Keywords: Immanuel Kant ( narratives in European naturalism and political anatomy. Yet the concept surfaces in gender historical research on the period in foot notes and cursory remarks. This paper interrogates why epigenesis has been eradicated from the historical consciousness of today’s scholarship on gender politics. By honing in on the weirdness, a term borrowed from Lorraine Daston, in and of Immanuel Kant’s (1724-1804) theory on animal generation I show how an alertness it requires a re-evaluation of views on "political anatomy" taken-for-granted in scholarship, but also of Kant’s philosophy itself. The endeavour is divided into three main sections. In the first, I situate the failure of Kant-scholars to, in the words of John H. Zammito, "stabilize" epigenesis by exploring the hitherto unacknowledged peculiarity of Kant’s use racial hybridity to ‘prove’ the theory. In the second, the analysis departs from the notion ‘modern sex difference’ and show that a reading of epigenesis requires a re-thinking of sexed bodily identity in terms of conflict and contradiction. The third section reads this strife in light of Kant’s experience of "astonishment", a cognitive mode, I argue, designed to resolve both physiological and ideological inconsistencies. The antinomy of sex differentiation is in a concluding section juxtaposed with Kant’s phrase "eloquent speechlessness" in which the gender practice activated in the writing of, about, and on epigenesis is compared to the structure informing moral philosophy’s definition of lies.

En esta investigación se defiende que las concepciones de libertad, público y privado son categorías privilegiadas para abordar tanto la cultura griega como la filosofía práctica de Aristóteles. Apelando a los textos clásicos, se analizan tanto la génesis como la trascendencia de estos tres conceptos, lo que posibilita una clara percepción de lo que estos representan en la cultura griega y el cometido que desempeñan en la filosofía de Aristóteles. Desde estas premisas se examinan las dispares interpretaciones que de la filosofía aristotélica han realizado tanto la republicana Hannah Arendt como la liberal Judith Swanson. Análisis que concluye en que ambas pensadoras realizan lecturas incorrectas de los textos aristotélicos así como que el error de estas diferentes interpretaciones reside en que extrapolan sus propias concepciones de libertad, o la moderna concepción de la separación de esferas, trasladándolas anacrónicamente al análisis de los textos clásicos griegos. / This investigation intends to demonstrate that the concepts of liberty, public and private, are privileged categories which explore both Greek culture and Aristotle´s practical philosophy. Using the classic texts as background, the genesis and the transcendence of these three concepts are analyzed, which gives a clear perception of what they represent in Greek culture and their role in Aristotle´s philosophy. This thesis also examines the polarized interpretations of the Aristotelian philosophy of both the republican Hannah Arendt, and the libertarian Judith Swanson. This analysis concludes that due to the thinkers´ extrapolation of their own notions of liberty and a modern interpretation of the separation of spheres theory to the classic Greek texts, resulting in an anachronism, the Aristotelian texts are incorrectly interpreted.

ABSTRACT UNEASY COEXISTENCE: &ldquo / ISLAMISM VS. REPUBLICANISM&rdquo / DEBATE IN THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN Arikan, Pinar M. Sc., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Meliha AltuniSik December 2006, 170 pages The objective of this thesis is to analyze the Islamist and republican features of the political regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It aims to identify the relationship between Islamism and republicanism in terms of institutional and practical means throughout the period since the establishment of the Islamic Republic. It seeks an answer to the question of how the Islamist and republican orientations that built up the political regime and the system of governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran have affected the domestic political and ideological developments. For this aim, firstly, the history of ulama-state relations as well as the history of constitutional tradition in Iran is discussed. Then, the impact of Islamism and republicanism in the process of establishment of the new regime in Iran is examined. Afterwards, the emergence of Islamism and republicanism as indigenous ideological currents and the political groups that appealed to these two orientations are analyzed with special emphasis to the role of Khomeini in this process. In the remaining part, the institutional and practical implications of the coexistence of Islamist and republican orientations are scrutinized during the presidencies of Rafsanjani and Khatami respectively. Finally, this thesis is concluded with an overall assessment of Islamism vs. republicanism debate with reference to the 2005 presidential elections.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

One of the foremost reasons for the success of the Northern Irish Peace Process has been the ability of the national leadership of the Provisional Republican Movement to bring the majority of their membership away from the armed campaign and towards the acceptance of peaceful politics. This dissertation analyses how they were able to achieve this. This is carried out by considering the processes of the four major splits in modern day Irish republicanism from 1969 to 1997. Each split was analysed so as to derive why the split took place and why one side was more successful than the other in the aftermath. The cases were used to test a stage-based process model of split designed by the author. The data from thirty-eight semi-structured interviews were analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA). This analysis treated the three Provisional splits as three micro-processes within the macro-process of Provisional Republican involvement in the ‘Troubles', as it did the two Official splits with respect to the Official macro-process of involvement. The results of the analysis showed that the success of the later Provisional leadership was significantly tied to their method of changing strategies, tactics and policies one step at a time rather than by attempting to implement a variety of substantial changes within a short space of time as the leadership of the 1960s endeavoured to. This research outlines how the acceptance of peaceful politics for a terrorist organisation is a gradual stage-based process and that in order to be successful the significant changes must be implemented in a patient manner.

The Anglo-Dutch philosopher Bernard Mandeville (1670-1733) was among the most controversial figures writing in English in the eighteenth century. His satirical exploration of the nature of human sociability and economic prosperity infuriated his contemporary critics and deeply influenced the ideas of later Enlightenment philosophes. One of the most persistent questions about Mandeville's work concerns the sincerity of his declarations of Christian piety. Mandeville is commonly identified as a deist. This thesis explores the possibility that he was an atheist. The question is examined through an analysis of Mandeville’s major influences, most notably French Jansenism, Epicureanism, Scepticism, erudite libertinism, and Dutch republicanism. Key figures that Mandeville engaged with in his writings include Pierre Bayle, René Descartes, Shaftesbury, Thomas Hobbes, Pierre Nicole, and Pierre Gassendi. In the process of discussing Mandeville’s putative atheism, the methodological problem of researching and identifying atheism in early-modern Europe is explored. / Graduate

Ascetic Citizens: Religious Austerity and Political Crisis in Anglo-American Literature, 1681-1799, attends to a number of scenes of voluntary self-restraint in literary, political, and religious writings of the long eighteenth century, scenes that stage, what Alexis de Tocqueville calls, “daily small acts of self-denial” in the service of the nation. Existing studies of asceticism in Anglo-American culture during the period are extremely slim. Ascetic Citizens fills an important gap in the scholarship by re-framing religious practices of seclusion and self-denial as a broadly-defined set of civic practices that permeate the political, religious, and gender discourses of late seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Anglo-American culture. This thesis focuses on the transatlantic relevance of the ascetic citizen—a figure whose rhetorical utility derives from its capacity, as a marker of political and religious moderation, to deploy individual practices of religious austerity as a means of suturing extreme political binaries during times of political crisis. My conception of asceticism’s role in Anglo-American society is informed by an understanding of ascetic citizenship as a cluster of concepts and cultural practices linking the ascetic’s focus on bodily control to republican theories of political subjectivity. The notion that political membership presupposes a renunciation of personal liberties on the part of the individual citizen represents one of the key assumptions of ascetic citizenship. The future guarantee of individual political rights is ensured by present renunciations of self-interest. As such, the ascetic citizen functions according to the same economy by which the religious ascetic’s right to future eternal reward is ensured by present acts of pious self-abnegation. That is to say, republican political liberty is enabled by what we might call an ascetic prerequisite in which the voluntary self-sacrifice of civic rights guarantees the state’s protection of such rights from the infringements of one’s neighbour. While the abstemious nature of ascetic practice implies efficiency grounded in economic frugality, bodily self-restraint, and physical isolation, the ascetic citizen functions as the sanctioned perversion of a normative devotional practice that circumvents the division between profane self-interest and sacred disinterestedness. The relevance of ascetic citizenship to political culture is its political fluidity, its potential to exceed the ideological functions of the dominant culture while revealing the tension that exists between endorsement of, and dissent from, the civic norm. Counter-intuitively, the ascetic citizen’s practice is marked by a celebration of moderation, of the via media. Forging a space at the threshold between endorsement/dissent, the ascetic citizen maps the dialectic movement of cultural extremism, forging a rhetorically useful site of ascetic deferral characterized by the subject’s ascetic withdrawal from making critical decisions. Ascetic Citizens provides a detailed investigation of how eighteenth-century Anglo-American authors such as Daniel Defoe, Samuel Richardson, Hannah Webster Foster, and Charles Brockden Brown conceive of individual subjectivity as it exists in the pause or retired moment between competing political orders.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-04-04Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:03:01Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 silveira_cr_dr_assis.pdf: 2576035 bytes, checksum: a6814d2ae47829cd386df16faea69039 (MD5) / Esta tese tem como objetivo empreender uma análise conjugada da experiência social de Júlio Ribeiro e de seus textos no âmbito das letras paulistas, entre as décadas de 1870 e 1890. Num contexto marcado pela inexistência de um campo intelectual autônomo, o autor em estudo foi um exemplo típico do letrado, pois atuou como professor, jornalista, publicista e literato enfim, um homem de letras no rigor da expressão. Entretanto, a imagem preponderante que se cristalizou dele foi a de autor de um romance considerado obsceno A Carne (1888) , elaborada por seus coetâneos e perpetuada na memória histórica. No presente trabalho, busca-se ultrapassar esse rótulo estigmatizador, privilegiando o conjunto de seus escritos os quais contêm importantes marcas de sua trajetória e, além de permitirem alcançar uma visão menos restrita da atuação do autor, possibilitam reconstituir suas relações sociais no universo letrado. Júlio Ribeiro comungou das experiências dos contestadores do regime imperial da geração de 1870, em especial do grupo de republicanos paulistas; mas, por questões pessoais e políticas, passou a integrar a dissidência do PRP (Partido Republicano Paulista). Dessa divergência, resultaram altercações com Alberto Sales na imprensa da província de São Paulo. Ambos fizeram do repertório científico/ilustrado seu instrumento de combate. Em síntese, no exame empreendido neste estudo, Júlio Ribeiro constitui mais um objeto de estudo do que um guia de análise da sociedade paulista da segunda metade do século XIX. / This thesis aims to elaborate a conjugated analysis of Júlio Ribeiro's path based on his practices in the letters field and in his social relationships in the State of São Paulo, between the 1870 s and 1890 s. In a context marked by the absence of an autonomous literate field, the author studied was a typical example of the scholar, as he worked as a teacher, a journalist, a publicist and a fictionist in a word, he was a man of letters in the strict sense of the word. However, the preponderant image that crystallized of him was that of the author of a novel reckoned obscene A Carne (Carnality - 1888) , elaborated by his contemporaries and perpetuated in the historical memory. The present work also seeks to surpass that stigmatizing label, privileging his writings as a whole which contain important traits of his path and, as they allow to get a less restricted vision of the author's performance, make possible to reconstitute his social relationships in the literate universe. Ribeiro shared in the experiences of the imperial regime s opponents from the generation of the 1870 s, particularly the republican group from São Paulo; however, for personal and political reasons, he moved on to the dissidence of PRP (Republican Party of São Paulo). This divergence resulted in dispute with Alberto Sales in the State of São Paulo press. Both men made of the scientific/scholar repertoire their combat instrument. In conclusion, in the exam undertaken in this study, Júlio Ribeiro has constituted a study object rather than a guide of analysis of the State of São Paulo society in the second half of the nineteenth century.

Orientador: Samuel Alves Soares / Banca: Suzeley Kalil Mathias / Banca: Adriano de Freixo / Resumo: O norte-americano James Madison, Jr (1751-1836) ficou conhecido na história de seu país como o último dos Pais Fundadores da nação e também como o principal responsável pela elaboração e instauração da Constituição Norte-Americana de 1787. A presente pesquisa pretende discutir o ideário político deste agente social e o suposto peso que este teve durante os trabalhos de confecção e ratificação da Constituição de 1787. Tem-se como certo, a título de premissa, que algo da austeridade moral e do rigor metódico e intelectual deste mentor se reflete no documento. Para isso, procurar-se-á delinear uma articulação plausível entre o desenvolvimento da visão política deste agente histórico e o constructo institucional da Constituição de 1787. Para este intento, se buscará no 1º capítulo as referências contextuais e biográficas que influenciaram e delimitaram o pensamento e as ações de James Madison. O 2º capítulo tentará entrelaçar a visão de mundo e de natureza humana resultante de sua formação - e os contributos e subsídios teórico-constitucionais supostamente produzidos por ela - com a bibliografia específica e os embasamentos teóricos que esta indica como fundamentais para o caso em questão. O 3º capítulo tentará elucidar os principais momentos desta suposta contribuição política, efetuando a análise das fontes historiográficas da carreira legislativa de James Madison que culmina com a anexação da Bill of Rights de 1791 à Constituição de 1787. Não se pretende aqui caracterizar James Madison como um gênio político ou uma entidade desvinculada de sua realidade sócio-cultural, possuidora de dons de liderança, autoridade ou sapiência. Esta pesquisa tenderá, ao invés disso, a localizá-lo imerso... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The north american James Madison, Jr (1751-1836) was known in the history of its country as the last one of the Founding Fathers of the nation and also as main responsible for the elaboration and the instauration of the North American Constitution of 1787. The present research intends to argue the politician thinking of this social agent and the presumption weight that this had during the works of confection and ratification of the Constitution of 1787. It is had as certain, as a premise, that something of the moral austerity and it methodical and intellectual severity of this mentor reflects into the document. For this, it will be looked to delineate a reasonable joint between the development of the politic vision of this historical agent and the institucional frame of the Constitution of 1787. For this intention, the chapter one will search the contextual and biographical references that had influenced and delimited the thought and the actions of James Madison. The chapter two will try to interlace the vision of world and nature human being resultant of its formation - and the contributions and subsidies theoretician-constitutional supposedly produced by it - with the specific bibliography and the theoretical basements that this indicates as basic for the case in question. The chapter three will try to elucidate the main moments of this supposed politcs contribution, being effected the analysis of the historiographicals sources of the legislative career of James Madison who culminates with the annexation of the Bill of Rights of 1791 to the Constitution of 1787. It is not intended here to characterize James Madison like a genius politician or a disentailed entity of its sociocultural context, possessing gifts of leadership, authority or wisdom. This research will tend, on the contrary of this, to locate it immersed in a... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Orientador: Antonio Celso Ferreira / Banca: Ana Luiza Martins / Banca: Rogério Ivano / Banca: Emery Marques Gusmão / Banca: Maria Lídia Lichtscheidl Maretti / Resumo: Esta tese tem como objetivo empreender uma análise conjugada da experiência social de Júlio Ribeiro e de seus textos no âmbito das letras paulistas, entre as décadas de 1870 e 1890. Num contexto marcado pela inexistência de um campo intelectual autônomo, o autor em estudo foi um exemplo típico do letrado, pois atuou como professor, jornalista, publicista e literato enfim, um homem de letras no rigor da expressão. Entretanto, a imagem preponderante que se cristalizou dele foi a de autor de um romance considerado obsceno A Carne (1888) , elaborada por seus coetâneos e perpetuada na memória histórica. No presente trabalho, busca-se ultrapassar esse rótulo estigmatizador, privilegiando o conjunto de seus escritos os quais contêm importantes marcas de sua trajetória e, além de permitirem alcançar uma visão menos restrita da atuação do autor, possibilitam reconstituir suas relações sociais no universo letrado. Júlio Ribeiro comungou das experiências dos contestadores do regime imperial da geração de 1870, em especial do grupo de republicanos paulistas; mas, por questões pessoais e políticas, passou a integrar a dissidência do PRP (Partido Republicano Paulista). Dessa divergência, resultaram altercações com Alberto Sales na imprensa da província de São Paulo. Ambos fizeram do repertório científico/ilustrado seu instrumento de combate. Em síntese, no exame empreendido neste estudo, Júlio Ribeiro constitui mais um objeto de estudo do que um guia de análise da sociedade paulista da segunda metade do século XIX. / Abstract: This thesis aims to elaborate a conjugated analysis of Júlio Ribeiro's path based on his practices in the letters field and in his social relationships in the State of São Paulo, between the 1870’s and 1890’s. In a context marked by the absence of an autonomous literate field, the author studied was a typical example of the scholar, as he worked as a teacher, a journalist, a publicist and a fictionist in a word, he was a man of letters in the strict sense of the word. However, the preponderant image that crystallized of him was that of the author of a novel reckoned obscene A Carne (Carnality - 1888) , elaborated by his contemporaries and perpetuated in the historical memory. The present work also seeks to surpass that stigmatizing label, privileging his writings as a whole which contain important traits of his path and, as they allow to get a less restricted vision of the author's performance, make possible to reconstitute his social relationships in the literate universe. Ribeiro shared in the experiences of the imperial regime’s opponents from the generation of the 1870’s, particularly the republican group from São Paulo; however, for personal and political reasons, he moved on to the dissidence of PRP (Republican Party of São Paulo). This divergence resulted in dispute with Alberto Sales in the State of São Paulo press. Both men made of the scientific/scholar repertoire their combat instrument. In conclusion, in the exam undertaken in this study, Júlio Ribeiro has constituted a study object rather than a guide of analysis of the State of São Paulo society in the second half of the nineteenth century. / Doutor