British radicals established a pro-revolutionary society in Paris in the late months of 1792, at a time when their own government, under William Pitt the Younger, had proscribed all overt support for the French Revolution. The expatriate club was founded at a crossroads in British political and diplomatic culture therefore, and at a vital stage in the course of the French Revolution. Often the victims of judicial pursuit in both Britain and France, the members of the British Club have been deemed "men without countries" by one nineteenth-century commentator. Yet British radical activists in Paris were not simply pawns in a wider diplomatic struggle. In the early French republic, they founded a radical community at White's Hotel, where political agendas intersected with private initiatives. This associational world was part of a broad network of reform stretching across the Channel. It was influenced by a tradition of enquiry and improvement which had developed in Britain during the latter half of the eighteenth century. This tradition led members of the radical community to engage with the Revolution on issues which dominated public debate in France but which also echoed their concern for the overhaul of British political culture. They intervened on the question of the foundation of a new republican constitution at the turn of 1793, providing a range of blueprints which reflected the varied nature of the club's political character. Some also wrote eyewitness observations of the Revolution back to Britain, sketching their impressions for an audience who had, in their view, been misled by a hostile British press.

Submitted by Edileide Reis (leyde-landy@hotmail.com) on 2013-04-11T19:09:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Barbosa.pdf: 1534501 bytes, checksum: bbd1226cc6f052e21a65a08ec5f4b1be (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-09T17:23:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Barbosa.pdf: 1534501 bytes, checksum: bbd1226cc6f052e21a65a08ec5f4b1be (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-09T17:23:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Barbosa.pdf: 1534501 bytes, checksum: bbd1226cc6f052e21a65a08ec5f4b1be (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / O presente estudo orientado precipuamente pelo método fenomenológico pretende enfrentar o problema das dimensões do mínimo existencial e sua relação com a essência do republicanismo. Examina-se a atuação jurisdicional na prevenção de condutas que subtraqem dos individuos a acesso ao campo da dignidade. Busca-se dissociar o mínimo existencial do âmbito dos direitos sociais para situa-lo em todas as possiveis relaçoes dos individuos com o Estado. Sustenta-se a necessidade de proteção dos valores republicanos especialmente a eletividade a representatividade e a responsabilidade para que seja obstada a ascensão ou retorno ao poder daqueles que já demonstraram o seu descaso com a coisa pública. Examinam-se as relações entre mínimo existencial mínimo vital reserva do possível e núcleo essencial. Defende-se a atuação responsável do Judiciário no preenchimento das lacunas decorrentes da omissão ou negligência do Legislativo e do Executivo providência que deve ser levada a efeito por meio de decisões racionais e fundadas na técnica da ponderação. Ressalta-se a necessidade de deslocamento das decisões que envolvem o mínimo existencial do campo das lides individuais para o campo coletivo seja por meio judicial ou extrajudicial com o fim de impulsionar ações da Administração no sentido de construir soluções no campo orçamentário. / Salvador

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-10-06Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:13:31Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 bonilha_et_me_fran.pdf: 646655 bytes, checksum: 16344c6182ff6e19554017e4437613e2 (MD5) / O norte-americano James Madison, Jr (1751-1836) ficou conhecido na história de seu país como o último dos Pais Fundadores da nação e também como o principal responsável pela elaboração e instauração da Constituição Norte-Americana de 1787. A presente pesquisa pretende discutir o ideário político deste agente social e o suposto peso que este teve durante os trabalhos de confecção e ratificação da Constituição de 1787. Tem-se como certo, a título de premissa, que algo da austeridade moral e do rigor metódico e intelectual deste mentor se reflete no documento. Para isso, procurar-se-á delinear uma articulação plausível entre o desenvolvimento da visão política deste agente histórico e o constructo institucional da Constituição de 1787. Para este intento, se buscará no 1º capítulo as referências contextuais e biográficas que influenciaram e delimitaram o pensamento e as ações de James Madison. O 2º capítulo tentará entrelaçar a visão de mundo e de natureza humana resultante de sua formação - e os contributos e subsídios teórico-constitucionais supostamente produzidos por ela - com a bibliografia específica e os embasamentos teóricos que esta indica como fundamentais para o caso em questão. O 3º capítulo tentará elucidar os principais momentos desta suposta contribuição política, efetuando a análise das fontes historiográficas da carreira legislativa de James Madison que culmina com a anexação da Bill of Rights de 1791 à Constituição de 1787. Não se pretende aqui caracterizar James Madison como um gênio político ou uma entidade desvinculada de sua realidade sócio-cultural, possuidora de dons de liderança, autoridade ou sapiência. Esta pesquisa tenderá, ao invés disso, a localizá-lo imerso... / The north american James Madison, Jr (1751-1836) was known in the history of its country as the last one of the Founding Fathers of the nation and also as main responsible for the elaboration and the instauration of the North American Constitution of 1787. The present research intends to argue the politician thinking of this social agent and the presumption weight that this had during the works of confection and ratification of the Constitution of 1787. It is had as certain, as a premise, that something of the moral austerity and it methodical and intellectual severity of this mentor reflects into the document. For this, it will be looked to delineate a reasonable joint between the development of the politic vision of this historical agent and the institucional frame of the Constitution of 1787. For this intention, the chapter one will search the contextual and biographical references that had influenced and delimited the thought and the actions of James Madison. The chapter two will try to interlace the vision of world and nature human being resultant of its formation - and the contributions and subsidies theoretician-constitutional supposedly produced by it - with the specific bibliography and the theoretical basements that this indicates as basic for the case in question. The chapter three will try to elucidate the main moments of this supposed politcs contribution, being effected the analysis of the historiographicals sources of the legislative career of James Madison who culminates with the annexation of the Bill of Rights of 1791 to the Constitution of 1787. It is not intended here to characterize James Madison like a genius politician or a disentailed entity of its sociocultural context, possessing gifts of leadership, authority or wisdom. This research will tend, on the contrary of this, to locate it immersed in a... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

La modernité juridique porte en elle deux projets parfois contradictoires : le constitutionnalisme et la démocratie, c’est-à-dire la volonté de préserver la liberté de l’individu en limitant le pouvoir par la Constitution et celle d’associer les individus à l’élaboration des normes. Ce double projet se traduit dans le concept de démocratie constitutionnelle, dont il existe deux grandes conceptions. La première, dominante au sein de la doctrine juridique, fait de la protection des droits et libertés par un juge constitutionnel le point central de l’équilibre à réaliser entre liberté individuelle et exercice du pouvoir en commun. L’hypothèse qui sera la nôtre est de considérer que cette conception est soutenue par des discours à la fois descriptifs et prescriptifs, issus des autorités normatives ou de la doctrine, reposant essentiellement sur des présupposés libéraux. La mutation des droits de l’homme en droits fondamentaux ne peut se comprendre que dans le cadre d’une philosophie politique libérale, une conception particulière de la liberté, des droits et de la démocratie, ainsi que dans un contexte historique spécifique. Il existe cependant une seconde conception de la démocratie constitutionnelle, reposant, quant à elle, sur la philosophie républicaine. Celle-ci entend se séparer d’une conception trop centrée sur le juge, pour réévaluer le rôle des institutions élues et du peuple, dans la concrétisation de la Constitution. Ce républicanisme juridique, longtemps ignoré par la doctrine française, mais davantage théorisé à l’étranger, apporte ainsi des réponses utiles aux diverses évolutions venues perturber le champ classique du droit constitutionnel : développement des droits fondamentaux, déploiement de la justice constitutionnelle, érosion de la responsabilité politique, disparition du peuple, évolutions de la souveraineté. À cetitre, l’étude du républicanisme permet à la fois de mettre en lumière les limites de la conception libérale dominante de la démocratie constitutionnelle, tout en proposant une conception renouvelée de celle-ci. / Constitutionalism, and Democracy, are the two projects of modernity. The concept of constitutional democracy carries theses two projects. There are two conceptions of constitutional democracy. The first one is the most popular in legal scholarship. It is centred on rights-based judicial review. Our hypothesis is that this conception of constitutional democracy is backed up by descriptive and normative discourses resting on liberal assumptions. Therefore, the evolution from human rights to fundamental right is based on a specific conception of freedom, rights, democracy, and a specific historical context. This dominant view is not the only view. The second conception of constitutional democracy is based on republican philosophy. The republican view intent to overtake the judicial-centred conception of democracy, by rehabilitating elected institutions and the people themselves. This legal republicanism is widely ignored by French scholars, but very dynamic abroad, gives us tools to grasp recent constitutional evolutions : the expansion of fundamental rights, the growth of constitutional adjudication, the attrition of political responsibility, the disappearance of the people, the mutation of sovereignty. Therefore, republicanism brings to light the limits of dominant liberal conception of constitutional democracy, and put forward a renewed one.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Zaira Maria Arretche_Dissertacao.pdf: 767049 bytes, checksum: 415dbfa6b2a80e7434eec25f1e1859dc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-11 / This essay examines the concepts of political representation of three contemporary democratic theories. It aims at exploring their theoretical consistency both regarding the democratic process and the electoral representativeness. The elitist theory of democracy, as framed by Joseph Schumpeter, is based upon the assumption that voters lack discernment skills while political elites have leadership capacity. As a result, representation can be grounded on authority formalism, as well as political participation could be restricted to the choice of representatives. Democracy would be ensured by this decision-making method. The republicanist Philip Pettit's theory, by its turn, is based on republican principles. The non-domination ideal requires the active participation of society, not only in the choice of representatives. Instead, the capability to compete in the decision sphere of power would allow voters to recall representatives by means of control mechanisms established by the rule of law. The theory of radical democracy, as framed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, lacks the prescriptive features of the two previous ones. It is based on a new analytical perspective of society, which breaks with essentialism dichotomy. They propose an agonistic model of democracy, which takes into account the plural nature of manhood, which is antagonistic and affectionate. As a result, this theory frames the role of representatives differently. As theories of representative democracy, these models of representation present themselves as critical operacionalization, with internal contradictions. As a result, they may, on some dimensions, de-constitute themselves either as democratic theories or as theories of representation. / Esta dissertação analisa as ideias de representação política de três teorias contemporâneas da democracia, com o propósito de demonstrar sua pertinência teórica no que diz respeito ao processo democrático e à representatividade eleitoral. A ideia de representação na teoria democrática elitista, tal como postulada por Joseph Schumpeter, baseia-se no pressuposto da incapacidade de discernimento por parte do eleitor, em contraposição à capacidade de liderança da elite política. Este pressuposto empírico conferiria justificativa moral para o formalismo da autoridade e à participação eleitoral restrita à escolha dos representantes. Nestas bases, as decisões políticas seriam democráticas. A teoria republicana, por sua vez, tal como formulada por Philip Pettit, tem por base o ideal de não-dominação. Por ser republicana, requer a participação ativa da sociedade, para além da escolha dos representantes. O cidadão teria capacidade para disputar decisões nas esferas de poder e destituir seus representantes, através da instituição do império da lei, com diversos mecanismos de controle. Por fim, a teoria da democracia radical, tal como formulada por Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe, não apresenta as características prescritivas das teorias anteriores. Baseia sua análise da sociedade em uma nova perspectiva, de ruptura com o essencialismo dicotômico. Propõe um modelo agonístico da democracia, que leva em consideração a natureza humana plural, antagônica e afetiva. Estes pressupostos implicam um reordenamento da função dos representantes. Enquanto teorias da democracia representativa, estes modelos de representação constituem-se em uma operacionalidade fundamental, os quais podem apresentar, algumas vezes, contradições internas, culminando por desconstituí-las como teorias democráticas ou como teorias representativas.

Les arrêtés des assemblées générales des sections parisiennes sont les actes politiques et juridiques à travers lesquels les citoyens de la ville de Paris s’expriment et décident. Ils peuvent aussi bien contenir des mesures destinées à être appliquée localement la plupart du temps que des pétitions adressées aux élus, ou aux autres lieux de pouvoir. Ils portent sur des domaines très variés : subsistances, instruction publique, questions militaires, assistance et secours publics… L’an I de la République française, et plus précisément la période qui s’étend du 21 septembre 1792 au 5 septembre 1793 correspond à l’élargissement de la participation citoyenne (fin du cens), à la préparation par les législateurs d’une nouvelle Constitution censée entériner ces nouveaux droits, mais elle voit également la construction de nouveaux outils institutionnels pour faire face à une situation d’urgence, aux fondements du futur Gouvernement révolutionnaire.À travers les pratiques de la production (délibération) et de la diffusion (interactions des citoyens avec les autres acteurs) des arrêtés, il s’agit de comprendre le fonctionnement des assemblées générale et quel « modèle » de la citoyenneté en ressort. En suivant le parcours de arrêtés hors de l’assemblée, notamment dans les assemblées d’élus que sont le conseil général de la Commune de Paris et la Convention nationale, il s’agit également de savoir comment la parole populaire façonne les choix politiques de la nation et entre en compte dans l'élaboration des lois. En quoi les arrêtés contribuent-ils à construire un régime d’un type nouveau, une république à la fois démocratique et représentative ? / The orders issued by the general assemblies of Parisian sections are politic and juridical acts used by the citizens of Paris to express themselves and take decisions. These acts can be local bylaws (applied in the area of the section), as well as petitions addressed to deputies or other authorities. They dealt with various affairs: subsistence, education, the military, public assistance, etc.The first year of French republic, especially from 21st September 1792, to 5th September 1793, see the extension of the electoral body (end of the ownership vote) and the drafting of a new constitution by the Assembly in order to consecrate these rights. New institutional devices are also designed to tackle situations of emergency in a time of war and civil unrest, and they become the foundation of the revolutionary government and the Terror.The study of the production and the diffusion of the decrees of the Parisian sections reveals how the general assemblies are organized and what type of citizenship they shape. Following the course of the decrees after their redaction in the sections, especially in the elected assemblies of the General council of the Paris Commune and the National Convention, one can see how the popular voice is taken into account in the drafting of laws and resulte in political decisions. In other words, it reveals to what extent the voice of the people influence the construction of a new government, the first democratic and representative republic.

The present dissertation deals with the relationship between democracy and agonism. It attempts to defend the idea that certain problematic aspects of contemporary liberal democracies are not due to their origin primarily in the change of social conditions (the massification of democracy, the growth of complexity in modern societies), that made the original democratic promises unrealizable, but in certain oblivion of the agon. The agon is understood as a constitutive feature of democratic society and its oblivion is seen not to be accidental. To defend this proposition I focuse on an interpretation of the dialogue between populist republicanism (Machiavelli) and elitist republicanism (Guicciardini). This dialogue is usually understood as one of the sources of modern democratic tradition. I try to explain that in Machiavelli's political theory two notions of agonism are present - pragmatic agon that sees conflict as a basis of social cohesion and strategic agon that is described as a ferocious egalitarianism employed by the second class citizens in order to gain equality from the first class citizens. These two forms of agonism are explained to form the axis of Machiavelli's notion of the political and also of a free republic and democracy. Guicciardini's elitist republicanism is shown to stand in opposition...

Cette thèse explore l’impact en termes de design institutionnel de la conception républicaine de la liberté appliquée à l’entreprise. Je mobilise le cadre théorique de la pensée républicaine et je l’applique aux divers problèmes contemporains entourant les entreprises (domination dans et par l’entreprise). Ce faisant, je discute du pouvoir de marché, de monopole, de théorie des parties prenantes et de problème de l’agence. Dans cette thèse, je défends l’idée que, pour favoriser la liberté républicaine, il est nécessaire de structurer légalement l’entreprise de manière cohérente avec les idéaux républicains, c’est-à-dire en créant « l’entreprise républicaine » dont la gouvernance est guidée autour du principe des intérêts dominés. Le projet de la thèse est double. Dans un premier temps, présenter l’approche républicaine de l’entreprise. Dans un second temps, développer une théorie de l’entreprise inspirée de ce courant qui pourtant permet d’ouvrir des perspectives neuves sur la liberté dans la firme. / This thesis explores the impact of the republican conception of freedom applied to business in terms of institutional design. I will defend the idea that, in order to promote republican freedom, it is necessary to legally structure the company in a way that is consistent with republican ideals, that is, by creating the "republican enterprise" whose governance is guided by the principle of dominated interests. The thesis project is twofold. First, present the republican approach to business. Secondly, to develop a theory of enterprise inspired by this trend, which nevertheless makes it possible to open up new perspectives on freedom in the firm.

Within the past few years, France has exhibited a changing relationship in regards to its memory of its collaborationist and colonial past. The controversies of the loi du 23 février 2005 and the 2007 Guy Môquet Commemoration displayed a new openness to discuss and evaluate traumatic pasts. Public debate during the two controversies focused on the difficult process of how to incorporate these traumatic events into the national narrative. Furthermore, this process of negotiation has opened up a vibrant discussion over what parties in France possess the authority and the right to construct the nation’s history. Medical metaphors of neurosis no longer appear to fit French practices of commemoration and remembrance. The Fifth Republic’s legislative effort to dictate the content and character of France’s past encountered significant resistance from a number of historians and educators. While they stood opposed to the State’s methods, French historians and scholars came to frame their resistance to legislated history as evidence of their loyalty to republican ideals, namely those of scientific inquiry and laïcité. They too desired the creation of a shared national history, yet insisted that this history could only be formed by respecting the presence of multiple narratives. Other scholars voiced their reservations that the restoration of traumatic narratives might further social breakdown. Interestingly, these historians expressed little concern for the role of the general public in the writing of history and, at times, revealed a distinct mistrust of the public’s capacity to think historically.

Au tournant du 20e siècle, après la chute du Second Empire, la France traverse une période d’incertitude institutionnelle. En voulant ancrer le nouveau régime, les fondateurs de la Troisième République engagent le pays dans une période d’expansion coloniale. Les principaux promoteurs de la politique coloniale, dont Jules Ferry et Léon Gambetta, tentent de la justifier en intégrant les principes universalistes républicains au discours colonialiste de l’époque. Cette tactique de persuasion politique entraînera son lot de contradictions idéologiques. L’historiographie soutient qu’un consensus sur la politique coloniale existe chez les contemporains. Cependant, plusieurs acteurs de la Troisième République s’y opposent, donnant naissance à un courant anticolonialiste, lui aussi inspiré de la pensée républicaine. Le but de ce mémoire est d’étudier de quelle façon deux courants idéologiques, en apparence contradictoires, peuvent se baser sur les mêmes racines philosophiques pour définir leur discours. La pensée républicaine s’appuie sur les principes issus de la Déclaration des droits de l’homme de 1794, mettant de l’avant les concepts d’égalité et de liberté. Alors que ces principes seront largement soutenus et diffusés par le discours colonialiste, l’application de ces valeurs dans les colonies se fait attendre. Ne voulant pas trahir l’héritage républicain du nouveau régime, les penseurs de la Troisième République s’affairent à le déformer, par l’entremise des concepts de « hiérarchie raciale » et de « mission civilisatrice ». Pour l’étude des discours colonialistes et anticolonialistes, des périodiques et des ouvrages d’époque seront analysés, en plus de nombreuses prises de parole à la Chambre des députés. Ce mémoire étudie comment la pensée républicaine sous-tend à la fois le discours colonialiste et anticolonialiste. Dans cette optique, l’analyse du discours s’opposant à la colonisation démontre qu’un courant anticolonialiste stable et durable était bien présent durant la Troisième République. / At the turn of the 19th century, after the fall of the Second Empire, France underwent a period of institutional uncertainty. By trying to consildate the new regime, the founders of the Third Republic engaged the country in a period of colonial expansion. The main promoters of the colonial policy, of which Jules Ferry and Léon Gambetta, try to justify it by integrating universalists republicans principles into the colonial discourse. This method of political persuasion will brought to light its share of contradictions. Historiography on the subject tend to consider that there was a consensus among contemporaries. However, several political actors of the Third Republic will oppose colonial expansion, giving rise to an anti-colonialist current, also inspired by republican thought. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine how two different ideological currents, seemingly contradictory, can define their discourse on the basis of the same philosophical roots. Republican ideology is based upon the principles of the Déclaration des droits de l’homme of 1794, which put forward the concepts of equality and liberty. While these principles were upheld in the colonialist discourse, their application in the colonies was constantly put off. In order not to betray their republican heritage, Third Republic thinkers distorted it, through the concepts of « hiérarchie raciale » and « mission civilisatrice ». Colonialist and anti-colonialist speeches will be analyzed in periodicals and contemporary publications, in addition to numerous speeches from the Chambre des députés (Chamber of Deputies). This dissertation examines studies how republican thought supports both colonialist and anti-colonialist discourse. In that perspective, the analysis of the arguments opposing colonization demonstrates that a stable and lasting anti-colonialist current was clearly present under the Third Republic.