[pt] A presente dissertação pretende abordar a construção da matriz político-institucional da República no Brasil, a partir do estudo das causas que levaram ao advento da República em 1889 e suas conseqüências na ordem constitucional do País. Desse modo, o trabalho pretende identificar o projeto político representado pela Constituição de 1891 bem como investigar como este projeto foi defendido, a partir do estudo das decisões proferidas pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal. / [en] The present work intends to analyze the building of the political framework of Brazil s republican institutions, through the study of the causes to the Republic advent in 1889 and its consequences to Brazilian constitutional order. In this way, the work aims to identify the political project represented by the Constitution of 1891 and to investigate how that project was defended, through the study of the Supreme Court decisions.

In the context of California’s progressive political culture and growing economic inequality, a grassroots secessionist movement in rural northern California called the State of Jefferson movement arose in 2013. While the movement resembles other populist uprisings, its grievances are particular to its geographic, historical, and political context. Many tend to generalize populist campaigns as sinister or illiberal; however, this thesis finds that the State of Jefferson movement contains elements of populism as well as classical liberalism and republicanism. Through qualitative research, this thesis argues that movements of this sort are both inevitable in liberal democracy and also serve a legitimate purpose in strengthening democracy by calling for reform and good government. Growing political polarization, especially with the rise of Trump, and rural-urban cleavages in the United States beg for movements like the State of Jefferson to receive inquiry.

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The dissertation analyzes the scope and limits of democracy both historically and normatively. It has two main goals. First, it historically explains how a number of institutional devices that had been traditionally seen as limits on the scope of democracy turned out to be seen not only as consistent with democracy but actually as necessary for any good-working democratic system. Second, it normatively analyzes two outstanding cases in which the scope of democracy is heavily limited—constitutional constraints on legislatures and decision-making within the firm, a domain that is usually taken to be beyond the scope of democracy. Part I historically analyzes a two-fold shift in the concept of democracy in the Early American Republic. First, the increasing acceptance of the idea of democracy— along with the institutional devices traditionally attached to it—due to the acceptance of disagreement as a legitimate feature of the American society and the subsequent crisis of the theory of virtual representation, according to which the society is an organic entity with a shared set of interests that ought to be insulated from democratic struggle and partisanship. Second, the shift in the very concept of democracy, by which many of the institutional devices that had been traditionally seen as constraints on democracy turned out to be seen not only as consistent with democracy but also as necessary for any good-working democratic system. In a nutshell, democracy gained acceptability as long as the scope of democratic decision-making was downsized. The remainder of the dissertation normatively analyzes two outstanding cases in which the scope of democracy is clearly constrained—namely, constitutionalism and decision-making within firms. Part II addresses several normative theories of constitutionalism—and, notably, of constitutional rigidity and judicial review—and shows that they all fail to justify constitutional constraints from a democratic standpoint. Three prominent types of theories are analyzed— pure instrumentalist, precommitment-based, and proceduralist. Even though a number of problems are identified, a common and central problem is that they all fail to address adequately the fact of disagreement and thus fall into new forms of organicism. Finally, Part III analyzes another sphere that is usually taken to be beyond the scope of democracy—namely, the workplace. It addresses the core arguments for and against extending democratic decision-making to the workplace and develops a novel, republican case for workplace democracy based on incomplete (labour) contract theory. Finally, bargaining power asymmetries and moral hazard problems arising from the formal separation of ownership and control rights in democratic firms are analyzed. / La tesis analiza el alcance y los límites de la democracia de forma histórica y normativa. Tiene dos objetivos principales. Primero, explicar históricamente cómo una serie de instituciones que habían sido tradicionalmente consideradas como límites a la democracia fueron incorporadas al concepto de democracia, hasta el punto de ser consideradas necesarias para su correcto funcionamiento. Segundo, analizar dos casos especialmente relevantes en los que el alcance de la democracia está fuertemente limitado: el constitucionalismo y la toma de decisiones en las empresas. La Primera Parte analiza históricamente el concepto de democracia, y su alcance, en los Estados Unidos de América en el periodo revolucionario y postrevolucionario. Se halla un doble desplazamiento. Primero, un incremento en la aceptación de la idea de democracia debido a la aceptación del desacuerdo político como un fenómeno legítimo y la consiguiente crisis de la teoría de la representación virtual, según la cual la sociedad es una entidad orgánica con un conjunto de intereses compartidos que deben ser aislados de la política democrática y el partidismo. Segundo, un desplazamiento del concepto de democracia, según el cual muchos de los mecanismos institucionales que habían sido tradicionalmente vistos como límites al alcance de la democracia pasaron a ser considerados no sólo consistentes con la democracia sino de hecho necesarios para su correcto funcionamiento. En resumen, la democracia ganó aceptación en la medida en que su alcance quedó reducido. El resto de la tesis analiza normativamente los límites al alcance de la democracia en relación a dos casos especialmente relevantes: el constitucionalismo y la toma de decisiones en la empresa. La Segunda Parte analiza las principales teorías normativas del constitucionalismo —y, concretamente, de la rigidez constitucional y la revisión judicial de las leyes— y muestra que todas ellas resultan insuficientes para justificar los límites constitucionales desde un punto de vista democrático. Se analizan tres tipos de teorías: instrumentalistas, basadas en precompromisos y procedimentales. Aunque se identifica toda una serie de problemas, es común a todas ellas su incapacidad para acomodar adecuadamente el desacuerdo político en materia constitucional, incurriendo así en diversas formas de organicismo. Finalmente, la Tercera Parte analiza la toma de decisiones en las empresas, un ámbito que es generalmente considerado ajeno al alcance de la democracia. Se analizan los principales modelos de democracia en la empresa —cooperativismo y codeterminación—, así como los principales argumentos a favor y en contra de la extensión de la toma de decisiones democrática a las empresas. Por último, se presenta un argumento original, de raíz republicana y apoyado en la teoría de los contratos (laborales) incompletos, a favor de la democracia en las empresas. Así mismo, se analizan las asimetrías negociadoras y los problemas de riesgo moral derivados de la separación formal entre control y propiedad en las empresas democráticas.

This dissertation engages the historiography of American citizenship and identity, republican traditions in American life and thought, and explores the evolution of military leadership in American society during the American Civil War. The nature, experiences and evolution of citizen-soldiers and citizen-officers, both Union and Confederate, reveal that the sentimental, often romantic expectations and ideologies forged in the American Revolution and modified during the antebellum era were recast, adapted, and modified under the extreme pressures of four years of conflict. Civil War citizen-officers experienced extreme pressures to emulate the professional officers of the regular army and to accommodate the ideological expectations of the independent, civic-minded volunteers they led. These junior leaders arrived at creative, often ingenious solutions to overcome the unique leadership challenges posed by the tension between antebellum democratic values and the demands of military necessity. Though the nature and identity of the officers in both armies evolved over time, the ideological foundations that informed Civil War Americans’ conceptions of military service persisted throughout the conflict. The key to the persistence of the citizen-soldier ethos and citizen-officer image during and after the Civil War era lies in the considerable power of antebellum Americans’ shared but malleable republican tradition. By focusing on the experience of volunteer company-grade officers in the Civil War era, we discover how the ordeal of the Civil War forced Americans to reevaluate and reconcile the role of the individual in this arrangement, both elevating and de-emphasizing the centrality of the citizen-soldier to the evolving narrative of American identity, citizenship, and leadership.

The portrayal of collective identity of Muslim populations in Europe presents an increasingly important issue within identity politics. While European Muslims represent a diverse population that has experienced longstanding socio-political concerns, they are also increasingly portrayed in light of wider global perceptions of Islam in a post-9/11 era. Consequently, there is growing concern over a confusing of such pre-existing domestic issues and larger international problems of radical fundamentalism and Islamic terrorism. The misrepresentation of European Muslims as linked to such issues in turn often exacerbates domestic problems and contributes to an evolving sense of oppositional Muslim identity in Europe. In light of these concerns over inaccurate depictions of Muslims and their harmful effects, many of which will be expounded upon below, a more critical and deliberate approach is necessary in scholarly assessments of Muslim populations. This thesis examines the situation of European Muslims amidst such portrayals of commonality and international influence. After discussing some facets of political identities and critiquing other approaches to this issue, the study focuses on the case of Muslims in France. Using the lens of universalism, I examine the context of Muslims in France and evaluate the accuracy of assertions of common identity. After illustrating the diversity of French Muslims, the study then turns to the situation of Muslims in Europe, comparing the French case with those of Great Britain and Germany. Finally, it returns to the recent French national identity debate for concluding remarks. The study demonstrates that, while portrayals of Muslims as a uniform threat to European identity are at present inaccurate and misleading, such assertions also carry potentially harmful effects in stigmatizing Muslims and contributing to oppositional identity formation.

Between 1790 and 1821, New York City underwent a dramatic transformation as slavery slowly died. Throughout the 1790s, a massive influx of runaways from the hinterland and black refugees from the Caribbean led to the rapid expansion of the city’s free black population. At the same time, white agitation for abolition reached a fever pitch. The legislature’s decision in 1799 to enact a program of gradual emancipation set off a wave of arranged manumissions that filled city streets with black bodies at all stages of transition from slavery to freedom. As blacks began to organize politically and develop a distinct social, economic and cultural life, they both conformed to and defied white expectations of republican citizenship. Over time, the emerging climate of social indistinction proved too much for white elites, who turned to new ideologies of race to enact the massive disfranchisement of black voters. / text

Explanations of sub-state nationalism that draw on the effects of patterns of uneven economic development suffer from two conceptual problems: (1) they fail to explain why state actors are not able to adopt and implement long-term strategies to correct these effects and (2) they fail to account for the range of ideologies that can be used by sub-state actors to mobilize against the state. In this dissertation, I use an institutional analysis to overcome these problems by specifying the structural conditions under which a range of counterhegemonic groups can emerge to challenge state nationalism. The analysis is applied to a case study of interwar Catalonia, which examines three separate campaigns for political autonomy. 1906--1908; 1917--1919; and 1930--1932. Two modes of analysis are used. First, an institutional analysis is used to determine the structural conditions for the emergence of counterhegemonic movements. I argue that levels of institutional incorporation in a state can determine both the conditions under which a counterhegemonic group can emerge and the range of ideologies that can be used to organize against the state. Institutional incorporation refers to the variable level of institutions that together constitute the corporate structure of the state. The institutional analysis is applied to Southern Europe generally and Spain specifically, in order to identify the political groups in early twentieth-century Catalonia which challenged state nationalism by mobilizing around alternative state projects. Second, a rational actor approach is used to examine the strategic interactions of two sets of political actors in Catalonia, nationalists and republicans, in order to specify the conditions under which they attempted to gain political power and obtain political autonomy for Catalonia on three separate occasions. The combination of an institutional approach at the macro-level and a rational actor approach at the micro-level brings to light the importan

The prologue studies the Tory publication of Milton's Character of the Long Parliament (1681). It argues that the provenance of this tract is best explained if Milton did in fact attempt to include the Digression in his History of Britain. Further ambiguities in Milton's early reputation are discussed in a review of the History's reception. Chapter I surveys Milton's response to the long­ standing demand for a national history and briefly reconsiders his ideas on history and historiography. Chapter II proposes that his political sympathies led Milton to look to the British legends for his historical subject. The strong Protestant and Tudor associations of such native myth have been largely overlooked, and yet they bear strongly on Milton's proposals for a British historical poem. His reappraisal of the myths in the History indicates his disillusionment with his original historical project: and reflects his changing opinion of the national character. Chapter III charts Milton's response to the legends surrounding Lucius, Constantine and the early British church, and traces conflicts between his need to deny church history and his desire to rewrite it. It then turns to his curiously muted views on the Saxon church. Chapter IV compares the use of Gildas's De Excidio in the History with Milton's relative silence on Arthur. Milton's regard for this ancient British jeremiad recalls that of the Reformers and suggests the instability of his commitment to purely classical styles of historiography in his time. Chapter V surveys the conflicting ideological and religious pressures on the history of the Saxons and the Conquest and compares Milton's shifting response to these in his political tracts with his views in the History. The Epilogue returns to Milton's view of the national character, with special reference to the Digression. Presenting his references to climate theory in a wider context, it argues that in moving from a loosely predestinarian position to a belief in free will, Milton first sought some determining natural force to explain England's conduct through the ages.

What defines demagogues and what sort of threat do they pose to democracy? Contemporary politics has recently witnessed a rise in demagogic leaders around the globe. Following this trend, many notable scholars have sought to better define the ancient term and to provide politics with advice on how to handle them. However, demagogy is hard to define, and research is divided over what truly makes for a demagogue. Scholars tend to either focus on the intention, the tools, or the effects of leaders to categorize demagogy. While they might disagree over which aspect of demagogy is most salient, they are more unanimous in their claims regarding the threat that demagogy poses to democracy. Before we outright condemn demagogy, I argue that we should better understand the phenomenon and its relationship to democracy. This dissertation turns to Machiavelli and Aristotle in order to better grasp and better define the phenomenon of demagogy. I first build a concept of demagogy through Aristotle's Politics and then use that concept to detect a similar phenomenon within the work of Machiavelli. In many ways Aristotle and Machiavelli affirm the claims of contemporary scholars, especially regarding the threat that demagogy poses to democracy. According to both thinkers, demagogy involves the use of factions, class enmities, and the corruption of law. Possibly more troubling, both show how the methods of demagogy remain an ever-present possibility to democratic rule. Nevertheless, Aristotle and Machiavelli disagree with contemporary scholarship on how to address the problem of demagogy. Rather than seek out ways to constrain the demagogue, the two philosophers dedicate themselves to providing an education to demagogues. Even more surprisingly, this dissertation argues that both have covertly tried to persuade others to adopt the methods of demagogy for the sake of better preserving democracy and perhaps even to improve upon it.