Externalization agreements have become more common in Europe after 2015, and one of the mostrecent ones is the Migration and Economic Development Partnership agreement between the UnitedKingdom (UK) and Rwanda. According to that agreement people who are seeking safety from theUK are going to be transferred to Rwanda where their asylum claim is assessed and if they are grantedrefugee status they are going to be settled in Rwanda. This study conducted a critical discourse analysis on documents about the partnership agreement thatwere published on the GOV.UK website. The study used postcolonialism and the concept ofexternalization as theoretical framework. Through critical discourse analysissix discourses were uncovered. These were: partnership discourse,safe third country discourse, the UK as a safe haven discourse, we versus they discourse,securitization discourse and innovation discourse. These discourses revealed that colonial timesstereotypes are still affecting the way that refugees are presented in the documents. And that whilethe documents aim to create a picture of collaboration and equality, the agreement itself is part of aworld that is affected by colonial times power relations, which affects Rwanda’s abilities to bargainthe agreement and how the roles of the agreement have been created. Therefore, the agreementfollows and recreates colonial discourses and power structures. The study also found that thepartnership agreement can be seen as externalization agreement as it externalizes refugee protectionto Rwanda and is justified by similar arguments that are common in externalization practices.

This thesis describes, conceptualizes and analyzes local reactions to the establishment of a refugee center in a small, remote mining community in Malmliden, rural Sweden, in the early 1990s. The purpose of the study was to explore and describe the local and wider contexts in which the reactions took place and to understand reactions in relation to these contexts. The study combined qualitative interviews, participant observation and the analysis of texts from different sources: daily press, historical and policy documents. Twenty-seven persons were included in the interview study (nineteen respondents and eight key infor-mants). Interviews with the nineteen respondents (nine men and ten women) were based on a semi-structured interview manual and were carried out during the winter of 1993 and the spring of 1994. Theo-retical frames and concepts were chosen in an elaborative way that was suitable for the empirical findings that gradually developed. In short, theoretical considerations that focus on social and political processes of inclusion and exclusion, ethnic relations and categorizations and the interplay between the social and the individual frame the analysis. The analysis is more closely informed by perspectives on how the atti-tudes toward the asylum seeker (as an immigrant but also as a welfare-state client), as a representation of “the other”, are socially produced. This study revealed that the inhabitants had dual reactions to the localized refugee center in Malm-liden. The reactions could neither be characterised as positive nor negative. They were summarized as ambivalent and were expressed spatially and socially. The spatial aspects include a number of inhabitants’ positive experiences of the refugee center as something that brought vitality to the slumbering neighbor-hood, while others thought of the refugee center as something disturbing and displaced. The social aspects involved a number of inhabitant’s embrace of the refugee center and the asylum seekers, whereas others distance themselves from the center and the refugees. While some inhabitants were enriched by the con-tact with asylum seekers, others dissociated themselves from the refugees and other inhabitants who were involved with the refugee centre. Some of the reactions were expressed as resistance. These reactions were mostly expressed latently, toward the authorities or local Policy makers and not directly toward the refugees or the refugee center The inhabitants blamed the establishment of the refugee center and those employed there for the poor state of things because they represented symbols of change and uncertainty. Therefore, initially the resistance could not be understood as rooted in emotional antipathy toward refu-gees as a (ethnic) group or as individuals, but rather as resistance against a perceived intrusion into the neighborhood autonomy. However, the strategies of the inhabitants were avoidance of contact with the refugee center and the stigmatization of the refugees. Therefore, the actions of resistance resulted in a racialization of place and ethnic segregation. The dual reactions of the inhabitants were contextual, and in which local as well as national circumstances played a considerable role in shaping the inhabitants’ experiences. At both national and local levels, the attitudes and practices directed toward asylum seekers and refugees were ambivalent. The reasons for the local acceptance of asylum seekers were ambivalent, and in which both actions of solidarity and economic considerations came into play. An external circum-stance influenced expectations and reactions to the refugee center was an ambivalent refugee policy which aimed to integrate the asylum seeker with a normalized habitat but with an institutional framing, which clearly made the asylum seeker into a client. Another external factor was the welfare state position of the asylum seeker, as he or she was positioned in an ambivalent juridical, social and political position. The overall conclusion is that the positions of the asylum seekers in the neighborhood of Malmliden were further stressed as welfare state clients and not as ordinary neighbors. A concluding image is that the contextual ambivalent positioning of the asylum seekers was reflected in the way the inhabitants regarded the asylum seekers as others in the neighborhood community.

<p>The aim of this study is to explain the paradox of the memberstates willingness to surrender power of important issues such as asylum and refugee policy and therefore partly abandon its sovereignty. We also discuss the relation between internationalization, regionalization and globalization since these processes form the context in which our research problem is found. A case study is used as a method in this paper.</p><p>In our quest for answers we use a theory of internationalization that we place in its context by primarily discussing the relation between globalization and regionalization. The theory is used as an explanatory force and to give it a concrete form we operationalised its three processes; internationalization of problems, internationalization of the societies and internationalization of the descisionmaking.</p><p>The result of the case study shows that the increase in asylumseekers leads to a higher risk of negative competition wich give rise to the memberstates need to coordinate their politics.</p><p>We found that when societies and problems are being internationalized, the state finds it difficult to resolve problems on their own and this leads to the internationalization of the dedescisionmaking. The internationalization of the decision-making process is therefore natural, which in this case means the decisions are taken by the EU rather than by the member states.</p>

This thesis investigates the connection between migration discourses and politics through the assyrian/syrian immigration to Sweden 1975-1982. Using Bacchi’s “What’s the problem (represented to be)?” (WPR) methodology, which is based on Foucault’s theories of governmentality, this thesis investigates how preconceptions of issues forms understanding of them as problems and shapes the possible solutions to the problem concerned. The results of this thesis indicates that the assyrian/syrian immigration to Sweden was understood by the government and its agencies as an issue of control over the population and over immigration. There was a consensus amongst all parties that immigration to Sweden must be regulated both by law and in numbers and in distribution across the country but disagreements existed on solutions. This study aims to increase knowledge of the different responses to the assyrian/syrian immigration in order to further understanding of how political consensus shapes immigration politics and how border politics and integration politics intersect and affect one another.

According to the Global Trends Report 2021 provided by UNHCR (2022), there were 89.3 million forcibly displaced people in the world at the end of 2021, of which more than a quarter were refugees. This implies that there are more forcibly displaced people who cannot be called as refugees. The contemporary refugee and forced migration issue has developed from the social transformation in line with globalization and neoliberalism. This thesis aims to reveal how transnational migration and social transformation affect the refugee policies of the two countries where there is nothing geographically, historically, and culturally in common. To do so, the methodological approach of comparative case studies (CCS) is used to examine the refugee policies of Sweden and South Korea.  As empirical data, semi-structured interviews with government agents and NGOs from each country are analyzed and assessed with the use of theoretical framework of neoliberalism and its impact on social transformation. The results suggest that the refugee policies of the two countries converged on the minimum level of protection. Furthermore, not only refugees or asylum seekers but also many other people, including migrants and even native born cannot get appropriate protection from the current system. An additional finding is that countries should develop reasonable migration policy to meet both the demand of the national economy and humanitarian protection. This would be possible by preparing the entry rights for economic migrants in accordance with their labor market demands and guaranteeing appropriate entitlements for them.  This thesis demonstrates that comparing the refugee policy between Western and non-Western countries has significance for understanding the power relations that bind the seemingly dissimilar countries together. Therefore, the refugee policies in non-Western countries and their relationship with Western counterparts should be researched further.

The aim of this dissertation is to examine the Swedish government’s responses to the Prague Spring, the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, the anti-Semitic campaigns in Poland and, first and foremost, to Czechoslovak and Polish-Jewish refugees fleeing their native countries as a result of these event during the formative period of the late 1960s and early 1970s. This has been accomplished by examining the entire process from the decision to admit the refugees in 1968, to their reception and economic integration into Swedish society during the seven-year period necessary for acquiring Swedish citizenship. This study also analyzes discourses in Swedish newspapers relating to these matters and compares the media’s treatment of these two groups. The investigation is guided by factors influencing refugee policy formation such as bureaucratic choices, international relations, local absorption capacity, national security considerations, and Cold War considerations. Press cuttings, diplomatic documents, telegrams, protocols from the departments and government agencies involved, as well as reports from the resettlement centres, and, finally, refugees’ applications for citizenship form the empirical basis of this study. The period under investigation coincides with three key developments in Sweden’s foreign, refugee, and immigrant policies – the emergence of a more activist foreign policy, the shift from labour migration to refugee migration and, finally, the shift from a policy of integration to multiculturalism. In this regard, the overarching objective of the study is to shed some light on these developments and to determine whether the arrival, reception, and integration of these refugees should be regarded as the starting point for new policies towards immigrants and minorities in Sweden, or if it should rather be seen as the finale of the policies that had begun to develop at the end of World War II. The results demonstrate that Sweden’s refugee policy formation of the late 1960s and early 1970s was hardly affected by these major developments. It could be argued that a more active foreign policy was evident in the criticism of the events in Czechoslovakia and Poland and in the admission of the Czechoslovak of Polish-Jewish refugees to Sweden, but a detailed analysis of the motives shows that these decisions were primarily the result of international relations, national security considerations, and economic capacity, along with other considerations that had guided Swedish refugee policy in previous decades. Similarly, at the centre of Sweden’s reception of the Czechoslovak and Polish-Jewish refugees during the late 1960s and early 1970s was, like in previous decades, the labour market orientation of Sweden’s refugee policy. The Czechoslovaks and Polish-Jews did not experience any multiculturalist turn. Overall, Sweden’s responses to the Czechoslovak and Polish-Jewish refugees were consistent with the objectives developed at the end of World War II and thus did not represent a transition in Swedish refugee policymaking.

Turkey has been among a limited number of states that signed the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and adopted the geographical limitation / furthermore, among a very few number of states that still maintains this limitation. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the significance of geographical limitation and what has brought the changes to Turkish asylum policies in respect of this reservation. Turkey is expected to abolish the geographical limitation during the European Union harmonization process. In this thesis furthermore, the role of the European Union within this process will be put forward.

The essay aims to compare Swedish and Finnish decisions regarding refugee policies by tracing them back to the critical junctures when the policies were established, in order to explain why there are big differences prevalent today. The questions asked involve the motivations of the refugee policies and how they have changed over time. The theoretical framework employed is based on historical institutionalism and path dependency. By using a most similar system design and process tracing, material in the form of government declarations and government bills are studied and summed up in two analytical models. The results show that there might be a weak path dependency in the case of Finland. However it is more apparent in the case of Sweden, with frequent statements of a generous refugee policy that is characterised by humanity. The conclusions drawn are that the differences between the refugee policies might be due to the fact that the refugee policies are motivated in different ways in the two countries. Furthermore, Sweden has had an established policy for a long time whereas Finland has only just started developing this program.

位於北歐的瑞典以完善的社會福利制度與開放包容的形象所聞名於世，故自二戰以來，便持續地吸引著外來移民向瑞典移入。瑞典分別於1995年加入歐盟與2001年加入申根區，在人民有自由移動權利之歐盟原則與開放國界邊境之《申根公約》的情況下，瑞典將必須面對更多的外來移民。2010年，阿拉伯之春爆發，中東地區的動亂導致每年向歐洲國家尋求庇護的難民持續地增加，並因此形成了歐洲難民危機，若以2016年難民獲准庇護的人數並透過各國總人口之人均比例加以觀察，瑞典乃位居各成員國之冠。直至今日，在瑞典全國具有外國背景之人口已約占總人口五分之一，惟如此眾多的外來移民能否順利地融入瑞典社會與當地人民能否接納外來移民，這都將會是個很重要的課題與挑戰。 本研究以多元文化主義為研究途徑。多元文化主義強調在一個國家或社會內部中的各類民族或族群應能保留其獨特的文化特色，而彼此之間乃立基於平等的立場，相互尊重與和諧共處，其不僅僅是一種理念，同時也是國家或政府對於國內少數族群的具體政策執行。故本文即透過多元文化主義的觀點來探討瑞典的移民政策有何特色，而能夠促使外來移民向瑞典產生移民的行為。最後，本研究發現瑞典的移民政策於二戰以來至2016年為止，在以追求多元文化主義為理想之下，並未有劇烈性的變革，且若依瑞典國內政治與社會對於外來移民的態度而言，其政策方針與執行規劃乃是優於其他歐盟成員國的。 / Located in northern Europe, Sweden is known for its impeccable social welfare system and an open and inclusive image, so it has been attracting immigrants to Sweden since World War II. Sweden joined the EU and the Schengen Area in 1995 and 2001 respectively. Under the EU principles that people have the right to be free to move and the Schengen Convention that led to the removal of border controls between countries, Sweden will have to face more immigrants. In 2010, the Arab Spring outbreak that the turmoil in the Middle East resulted in more and more asylum seekers in European countries, and thus forming a European refugee crisis. On a per capita basis of the total population of countries, Sweden has taken in far more refugees granted asylum status in the member states of the EU. Until today, the population with a foreign background has accounted for about 1/5 of the total population in Sweden, but it will be a very important task and challenge whether so many immigrants can smoothly be involved in the Swedish society and local people can accept immigrants. This study takes multiculturalism as the research approach. Multiculturalism emphasizes that various nationalities or ethnic groups should be in a position to retain their unique cultural characteristics in a country or society and they are based on the position of equality, mutual respect and harmony. It is not just a concept, but also the specific executive policy of the national or government for ethnic minorities. Therefore, this thesis attempts to explore the characteristics of Swedish immigration policy to promote immigrants to Sweden through multiculturalism. Finally, this study finds that Swedish immigration policy has not a drastic change between the Second World War and 2016 in the pursuit of multiculturalism as the ideal. And according to the Swedish domestic political situation and social attitudes to immigration, its policy and implementation plan is better than any member state of the EU.

<p>The aim is to increase our understanding of the mechanisms of social categorization and discrimination, as well as the connection between them. This has been accomplished by examining Swedish refugee policy towards Jewish refugees during the Second World War and the Holocaust, as conducted by The Foreigner’s Bureau of the National Board of Health and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs during 1938−1944. The study also compares the Swedish refugee policy with that of Denmark, Switzerland, Great Britain and the United States. The investigation is guided by such concepts as social categorization, discrimination, antisemitism, organizational culture and established practice. The primary sources are documents, minutes and personal dossiers; <i>Svensk författningssamling</i> (legislation) and articles in <i>Sociala Meddelanden</i> (the National Board’s official journal).</p><p>The main conclusions are that Sweden was not perceived as a country of immigration, based partly of the widespread fear that too many Jewish refugees would create a “Jewish Question”. Swedish authorities discriminated against Jewish refugees on grounds of “race” through a process of categorization. This process began already in the 1920’s, and gradually transformed the definition of “Jew” from a religious to a “racial” definition, based on the Nuremberg Laws. The differentiation of Jewish refugees in official statistics ceased in September 1943, yet it continued secretly until February 1944, encompassing the Norwegian and Danish Jews as well. One important result shows that the shift in policy – from discrimination to large scale reception – was a slow process where this differentiating practice and antisemitic perceptions remained operative. What is defined as an antisemitic background bustle is used to explain how moderate antisemitic expressions were perceived as “unbiased” and “normal” within the Swedish society. Though Sweden’s refugee policy seems similar to that of other countries surveyed, the shift in policy stands out as unique in comparison.</p>