a more direct way with their representatives. Almost twenty-five years after the promulgation of the Constitution, it has become obvious that mechanisms have done little to address representation. The purpose of this thesis is to identify and provide a better understanding of why these representative failures occur and to examine certain instruments of direct democracy that better reflect the popular will expressed and polls by electorate.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2013-02-07 / The master degree dissertation aims to establish the limits of democracy in Brazil, from the 1988 Constitution, through the study of the 1993 referendum, which was about the form and system of government. The theoretical approach used on the research is the German Jürgen Habermas, which seeks to reduce the effects of capitalism dominating on the complex societies, through the theory of deliberative democracy, according to which the right is a medium between the world of the living and the administrative and politic system, whose main goal is the emancipation from the communicative proceedings. To reach the desired conclusion, the research examined the theories of liberal democracy, the theory of participatory democracy as well as outlined briefly consider the referendum as a mechanism for participation and deliberation. In addition, deals with the differences and paradoxes about the traditional constitutional theories and the concepts of popular sovereignty, constitutionalism and democracy, analyzing comparatively procedural theories of democracy and Habermas's view on such concepts. Finally, analyzes the 1993 referendum, in itself, since its inception in the National Constituent Assembly, until its result, and presenting critical considerations about the democratic potential of this event in the context of Brazilian democraticy. / A dissertação de mestrado tem como objetivo apurar os limites da democracia no Brasil, a partir da Constituição de 1988, através do estudo do plebiscito de 1993, que versou sobre a forma e o regime de governo. O referencial teórico adotado para a pesquisa é o autor alemão Jürgen Habermas, que procura diminuir os efeitos dominadores do capitalismo nas sociedades complexas, através da teoria da democracia deliberativa, segundo a qual o direito é um medium entre o mundo da vida e o sistema administrativo e político, cujo objetivo principal é a emancipação social a partir dos processos comunicativos. Para chegar à conclusão desejada, a pesquisa analisou as teorias liberais da democracia, a teoria da democracia participativa, bem como traçou breves considerações sobre o plebiscito como mecanismo de participação e deliberação. Em complemento, dispôs sobre as diferenças e paradoxos existentes entre as teorias constitucionalistas tradicionais e os conceitos de soberania popular, constitucionalismo e democracia, analisando de forma comparativa as teorias procedimentais de democracia e a visão de Habermas sobre tais conceitos. Por fim, analisa o plebiscito de 1993, em si, desde sua criação na Assembléia Nacional Constituinte até seu resultado, apresentando críticas e considerações sobre o potencial democrático deste evento no contexto democrático brasileiro.

Dans une société démocratique, il faut que la relation entre l’État et ses citoyens soit égale, et que laparticipation du citoyen à la vie politique soit envisagée non seulement comme le critère d’évaluationdu niveau de démocratie d’un pays, mais encore comme la condition de légitimité du pouvoir desgouvernants. En bref, dans un État de droit, le peuple doit être le centre et l’origine des pouvoirspublics. Les organes essentiels de l’appareil d’État doivent être, directement ou indirectement,désignés par le peuple. Les problèmes les plus importants du pays doivent être consultés par le peuple,avant la prise de décisions définitives par l’autorité. Le droit de vote, d’éligibilité et le droit departicipation aux consultations populaires sont des droits politiques fondamentaux du citoyen. Enréalité, pour différents motifs, la mise en oeuvre de ces droits n’est pas respectée dans plusieurs pays.Comment ces droits sont-ils exercés et garantis au Vietnam ? Quelles sont les solutions appropriées àrenforcer pour une meilleure garantie de ces droits est donc le thème de notre étude qui répondra à unesérie de questions : la participation du citoyen vietnamien à la vie politique est un droit acquis ou droitdonné ? Dans quelles circonstances et pourquoi y participe-t-il ? Quelles sont les restrictions envers saparticipation ? Les cadres juridiques sont-ils suffisants pour sa participation ? Quelles sont lesinfluences issues de sa participation sur le Parti communiste toujours au pouvoir ? Que faut-ilentreprendre pour faciliter et garantir une vraie participation du citoyen dans l’avenir ? La pratique dela démocratie directe et la tendance du renforcement de la démocratie locale vers un État de droit sontilscompatibles avec le régime moniste ? Une participation active du citoyen à la vie politique dansl’avenir contribue-t-elle à changer en quelque sorte son statut actuel dans sa relation avec l’État ?...etc.Nous donnerons au lecteur les réponses adéquates à ces questions, pour qu’il puisse mieuxcomprendre le statut du citoyen au Vietnam dans les différentes périodes de l’histoire. / In a democratic society, it is necessary that the relationship between the State and its citizens is equal.Citizen participation in political life should be considered not only as the criterion for assessing thelevel of a country's democracy, but also as the condition of the legitimacy of the power of rulers. Inshort, in the rule of law, the people must be the center; the origin of government. Vital organs of theState apparatus must be directly or indirectly appointed by the people. The most important problems ofthe country must be consulted by the people before the authorities make any final decisions. The rightto vote, eligibility and the right to participate in popular consultations are the basic political rights ofcitizens. But in reality, for various reasons, these rights are not respected in many countries. How theserights are they exercised and guaranteed to Vietnam, what are the appropriate solutions to strengthenfor a better guarantee of these rights is the theme of our thesis, which answers a series of questions: Isthe participation of a Vietnamese citizen’s political life an acquired right or a given right? Under whatcircumstances does a citizen participate? What are the restrictions to a citizen’s participation? Are thelegal frameworks adequate to encourage participation? What are the influences from its participationin the Communist Party in power? In the current context, what should be done to facilitate and ensuregenuine participation of citizens in the future? Are the practice of direct democracy and the tendencyof strengthening grassroots democracy enough to build a rule of law that is compatible with the Party-State system? Active participation of citizen in political life in the future could help to change hiscurrent status in the relationship with the State? We hope to give the reader adequate answers to thesequestions, so they may better understand the status of Vietnamese citizen throughout different periodsof history.

<p>Based on widespread public debate prior to Swedish EMU-referendum 2003, the main purpose of this thesis is to examine and analyze the standpoint of the Swedish parliamentary parties in the EMU-issue, from perspektive of the following questions;</p><p>1) What is the official standpoint of the parliamentary parties in the EMU-issue?</p><p>2) What claimed effects of a Swedish EMU-membership or non-membership have the parties presented?</p><p>3) What rifts can be found within the parties, in relation to their official standpoint in the EMU-issue?</p><p>The Sweidish parliamentary parties´ standpoint in the EMU-issue will be analyze from the point of view of a number of current theories. These theories are basically democrazy theories that all have transnationalization and Europeanization as a common ground.</p><p>The conclusions are, among others, that the parliamentary parties` standpoints in the EMU-issue are based on ideological values about whether or not a Swedish EMU-membership is good for Sweden. The Liberal Party, the Christian Democrats, the Moderate Party and the Social Party have a positive view on EMU and a deeper European integration, and basically value the economic efficency of the EMU higher than democratic decision making and a national currency and monetary policy. As for the EMU-critical parties such as the Centre Party, the Green Party and the Left Party, their view in the EMU-issue can be regarded as more nationalistic, since they say no to an exapanded financial cooperation. A contibuting factor to their standpoint in this issue is that they value the national influence over currency and monetary policies, and democratic decision making higher than the economic effciency of the EMU.</p><p>The Swedish parliamentary parties have suggested a number of effects of a Swedish EMU-membership or non-membership. In general; all parties tend to exaggerate the factors which benefit their own EMU-standpoint, and to some extent discard those which oppose their stand in the EMU-issue.</p><p>This thesis makes it clear that regarding the EMU-issue all of the parliamentary parties are more or less divided. The Moderate Party and the Liberal Party are seen as the most united for a Swedish EMU-membership, whereas the Left Party and the Green Party are the most united against Sweden joining the EMU. The Centre Party is resonably united in their opposition to a Swedish membership, apart from a small minority of EMU-advocates. The Christian Democrats and the Social Democrats, on the other hand, are the most devided parties in the EMU-issue.</p> / <p>Med anledning av den omfattande debatten inför den svenska EMU-folkomröstningen år 2003 är det huvudsakliga syftet med denna uppsats att undersöka samt analysera de svenska riksdagspartiernas ställningstagande i EMU-frågan utifrån följande frågeställningar:</p><p>1) Vilka är de svenska riksdagspartiernas officiella ståndpunkter i EMU-frågan?</p><p>2) Vilka påstådda effekter har riksdagspartierna fört fram vid ett svenskt EMU-medlemskap eller ett EMU-utanförskap?</p><p>3) Vilka splittringar finns det inom riksdagspartierna i relation till partiernas officiella ställningstagande i EMU-frågan?</p><p>De svenska riksdagspartiernas förhållningssätt i EMU-frågan behandlas utifrån flera demokratiteorier som har transnationaliseringen och europeiseringen som gemensam bas.</p><p>Slutsatserna är bland andra att riksdagspartiernas ställningstagande i EMU-frågan bottnar i ideologiska värderingar om att ett svenskt EMU-medlemskap är bra respektive dåligt för Sverige. Folkpartiet, kristdemokraterna, moderaterna och socialdemokraterna är positiva till EMU och till en fördjupad europeisk integration där de i grund och botten värderar EMU:s ekonomiska effektivitet mer än en demokratisk beslutsordning och en nationell valuta- och penningpolitik. När det gäller EMU-kritiska partierna som centerpartiet, miljöpartiet och vänsterpartiet är deras synsätt i EMU-frågan att betrakta som mer nationalistiskt eftersom de säger nej till ett utökat ekonomiskt samarbete. En bidragande orsak till deras uppfattning i denna fråga är att de värdesätter det nationella inflytandet över valuta- och penningpolitiken samt en demokratisk bestlutsordning mer än EMU:s ekonomiska effektivitet.</p><p>Sveriges riksdagspartier har fört fram många påstådda effekter vid ett svenskt EMU-medlemskap eller ett EMU-utanförskap. Generellt sett tenderar alla riksdagspartier förstora de faktorer som främjar deras egna EMU-ståndpunkter och i viss mån förkasta det som går tvärt emot deras ställningstagande i EMU-frågan.</p><p>Moderaterna och folkpartiet bedöms vara de mest enade partierna för ett svenskt EMU-medlemskap medan vänsterpartiet och miljöpartiet är de mest sammanhållna partierna mot en svensk EMU-anslutning. Centerpartiet är förhållandevis överens i sitt EMU-motstånd bortsett från en mindre minoritet med EMU-förespråkare. Kristdemokraterna och socialdemokraterna är däremot de mest splittrade partierna i EMU-frågan.</p>

European integration was for a long time perceived as an elite-driven project that received public acceptance through what was coined as the permissive consensus. With the expansion of the domain of community actions and capacities, and the turmoil in the ratification processes following changes of the treaties, an increased public contestation over European integration can be observed. European integration now covers policy areas that are more prone to political debate and polarization. The weak public support for the EU has not been matched by electoral support for Eurosceptic parties. Hence, this mismatch increases the political opportunity structures for political entrepreneurs wishing to profit from the public dissent regarding the integration process. This study focuses on the conditions under which European integration is politicized, where politicization refers more specifically to party-politicization. Political parties that oppose the EU and their electoral fortunes are used as a proxy for the politicization of European integration. It is a comparative study over time (1984-2009) and space (14 member states) which assesses the conditional power of a number of enabling and constraining institutional factors that influence the variation in number of Eurosceptic parties, success of those parties, and the success of single-issue Eurosceptic parties over time and space. The analysis demonstrates the importance of the party system features and the use of referendum over European integration for the emergence of party-based Euroscepticism. It also places special emphasis on the combination of factors and their impact on the outcome. The study relates the findings to the democratic credentials of the European Union, with special reference to the role of opposition and representation.

No description available.

Pastaraisiais metais pastebėta tiesioginės demokratijos procedūrų augimo pasaulyje tendencija. Niekada iki šiol tiek daug žmonių negalėjo balsuoti jiems svarbiais klausimais, kaip per pastarąjį dešimtmetį. Vis dažniau naudojama iniciatyvios teisė, visuotiniai balsavimai, sprendžiant esminius klausimus ir išrinktų pareigūnų atšaukimo mechanizmas, iš esmės pakeitė politinę dinamiką. Visame pasaulyje, atstovaujamoji demokratija yra pertvarkoma ir modernizuojama. Taigi, ir šio magistro darbo tema buvo pasirinkta neatstitiktinai, o siekiant platesniame referendumo instituto analizės kontekste išanalizuoti referendumų patirtį bei įvertinti jų perspektyvas Lietuvoje, Šveicarijoje ir Kalifornijoje. Tikslas pasiektas analizuojant teisės doktriną ir teisės aktus, vertinant Lietuvos bei pasirinktų (Šveicarijos bei Kalifornijos) valstybių referendumų patirtį ir jų poveikį atstovaujamai demokratijai. Pirmojoje darbo dalyje išsamiai aptariama referendumo, kaip tiesioginės demokratijos instituto, samprata bei klasifikacija, dėl kurios terminologijos mokslininkų nuomonė išsiskiria. Antrojoje dalyje aptariama referendumų praktika Lietuvoje ir pateikiamas jos vertinimas. Trečiojoje dalyje analizuojami tiesioginės demokratijos institutai Šveicarijoje bei pateikiamas jų vertinimas. Ketvirtojoje dalyje vertinama tiesioginė demokratija Kalifornijoje. Galiausiai penktojoje dalyje pateikiama referendumų skeptikų nuomonė ir argumentai, paneigiantys ją. / In recent years the growth of direct democratic procedures in the world has become far more noticeable. Never before such a large number of people could vote for the actual issues since over the past decade. More frequently applied initiative law, general voting with a view to resolving essential problems and using mechanism of cancelation of the elected officials has fundamentally changed the political dynamics. Around the world representative democracy is being transformed and modernized. Thus the topic of the Master‘s thesis was chosen not randomly but to the more extensive context of the analysis of the referendum institute and aims to approach the experience of the referenda and assessing their prospects in Lithuania, Switzerland and California. The objective has been achieved by analyzing legal doctrine and legislation in terms of Lithuania and the experience of the selected states (Switzerland and California) organizing the referendums as well as their effects on representative democracy. The first part disputes the referendum in detail referring to it as the institute of direct democracy, concept and classification since the researchers’ opinion concerning the terminology is different. The second part deals with the practice of referendum law in Lithuania and its assessment is presented. The third part analyzes the institutions of direct democracy in Switzerland and their assessment. The direct democracy in California is assessed in the fourth part while and... [to full text]

The "end of the century" nourishes a questioning movement on national identity and on the concept of modernity that is encouraged by the Quebec essayists. We propose an organization of the elements of the sovereign narrative which would be able to conduct and constitute a generative grammar of its argumentation. Our project consists in creating a matrix of the nationalistic discourse during the 1995 Quebec referendum period on sovereignty. This schematic figure will bring to its most simple expression the narrative of the Quebec nationalistic discourse selecting examples from ten texts of our primary bibliography. Our matrix will incorporate ideas, dogmas, theories, facts and myths stemming from the ideological discourses. We will see how these elements do interact, to be able afterwards to gather them in a framework on which national identity and legitimity of the national accession to sovereignty should be based. The study of this narrative of the past, as well as the analysis of the public characters will be leaded by the sociocritical approach of discourse analysis. / The francophone cultural nation living on the territory of the Province of Quebec demonstrates itself through the values of tenacity, solidarity, labour and openness of mind towards "Others". The nation increases the standing of a society project based on a democratic basis, condemning the traitors of the Quebec nation. This history concerns the francophone majority even though it is linked to the other "oppressed peoples" of the World History. This "french-quebecer" history is enhanced with a collective memory, projected towards the future in making the project of sovereignty the purpose of its teleological progression.