The aim of this Master´s thesis is to examine which type of regime the state Iran is. There has been much research on this issue and the discussion is not over yet. I have departed from three theoretical perspectives in order to understand which type of regime the Middle Eastern nation is: theocracy, democracy and hybrid regime. The theocratic regimetype is composed by David L. Websters archeological theory about governments ruled by God. For the democratic theory in this study Robert Dahls analytical framework about democracy and polyarchy is used. The hybrid regime is mainly represented by Andreas Schedler indicators. A qualitative case study approach is used for the purpose of this study where I have constructed an analytical framework containing indicators in order to apply these on the three regime models. The results and conclusion I can draw from this study is that Iran is more like a hybrid regime. However, there are several reservations and there need to be more studies to qualify this suggestion.

This study examines the process of state gender policy reform. It seeks to explain legal changes in gender issues in Venezuela across time. The study entails observations of state policy changes in gender issues during specific periods of the Punto Fijo era (1958-1998) characterized as those of democratic consolidation and deconsolidation, and during the transition towards a new type of democracy, the Chávez era (1999-2007). The policies considered are the ones addressing women’s equality at home and at work, reproductive rights, women’s economic rights and political participation. The analysis shows that gender policy reform by the state depends on the degree of opening of the institutions and on the combination of certain configurations of state institutions and elite interests. In addition, women’s groups’ capacity to influence state gender policy change depends on their organizational capacity as well as the institutional opportunities provided by changes in state structures, elite interests, and allies of the movement.

With financial liberalization and economic globalization, international trade and capital transactions result in larger exchange rate fluctuations than in the past. Besides, it can¡¦t be ignored that the change of exchange rate influences the economics and real exchange rate which be regarded as the indicator of external competitiveness becomes more important than before, so my paper aims to know not only whether there is stochastic segmented trend in their fluctuation but also the factors which are closely related to regime switches. As we all know that it is significant to forecast the volatility of exchange rate in the global society. A number of previous studies discussed the relationship between exchange rate and fundamentals under the monetary models, however many people found that these models are handicapped in out-of sample forecasting. Therefore, I compare the forecasting performance of the real interest differential monetary (RID) model of Frankel (1979) with the models which I built in the paper. By using the market share of the top ten currencies in 2010 which is published by Bank for International Settlements (BIS) and the fundamentals. The empirical results indicate that fundamentals do not only matter for real exchange rate, but are also related to the switches between the regimes. Besides, the real exchange rates are highly persistent in each regime and the effect of fundamentals is different in different countries. At last, my result suggest that the models which I built in the paper provide better forecast in the yen, pound sterling and New Zealand dollar than the RID model.

This thesis explores the role the U.S. plays in the developmental process of international nonproliferation regime. The argument of this thesis is mainly based on the power-based perspective, which assumes that the U.S., the first country to obtain nuclear technology, profoundly influences the creation and persistence of the nonproliferation regime. First of all, I discuss the debate on the theories of international regime in order to highlight the applicability of power-based approach in the research of nonproliferation regime. Secondly, I examine both the nuclear policy of the U.S. and the developmental history of nonproliferation regime, so as to explain the former¡¦s impacts over the latter. Finally, I evaluate the different means and postures of the U.S. when she confronts different violators. Through this inquiry, I attempt to expose the flaw of the nonproliferation regime: the proliferation problem is still not totally suspended even after the establishment of the nonproliferation regime. The main factor of the flaw is, nonetheless, resulted from the U.S.¡¦ misapplication of her nuclear hegemonic power and her selective proliferation policy towards different violators, although she had positively contributed to the creation and persistence of the nonproliferation regime.

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Submitted by Maria Medeiros (maria.dilva1@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-06-14T15:05:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ANDRÉ AIRES DE FARIAS - TESE (PPGRN) 2016.pdf: 5737610 bytes, checksum: 24b094da2cef8f2db3a8552a03764f80 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-14T15:05:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ANDRÉ AIRES DE FARIAS - TESE (PPGRN) 2016.pdf: 5737610 bytes, checksum: 24b094da2cef8f2db3a8552a03764f80 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 / Capes / Objetivou-se identificar e analisar os períodos de secas na sub-bacia hidrográfica do Rio Taperoá (SBHRT) e os impactos sociais, econômicos e ambientais e ações de convivência com a seca de 2012-2014 no município de Taperoá - PB. Dados pluviométricos, série 19632014, foram utilizados para analisar o regime de precipitação da sub-bacia; e a severidade dos anos secos, por meio do Índice padronizado de precipitação. A identificação dos impactos foi realizada utilizando-se o método de listagem descritiva check-list, questionários, dados bibliográficos e documentais. Para analisar as variáveis socioeconômicas e as ações de convivência foram utilizados os mesmos materiais dos impactos, exceto o check-list. O período chuvoso dos municípios da sub-bacia ocorre de janeiro a maio, precipitações menores do que a média nesses meses causaram graves impactos. Verificou-se que a maioria das secas que ocorreram na SBHRT se enquadram na categoria moderada, seguido por severa e extrema. A SBHRT foi atingida por secas severas e extremas durante todas as décadas analisadas, no entanto, o maior número delas ocorreu nas décadas de 1980, 1990, 2000 e 2010. A seca mais grave foi a de 1998-2000, seguido pela de 1979-1985. A seca de 20122014 não foi a mais grave porque a precipitação foi acima da ocorrida no período de 19982000 e 1979-1985, houve também maior investimento em ações de convivência com as secas e programas sociais implantados pelos governos. Os impactos sociais, econômicos e ambientais da seca de 2012-2014 no município de Taperoá-PB foram: problemas de saúde relativos à baixa disponibilidade hídrica, desigualdade na distribuição de recursos durante a seca, desgaste mental, reduções na alimentação da população, conflitos entre usuários de água, aumento da pobreza, migrações populacionais, redução da pecuária e da produção de culturas, aumento do desemprego, elevação dos custos para transportar água, indisponibilidade de alimentos para animais, perturbação dos ciclos de reprodução, redução de recreação e turismo, prejuízos à flora, à fauna e às espécies piscícolas, e redução da qualidade da água. Os impactos continuaram porque faltou recursos financeiros para implantar programas e as políticas públicas de convivência não foram efetivas, só aparecendo com maior intensidade quando a região estava prejudicada pela seca. Para redução dos impactos é necessário aumentar o número de cisternas, principalmente a calçadão. É necessário também perfurar poços e construir açudes, além de fazer manutenção nos que estejam com capacidade reduzida ou desativados, construir barragens subterrâneas e tanques naturais, terminar e colocar em funcionamento a Transposição do Rio São Francisco, incentivar a gestão dos recursos hídricos, criar programas que visem o fortalecimento da agricultura familiar, incentivando a fenação, silagem, meliponicultura, apicultura, criação de animais e plantas adaptados à região, dentre muitos outros. / This study aimed to identify and analyze the periods of droughts in sub-basin hydrographic of the Taperoá River (SBHTR) and the social, economic and environmental impacts and living actions with drought from 2012-2014 in the municipality of Taperoá - PB. Rainfall data, serie 1963-2014, were used to analyze the sub-basin rainfall regime; and the severity of the dry years, through the Standardized Precipitation Index. The identification of social, economic and environmental impacts was performed using the method of descriptive listing check-list, questionnaires, bibliographic and documentary data. To analyze the socioeconomic variables and of actions of living together were used same materials of the impacts, except the checklist. The rainy period in the municipalities of the sub-basin occurs from january to may, precipitations lower than average in these months caused severe impacts. It was found that most of droughts in SBHRT occurred into the category moderate, following by severe and extreme. The SBHRT was hit by severe and extreme dried for all analyzed decades, however, as many of them occurred in the decades of 1980, 1990, 2000 and 2010. The most severe drought was the from 1998-2000, followed by 1979-1985. The drought of 2012-2014 was not the more serious because the precipitation was above occurred in 1998-2000 and 1979-1985 period, there was also greater investment in coexistence actions with droughts and social programs implemented by governments. The social, economic and environmental impacts of the drought of 2012-2014 in the municipality of Taperoá-PB were: health problems of low flow, unequal distribution of resources during the drought, mental strain, reductions in food supply, conflicts water users, increasing poverty, population migration, reduction of livestock and crop production, rising unemployment, higher costs for transporting water, unavailability of feed, disruption of reproductive cycles, reduction of recreation and tourism, losses in flora, fauna and fish species, and reduced water quality. The impacts continued because they lack financial resources to implement programs and public coexistence policies were not effective, only appearing with greater intensity when the region was hampered by drought. To reduce the impacts is to increase the number of cisterns, especially the boardwalk. You also need to drill wells and build dams, in addition to maintenance on that are with reduced or deactivated capacity, building underground dams and natural ponds, finished and put into operation the Transposition of the São Francisco River, encourage the management of water resources, create programs aimed at strengthening family farming, encouraging haymaking, silage, beekeeping, meliponiculture, husbandry of animals and plants adapted to the region, among many others.

Orientador: Teresa Maria Malatian / Resumo: O presente trabalho objetiva investigar se, durante o período 1964-1968, o periódico uberabense Lavoura e Comércio configurou-se como difusor da legitimidade do Estado arbitrário. Destarte, a pesquisa procura, também, compreender como se desenvolveram as relações de poder entre o regime militar e a imprensa, num período em que o modelo político exaltava as realizações do governo ditatorial para buscar legitimidade, ao mesmo tempo em que censurava os opositores e impedia a formação crítica dos cidadãos. O recorte temporal contempla o início da ditadura militar no Brasil até a edição do AI-5, sob a perspectiva da imprensa uberabense, por meio das publicações do centenário Lavoura e Comércio. Na intenção de levantar cenas do cotidiano do período em Uberaba, partiu-se para um levantamento bibliográfico sobre a temática golpe militar e as relações entre poder, imprensa e memória nos quatro primeiros anos do governo ditatorial. Amparados pela história política, as fontes primárias do Arquivo Público de Uberaba oportunizaram a análise das publicações desse periódico a partir do golpe que depôs o presidente João Goulart, as repercussões do golpe de Estado e a consolidação do autoritarismo. Por meio dessas publicações, foi possível recuperar a história política recente do país tendo como locus a cidade de Uberaba. Dessa forma, os discursos veiculados no diário mineiro, que tornou-se porta-voz dos interesses de uma parcela da sociedade uberabense, possibilitaram (re)interpretar algumas... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The present study aims to investigate whether, during the period studied (1964-1968), the journal Lavoura e Comércio was configured as a diffuser of the legitimacy of the arbitrary state. Therefore, the research also seeks to understand how power relations developed between the military regime and the press, at a time when the political model dignified the achievements of the dictatorial government to seek legitimacy, while censuring opponents and prevented the critical formation of citizens. The temporal cut-off envisages the beginning of the military dictatorship in Brazil until the edition of the Institutional Act - AI-5, from the perspective of Uberaba’s press, throughout the publications of the centennial Lavoura e Comércio. In order to raise scenes from the daily life of the period in Uberaba, a bibliographical survey on the thematic military coup and the relations between power, press and memory in the first four years of the dictatorial government have been started. Supported by political history, the primary sources of Uberaba’s Public Archive provided the analysis of the publications of this period after the coup that deposed President João Goulart, the repercussions of the military coup and the consolidation of authoritarianism. Through these publications, it was possible to recover the recent political history of the country having as locus the city of Uberaba. Thus, the discourses conveyed in Minas Gerais daily, which became a spokesman for the interests of a por... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

Submitted by Eustáquio Donizeti de Paula (eustaquiodonizeti@iftm.edu.br) on 2018-07-13T13:45:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Paula, Eustáquio Donizeti de Paula Tese Doutorado.pdf: 4886715 bytes, checksum: adcf3c8f1672b34e54bdd470d57e9085 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jacqueline de Almeida null (jacquie@franca.unesp.br) on 2018-07-18T13:32:53Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Paula_ED_dr_fran.pdf: 4886715 bytes, checksum: adcf3c8f1672b34e54bdd470d57e9085 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-18T13:32:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paula_ED_dr_fran.pdf: 4886715 bytes, checksum: adcf3c8f1672b34e54bdd470d57e9085 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-05-21 / O presente trabalho objetiva investigar se, durante o período 1964-1968, o periódico uberabense Lavoura e Comércio configurou-se como difusor da legitimidade do Estado arbitrário. Destarte, a pesquisa procura, também, compreender como se desenvolveram as relações de poder entre o regime militar e a imprensa, num período em que o modelo político exaltava as realizações do governo ditatorial para buscar legitimidade, ao mesmo tempo em que censurava os opositores e impedia a formação crítica dos cidadãos. O recorte temporal contempla o início da ditadura militar no Brasil até a edição do AI-5, sob a perspectiva da imprensa uberabense, por meio das publicações do centenário Lavoura e Comércio. Na intenção de levantar cenas do cotidiano do período em Uberaba, partiu-se para um levantamento bibliográfico sobre a temática golpe militar e as relações entre poder, imprensa e memória nos quatro primeiros anos do governo ditatorial. Amparados pela história política, as fontes primárias do Arquivo Público de Uberaba oportunizaram a análise das publicações desse periódico a partir do golpe que depôs o presidente João Goulart, as repercussões do golpe de Estado e a consolidação do autoritarismo. Por meio dessas publicações, foi possível recuperar a história política recente do país tendo como locus a cidade de Uberaba. Dessa forma, os discursos veiculados no diário mineiro, que tornou-se porta-voz dos interesses de uma parcela da sociedade uberabense, possibilitaram (re)interpretar algumas concepções sobre a história da cidade e do país. / The present study aims to investigate whether, during the period studied (1964-1968), the journal Lavoura e Comércio was configured as a diffuser of the legitimacy of the arbitrary state. Therefore, the research also seeks to understand how power relations developed between the military regime and the press, at a time when the political model dignified the achievements of the dictatorial government to seek legitimacy, while censuring opponents and prevented the critical formation of citizens. The temporal cut-off envisages the beginning of the military dictatorship in Brazil until the edition of the Institutional Act - AI-5, from the perspective of Uberaba’s press, throughout the publications of the centennial Lavoura e Comércio. In order to raise scenes from the daily life of the period in Uberaba, a bibliographical survey on the thematic military coup and the relations between power, press and memory in the first four years of the dictatorial government have been started. Supported by political history, the primary sources of Uberaba’s Public Archive provided the analysis of the publications of this period after the coup that deposed President João Goulart, the repercussions of the military coup and the consolidation of authoritarianism. Through these publications, it was possible to recover the recent political history of the country having as locus the city of Uberaba. Thus, the discourses conveyed in Minas Gerais daily, which became a spokesman for the interests of a portion of Uberaba’s society, made it possible to (re) interpret some conceptions about the history of the city and the country.

Esta pesquisa se propõe a ser um estudo de caso acerca do Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro, o PMDB. Analiso, de maneira interpretativa, os primeiros anos do partido após a restauração do pluripartidarismo, com um recorte histórico de 1979 - momento da sua (re)fundação em meio ao processo de abertura política - até as eleições de 1982 - momento no qual o partido disputa um pleito pela primeira vez. A análise ressalta a movimentação de grupos internos ao partido, notadamente a existência inicial de uma ala de esquerda herdada do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro - MDB (fenômeno não apontado pela literatura sobre o Partido) e o aumento da heterogeneidade interna do PMDB com o correr dos primeiros anos, como consequência da incorporação do Partido Popular, aspectos esses que são também negligenciados pela literatura. / This study aims to be a study case regarding a specific political party, the Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro, PMDB. I analyze interpretatively its first years after multipartyism restarted in Brazil, in a historical period beginning in 1979, when the party is (re)founded during the democratization, until 1982 elections, when the party faces an election for the first time. The analysis highlights the movement of internal groups within the party, especially the initial existence of a left wing inherited by the Movimento Democrático Brasileiro - MDB (a phenomenon yet mentioned by the literature about the Party) and the increase of PMDB´s internal heterogeneity in the course of its first years, as a result of the merger of the Partido Popular, aspects which are also neglected by the literature.

Aprovada há mais de duas décadas, a anistia foi um marco no processo de abertura do país. Cinco anos depois de sua sanção pelo então presidente do Brasil, general João Baptista Figueiredo, encerrava-se o regime militar-autoritário iniciado em 1964. Tema desta dissertação, a anistia ora em análise não se limita à lei aprovada em 1979, sendo aqui definida como um processo político de longa duração, orientado por legislação federal e composto de três momentos fundamentais. São eles: a lei 6.683 (a Lei da Anistia propriamente dita), a lei 9.140 (Lei dos Desaparecidos) e a lei 10.559. Com a intenção de reconstituir tal processo e a fim de apreender seu sentido político, este estudo parte das primeiras demandas que antecederam cada uma das leis, passa pelos mais importantes acontecimentos históricos relacionados ao tema no período em exame e pelos debates que marcaram o processo até chegar na aprovação da legislação, pelo Congresso Nacional. Além de identificar, caracterizar e analisar o papel dos principais atores sociais que participaram de cada um dos três momentos, reconstitui-se aqui também o papel desempenhado pelas instituições envolvidas, examina-se a entrada em vigor das leis e os efeitos de sua aplicação. Conquanto não se trate de um estudo comparado, contribuem para o entendimento do caso brasileiro experiências semelhantes de outros três países da América do Sul que foram governados por regimes militares e sancionaram anistias: a Argentina, o Chile e o Uruguai. Percorrendo as últimas quatro décadas da história do país, este estudo trata do legado deixado pelo regime militar-autoritário à luz da teoria contemporânea de democracia e do desenvolvimento do conceito de direitos humanos. / Approved more than two decades ago, amnesty was a landmark in Brazil’s democratization process. Five years after its sanction by former Brazilian president, General João Baptista Figueiredo, the military-authoritarian regime initiated in 1964 was reaching its end. In analysis for the scope of this dissertation, amnesty does not limit itself to the law approved in 1979. Amnesty has been analyzed here as a long lasting political process, guided by federal legislation and integrated by three fundamental moments. These moments are: Law 6.683 (Amnesty Law), Law 9.140 (Missing Political Activists Law) and Law 10.559. This study describes and analysis the initial demands that preceded each of the laws. It also incorporates the main historical facts related to the issue and the debates and disputes along the process until the legislation approval by the Congress. Besides identifying, characterizing and analyzing the role of the main social actors that took part in each of the three moments, it also reviews the role issued by the institutions involved, it examines the entrance in force of the laws and their effects on its application. The final goal has been to reconstitute the process in order to understand its political meaning. The similar South American experiences of amnesty in dictatorial Argentina, Chile and Uruguay contribute for a better understanding of the Brazilian case, even though the present study is not a comparative one. Encompassing the last four decades in Brazil’s history, this study takes into account the legacy left behind by the military-authoritarian regime in light of the contemporary theory of democracy and the development of human rights’ concept.