La fête nationale française, décrétée en 1880, vise à consolider l’adhésion à la Troisième République, régime né dix ans auparavant et toujours en déficit de légitimité. Malgré les efforts du gouvernement pour rejoindre les Français de toutes allégeances, des discordes idéologiques persistent et la fête nationale du 14-Juillet ne parvient pas à faire l'unanimité. Telle est la situation sociale et politique de la France à l’aube de la Grande Guerre. Alors que se multiplient les batailles et les pertes militaires, la conviction d'une guerre courte fait place à la réalité d'une guerre aussi destructrice qu’interminable. Les 14-Juillet de ces années-là démontrent la nécessité d'adapter les célébrations nationales à la réalité de la guerre totale et des besoins qu'elle engendre. Parallèlement, le deuil et la souffrance de la guerre ravivent les oppositions sociales et politiques d'avant-guerre, remettant en question les capacités du gouvernement à faire face à la situation, menaçant tant l'Union Sacrée que la République. L'entrée en guerre des États-Unis, en avril 1917, offre l'occasion à quelques hommes politiques prévoyants de rétablir la cohésion sociale autour des valeurs républicaines. En 1917, puis en 1918, le gouvernement mise sur l'union des fêtes nationales républicaines française et américaine pour ranimer l'espoir, le courage et le patriotisme de tous les Français. Au-delà de l'hommage rendu à un allié que l'on espérait plus, l'union des deux fêtes devient le symbole de la solidarité et de la fraternité qui unit les deux Républiques-sœurs, et réaffirme la force et la légitimité du régime français en place. Le 14-Juillet, emblème du parcours social et politique français, connaît donc, à l’occasion de la Grande Guerre, une mutation, une redéfinition de sens. À l'image de la France, « moderne », le 14-Juillet tel que développé lors du conflit, ne cesse de s'adapter aux besoins et à l'image d'une société en constante évolution. / The French national holiday, Bastille Day, was established in 1880 to strengthen popular support to the Third Republic, a disesteemed political regime born ten years earlier. Despite the government’s efforts to rally French people of all allegiances, ideological discord persisted and the parties involved were unable to reach a unanimous decision regarding the national holiday of July 14. Such was the political and social situation in France in 1914, at the dawn of the Great War. While battles and military losses multiply, convictions of a short war gave way to the reality of an endless and destructive conflict. During the years of ceaseless battles, the celebrations of the Bastille Day demonstrated the necessity of adapting national holidays to the context and needs brought to a country by a total war. In parallel, the mourning and suffering birthed by the Great War revived pre-war oppositions, both social and political, thus undermining the Union sacrée, as well as the Republic. The United-State’s involvement in World War I, beginning in April 1917, offered to a few passionate and far-sighted political figures the opportunity to restore consensus among the French people on republican values. In 1917 and 1918, the French government united both French and American national holidays, in the hope to revive optimism, courage and patriotism amongst the population. Beyond the initial tribute to a long sought-after ally, the union of national holidays became a symbol of solidarity and fraternity between both republics, thereby reaffirming the strength and legitimacy of the French political regime in place. The French national holiday, emblematic of the social and political evolution of its people, faced a sense-defining mutation during the Great War. The “Modern” Bastille Day, as developed during the war, never ceases to adapt to the needs and image of the ever-growing society it celebrates.

Réfléchir sur le « bon régime », c’est s’interroger sur l’organisation politique qui convienne à la nature imparfaite de l’homme. Cette nature, combinée avec la contingence dans laquelle l’action humaine se déploie, rend illusoires les tentatives de constructions théoriques et absolument parfaites. Le « bon régime », c’est un régime juste, modéré, orienté vers le bien commun. Mais c’est surtout un régime adapté à la communauté qu’il a pour vocation d’organiser. Le pragmatisme et la « prudence » sont nécessaires pour dégager la constitution qui convient à la communauté politique. La composition sociologique de celle-ci, son histoire, ses moeurs et ses traditions déterminent pour une large part les solutions constitutionnelles qui peuvent être mises en oeuvre. Le « régime » s’insère dans un « système » qui le détermine en partie. Le régime mixte est pendant longtemps apparu comme la forme institutionnelle adaptée à la réalisation du bon régime puisqu’il permet la juste représentation des divers intérêts en présence et l’adhésion du plus grand nombre. Son apparente disparition à l’époque moderne et contemporaine est trompeuse, car ses caractéristiques principales, notamment la modération et l’équilibre, évoluent et se transforment pour s’adapter aux nouvelles réalités. Le constitutionnalisme moderne, par son attachement aux mécanismes de distribution des pouvoirs censés garantir l’équilibre et la modération du pouvoir en est l’illustration parfaite. Mais c’est surtout la persistance paradoxale de diverses formes d’hétéronomies – sociologique, morale, naturelle – qui montre que les modernes et les contemporains n’ont pas rompu de manière définitive avec le « bon régime », si cher aux anciens. / Reflecting on the concept of « good political regime » means reflecting on the best suited political organisation for the imperfect nature of man. This nature, combined with the contingency in which human action occurs, makes all tentative of perfect theoretical constructions illusionary. The « good political regime » is a fair regime and a moderate one oriented towards common good. But it is above all a government adapted to the community it intends to organise. Pragmatism and prudence are necessary in order to organise the most suitable constitution for the political community. Its sociological composition, its history, its customs and traditions are for a large part responsible in determining the constitutional solutions that can be implemented. The political regime occurs in fact in a political system which determines it in return. A “mixed” constitution has appeared for a long time as the most adequate institutional form, as it enables the fairest representation of the diversity of its interest, and the adhesion of the majority to the constitution. Its apparent disappearance in modern times is deceiving since its most distinctive features, among which moderation and equilibrium, have evolved and been transformed to adapt to new realities. Modern constitutionalism, by its attachment to the mechanisms of power distribution constitutes a perfect illustration of this phenomenon of adaptation. But it is above all the paradoxical persistence of different forms of heteronomy – sociological, moral, natural – that best exposes how the modern man has not definitively broken with the « good political regime » so dear to the Ancients.

La présente étude tend à replacer le contexte de la construction fédérale américaine à la lumière d'un théisme politique émergent. L'exceptionnalisme procède à ce titre d'un paradoxe originel qui vient directement nourrir nos interrogations : la reconnaissance par la lettre constitutionnelle puis par les juges de la Cour Suprême d'un véritable « mur de séparation » entre le spirituel et le temporel, parfois exacerbé par les instruments du droit, mais qui doit être associé à la mise en place d'une «religion de la République» élaborée et fortement institutionnalisée. De là, l'auteur voit dans la notion d'exceptionnalisme religieux la mise en œuvre d'une rhétorique nouvelle qui entend offrir les instruments conceptuels permettant de revisiter la subtile immixtion de l' « esprit de religion » et de l' « esprit de liberté » chers à Alexis de Tocqueville. Cette perspective a dès lors pour dessein d'entrevoir une résolution de l'impossible oxymore que forme la république théocratico-laïque. Cette apparente dichotomie ne peut être entrevue à travers une lecture exclusivement doctrinale, elle emporte au contraire nombre d'incertitudes sur le plan jurisprudentiel. L'étude démontre à ce titre que les juges, en éludant la notion d'exceptionnalisme américain, ne peuvent construire un paradigme juridique apte à apprécier de manière satisfaisante les dispositions de droit positif en matière religieuse. Aussi, le constitutionnaliste œuvre à étudier les mécanismes juridiques traduisant un phénomène sociologique exceptionnaliste. Cette approche éclaire de telle manière la notion sans cesse revisitée de « laïcité américaine ». / This study tends to put the federal construction in context of an emerging political theism. Exceptionalism reveals an original paradox that directly feeds our questions: the recognition by the Constitution then by the judges of the Supreme Court of a “wall of separation” between spiritual and temporal powers, sometimes exacerbated by the instruments of the law, but which must be associated with the establishment of a “religion of the Republic” highly developed and institutionalized. From there, the author sees the notion of religious exceptionalism as the implementation of a new rhetoric that aims to provide the conceptual tools to revisit the subtle interference of the “spirit of religion” and the “spirit of liberty”, quoted from Alexis de Tocqueville. This perspective has therefore the ambition of establishing a possible resolution of the oxymoron that forms the theocratic-secular republic. This apparent dichotomy cannot be seen through a purely doctrinal reading, it brings on the contrary many uncertainties on the jurisprudential work. The study shows that the judges, eluding the notion of American exceptionalism, cannot build a legal paradigm able to appreciate adequately the provisions of substantive law in religious matters. To this end, the constitutionalist studies the legal mechanisms resulting from an exceptionalist sociological phenomenon. This approach sheds light on the concept so constantly revisited of “American secularism”.

No description available.

[pt] Esta dissertação examina a atuação política dos jacobinos e o discurso veiculado através de seus jornais em circulação na cidade do Rio de Janeiro entre os anos de 1894 e 1897. A partir da identificação de suas idéias e propostas e da análise da construção e intensificação da oposição por parte destes militantes ao primeiro presidente civil da República, Prudente de Moraes, é nosso objetivo rever a historiografia produzida de modo a melhor qualificá-los durante a conjuntura de transição entre a presidência militar e a civil. Defendemos que o posicionamento oposicionista dos jacobinos a Prudente pode ser separado, analiticamente, em dois momentos distintos: um primeiro, durante o qual os jacobinos informaram as suas reivindicações nos licenciamentos e dissoluções graduais dos batalhões patrióticos, caracterizado pela defesa de seus interesses corporativos, e um segundo, marcado pelo temor à mudança, informado pelo ineditismo da atuação aglutinadora e atividade propagandista dos monarquistas restauradores, que entendiam contar com a condescendência de Prudente. A identificação das propostas dos jacobinos para o regime republicano, que em essência demandavam a conservação da situação militarista e beligerante deixada pelo Marechal Floriano Peixoto ao seu sucessor civil para que eles continuassem auferindo as recompensas e o reconhecimento por sua atividade como voluntários patriotas, permite-nos qualificá-los diferentemente de algumas caracterizações apresentadas sobre estes mesmos agentes em trabalhos historiográficos da década de 1980 que ainda são tomados como referência para o estudo do tema. / [en] This M.A. thesis focuses on the political demonstrations of the jacobinos and on their rhetoric in the City of Rio newspapers, from 1894 until 1897. By identifying their main ideas and proposals, and by analyzing their intense opposition against the first civilian president of the Republic, Prudente de Moraes, it is my goal to review the historiography hitherto produced in order to better characterize the jacobinos under this transition period from military to civilian order. I argue that jacobinos opposition to Prudente can be analytically divided into two different phases: an initial one, in which the jacobinos demonstrations went hand by hand with their fighting the dissolution of the patriotic battalions and of corporatist interests; and a second one, marked by their fear of change, in view of then wide propaganda and gathering of monarchists and restoration-driven individuals around Prudente. The jacobinos longed for the conservation of the militaryoriented policy and the war-like situation the civilian president inherited from his predecessor Floriano Peixoto. They wanted to keep the rewards and acknowledgements they benefited from, for joining the patriotic battalions. The identification of such jacobinos ideas and proposals for the Republican regime allow us to portrait them differently and, mainly, to question a few odd views about them which still prevail in the standard historiography from the 1980s to the present.

Ao longo da história da filosofia, John Locke tem sido frequentemente apresentado sob o rótulo de pai do liberalismo, o que decorre, invariavelmente, de um modo peculiar de interpretação da noção de liberdade para o filósofo, que estaria estruturada em torno da ideia de não-interferência. Derivada frequentemente de propostas analíticas realizadas em um vácuo histórico, em que as ideias de Locke são tomadas como uma estática coleção, tal conclusão expressa uma perspectiva que não considera o caráter essencialmente discursivo da filosofia política e o campo problemático em que os conceitos foram pensados pelo filósofo. Se tomarmos a obra de Locke a partir de um campo mais abrangente, constituído por diferentes atos de discurso, em que sejam considerados as condições e o contexto em que os elementos textuais foram enunciados, recuperando-se o aspecto polêmico do texto, pode ser evidenciado um traço marcadamente republicano no conceito de liberdade formulado pelo autor. Partindo da perspectiva de John Pocock acerca do processo de formação do republicanismo inglês, segundo a qual as matrizes republicanas foram recebidas na Inglaterra a partir do século XVI, desencadeando um longo processo de anglicização da república, no qual diferentes momentos podem ser identificados, e tomando como pressuposto a ideia de dupla filiação do conceito moderno de liberdade, proposta por Jean-Fabien Spitz, o propósito deste trabalho é colher os elementos que apontam em que medida a noção de liberdade defendida por Locke em sua obra política pode ser considerada tributária dos argumentos desenvolvidos nos momentos precedentes em que se expressou o pensamento republicano na Inglaterra, o que permitiria incluí-la como referência de um importante ato do longo discurso que culminou na formulação do conceito republicano de liberdade. / Throughout the history of philosophy, John Locke has often been presented under the label of \"father of liberalism,\" which invariably follows from a peculiar way of interpreting his concept of freedom, as structured around the idea of non-interference. Coming from analytical proposals often elaborated in a \"historical vacuum\", in which Locke\'s ideas are taken as a static collection, such a conclusion expresses a perspective that does not consider the essentially discursive character of political philosophy and the \"problematic field\" in which some concepts were thought by the philosopher. On the other hand, if we take Locke\'s work from a broader field, made up of different \"acts of discourse,\" taking into account the conditions and contexts in which the textual elements were enunciated, and recovering the controversial aspect of the text, we can reveal a republican feature in the concept of liberty formulated by the author. Starting from John Pocock\'s perspective about the English republicanism, according to which republican matrices were received in England from the sixteenth century, triggering a long process of \"anglicization of the republic,\" in which different \"moments\" can be identified, and considering the idea of double affiliation of the modern concept of freedom, proposed by Jean-Fabien Spitz, the purpose of this work is to gather the elements that indicate to what extent the notion of freedom defended by Locke in his political work can be considered tributary of the arguments developed in the previous \"moments\" in which the republican thought in England was expressed, which would allow to include it as reference of an important \"act\" of the long discourse that culminated in the republican concept of liberty.

O objeto da pesquisa é a vasta produção textual de José Feliciano de Oliveira, abolicionista, positivista e professor da Escola Normal de São Paulo no final do século XIX e início do XX. Os objetivos gerais do trabalho consistem na análise da vida e obra do autor de forma a situá-lo nos campos da instrução pública brasileira e do positivismo brasileiro e francês, além de esclarecer aspectos de sua atuação de forma a compreender seu pensamento educacional como um mestre de vocação positivista em ação na história republicana brasileira. Para a análise, o conjunto da obra foi categorizado conforme a classificação de gêneros textuais de Dolz e Schneuwly e dividido em três agrupamentos principais: construção da nacionalidade brasileira, doutrina positivista e educação. As fontes consultadas foram as obras bibliográficas, artigos para a imprensa, notadamente em O Estado de S. Paulo, e correspondência, tendo o autor se dedicado a escrever obras sobre personagens exemplares para a sociedade brasileira, como Tiradentes, Santos Dumont e José Bonifácio. Voltado à escrita de uma história de integração luso-brasileira, filiado a instituições como o IHGB, tratou de temas clássicos como o descobrimento do Brasil e a bandeira nacional. Nos escritos sobre o positivismo, abordou tanto os princípios da doutrina quanto as disputas que ele protagonizou no campo, notadamente com a liderança carioca da Igreja Positivista do Brasil e com a direção da Maison dAuguste Comte de Paulo Carneiro. Como educador, defendeu a regeneração social através do ensino, com a incorporação do negro, do índio e do proletariado, e a preparação adequada para a vida moral em sociedade, possibilitada pelo ensino integral. O professor deveria ser para ele um exemplo de comportamento voltado à pátria, que incentivasse os alunos a se comportarem com urbanidade a fim de que pudesse haver progresso. Como testemunha entusiasmada e protagonista na Escola Normal do início da República, preocupou-se também com a elaboração memorialística do que havia vivenciado na instituição. A inserção institucional de Feliciano, anterior à organização universitária brasileira, não foi suficiente para que sua obra fosse devidamente lembrada pelas gerações seguintes. O mestre paulista procurou o reconhecimento social de sua obra ao mesmo tempo em que precisava lidar com os limites impostos pela doutrina positivista que condenava a ênfase no individualismo. / The object of the research is the vast textual production of the abolitionist, positivist and teacher of the Normal School of São Paulo José Feliciano de Oliveira in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The general objectives of the work are to analyze the author\'s life and work in order to situate him in the fields of Brazilian public education and Brazilian and French positivism, as well as clarifying aspects of his work understanding his educational thinking as a master of positivist vocation during Brazilian republican history. For the analysis, the whole of the work was categorized according to the classification of textual genres of Dolz and Schneuwly being divided into three main groups: construction of Brazilian nationality, positivist doctrine and education. The sources consulted were bibliographical works, press articles notably in O Estado de S. Paulo and correspondence. Aimed at writing a history of Portuguese-Brazilian integration, affiliated with institutions such as the IHGB, he dealt with classical themes such as the discovery of Brazil and the national flag, devoting himself to writing works on exemplary characters for Brazilian society, such as Tiradentes, Santos Dumont and José Bonifácio. Considering his writings on positivism, he dealt with both the principles of doctrine and the disputes he played in the field, notably with the leadership of the Positivist Church in Brazil and with the direction of Maison d\'Auguste Comte by Paulo Carneiro. As an educator, he defended social regeneration through education, with the incorporation of the black, indigenous people and the proletariat, adequately preparing for moral life in society made possible by integral education. Furthermore, in his view, the teacher should be an example of behavior toward the homeland, which would encourage students to behave with civility so that progress could be made. During the Republics first years, he was witness and protagonist in the Normal School, posteriorly worring about the memorialistic elaboration of what he had experienced in the institution. The institutional insertion of Feliciano, prior to the Brazilian university organization, was not enough so that his work was properly remembered by the following generations. The São Paulo master sought the social recognition of his work while dealing with the limits imposed by the positivist doctrine that condemned the emphasis on individualism.

John Milton (1608 1674) é conhecido não só como o poeta do épico Paraíso perdido, mas também como um dos grandes teóricos e polemistas do período das Guerras Civis Inglesas. Seu principal tema é o problema da liberdade em um reino que se transformou segundo ele em uma tirania de reis e potentados religiosos, onde o súdito não era mais adequadamente representado por seu soberano; de acordo com Milton, como o rei não era mais o representante justo do reino, ele não deveria mais exercer as suas funções, sendo necessária a sua deposição e, em alguns casos extremos, o regicídio (como foi defendido pelo próprio poeta); assim, a solução proposta junto com outros panfletários anti-realistas, que nunca atingiram a riqueza retórica e a ousadia teórica de Milton é o surgimento de uma república inglesa, inspirada nos moldes ciceronianos e de clara influência secular-humanista. A partir de agora, o verdadeiro representante do governo deve ser o povo, mais precisamente a commonwealth, formada por indivíduos capazes de dominar as paixões que os podem transformá-los em escravos e viver de acordo com a vontade da razão e da prudência. A liberdade interior dos membros desta república se dá dentro desta commonwealth, onde eles podem exercer a liberdade civil (em que o indivíduo pode viver com tranqüilidade desde que respeite as leis da república), a liberdade doméstica (em que se pode escolher qual é o tipo de educação que pretende ter, quais são as pessoas com quem pretende se relacionar, etc.) e a liberdade religiosa (a possibilidade de escolher uma religião sem a interferência do governo ou de qualquer outra seita religiosa que se classifique como oficial). / John Milton (1608 - 1674) is known not only for his epic Paradise Lost, but also as one of the great theorists and polemicists of the period of the English Civil Wars. Its main theme is the problem of freedom in a kingdom that has become a tyranny of kings and religious potentates, where the subject was not properly represented by his sovereign; according to Milton, as the king was no longer the right representative of the kingdom, he should no longer perform his duties, requiring the deposition and in some extreme cases, the regicide (as argued by him); thus, the proposed solution along with other anti-royalist pamphleteers, who never reached Milton´s rhetoric and the theoretical boldness is the emergence of an English republic. From now on, the true representative of the government should be the people, specifically the commonwealth, made up of individuals able to master the passions that can turn them into slaves and live according to the will of reason and prudence. The Freedom of the Republic takes place within this commonwealth, where its members can exercise civil liberty (in which the individual can live with peace of mind provided if it complies with the laws of the Republic), domestic freedom (where you can choose what kind education you want to have, who are the people you want to relate, etc.) and religious freedom (the ability to choose a religion without interference from the government or any other religious sect that classify them as \"official\").

A presente dissertação se ocupa em analisar a relevância da melhor técnica legislativa, para a formulação e efetivação de políticas públicas, dentro de nossa contemporaneidade democrática. Nesse aspecto, um instrumento recente aparece no cenário político e jurídico: a Legística. Em linhas gerais, a Legística sintetiza o estudo dos aspectos formal e material do texto legal, além de perquirir, à luz da ciência jurídica, se seria possível que a lei, com todas as suas características e com as garantias que visa promover, fosse instrumento apto à determinada dinâmica que permitisse adaptações de conteúdo, em face de sua aplicação no curso do tempo. E, ainda, antes mesmo da vigência do texto normativo, qual o trâmite que viabilizasse participação e técnica. Ao discorrer sobre o tema, pareceu-me mais adequado definir um foco e cercá-lo das informações relevantes, visando consolidá-lo como síntese de inúmeros processos. A lei é esse foco. O mandamento legal, na Ordem Constitucional, que fundamenta o poder estatal, e todas as influências que correm como pano de fundo, inclusive as históricas, porém, sem longas digressões. O tempo presente parece-me sintetizar, em si próprio, toda experiência acumulada e variantes decorrentes do local, da política e das ambições econômicas e, com igual relevância, dos anseios por um mundo melhor, de homens e mulheres. Penso que a presente dissertação terá cumprido seu papel, se permanecer coerente com as fontes de pesquisa, seus próprios termos, e se instigar ao leitor chegar ao seu final. / The present essay is concerned with analyzing the relevance of the best legislative technique for the enforcement and execution of public policies within our contemporary democracy. According to this, a recent instrument appears in the political and legal scene:Legistics. In general Legistica summarizes the study of both formal and material aspects of the legal text besides questioning with scientism - whether it was possible to the law, with all its features and with the assurances that promotes would be a capable instrument to a specific dynamic that would allow content to be adapted due to the concreteness of time. And yet, even before its term, which could be the procedure which would enable participation and technique? Discussing the topic, it seemed more appropriate to define a focus and surround it with relevant information in order to consolidate it as a synthesis of many processes. The law is this focus. The legal command in Constitutional order that underlies state power. And all the influences that run in the background, including the historical, but without long digressions. It seems to me that the present time summarizes the whole experience and variants arising from local, politics, and economic ambitions and, with equal relevance, the yearnings for a better world of men and women. I think that the present work will have fulfilled its role, if it remains consistent with its research sources, its own terms that urges the reader to get to its end.

<p>Keywords: Immanuel Kant (</p><p>narratives in European naturalism and political anatomy. Yet the concept surfaces in gender historical research on the period in foot notes and cursory remarks. This paper interrogates why epigenesis has been eradicated from the historical consciousness of today’s scholarship on gender politics. By honing in on the weirdness, a term borrowed from Lorraine Daston, in and of Immanuel Kant’s (1724-1804) theory on animal generation I show how an alertness it requires a re-evaluation of views on "political anatomy" taken-for-granted in scholarship, but also of Kant’s philosophy itself. The endeavour is divided into three main sections.</p><p>In the first, I situate the failure of Kant-scholars to, in the words of John H. Zammito, "stabilize" epigenesis by exploring the hitherto unacknowledged peculiarity of Kant’s use racial hybridity to ‘prove’ the theory. In the second, the analysis departs from the notion ‘modern sex difference’ and show that a reading of epigenesis requires a re-thinking of sexed bodily identity in terms of conflict and contradiction. The third section reads this strife in light of Kant’s experience of "astonishment", a cognitive mode, I argue, designed to resolve both physiological and ideological inconsistencies. The antinomy of sex differentiation is in a concluding section juxtaposed with Kant’s phrase "eloquent speechlessness" in which the gender practice activated in the writing of, about, and on epigenesis is compared to the structure informing moral philosophy’s definition of lies.</p>