Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael de Carvalho Morales.pdf: 585614 bytes, checksum: 7844b70ba449bf4b5b6d5cde3f93cc3b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-18 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Being considered the first Brazilian mass party, a heterogeneous and different from most others in Brazil. The Partido dos Tbrabalhadores (PT) became a party electorally competitive and a different discourse from that of its genesis. Internal changes from the perspective of institutionalization and of formation of a ruling coalition will be made from the model of party Panebianco. We will use the Robert Michel s concept iron law of oligarchy to check their application in PT and also to elevate the discussion that I find little in political science on the internal organization of parties. Such "evolution" of the PT has consequences and conclusions, they can be found and discussed what was classified by Kirchheimer as the "crisis of parties / Sendo considerado o primeiro partido de massas brasileiro, de formação heterogênea e diferente da maioria dos outros do Brasil. O Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) se transformou num partido eleitoralmente competitivo e com um discurso diferente daquele de sua gênese. A análise das mudanças internas a partir da óptica da institucionalização e da formação de uma coalizão dominante será feita a partir do modelo de partido de Panebianco. Utilizaremos o conceito lei de ferro da oligarquia de Michels para verificar a sua aplicação no PT e também para elevar à discussão que consideramos pequena na ciência política, a organização interna dos partidos. Tal evolução do PT tem consequências e conclusões, elas podem ser encontradas e debatidas naquilo que foi classificado por Kirchheimer como a crise dos partidos

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael de Carvalho Morales.pdf: 585614 bytes, checksum: 7844b70ba449bf4b5b6d5cde3f93cc3b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-18 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Being considered the first Brazilian mass party, a heterogeneous and different from most others in Brazil. The Partido dos Tbrabalhadores (PT) became a party electorally competitive and a different discourse from that of its genesis. Internal changes from the perspective of institutionalization and of formation of a ruling coalition will be made from the model of party Panebianco. We will use the Robert Michel s concept iron law of oligarchy to check their application in PT and also to elevate the discussion that I find little in political science on the internal organization of parties. Such "evolution" of the PT has consequences and conclusions, they can be found and discussed what was classified by Kirchheimer as the "crisis of parties / Sendo considerado o primeiro partido de massas brasileiro, de formação heterogênea e diferente da maioria dos outros do Brasil. O Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) se transformou num partido eleitoralmente competitivo e com um discurso diferente daquele de sua gênese. A análise das mudanças internas a partir da óptica da institucionalização e da formação de uma coalizão dominante será feita a partir do modelo de partido de Panebianco. Utilizaremos o conceito lei de ferro da oligarquia de Michels para verificar a sua aplicação no PT e também para elevar à discussão que consideramos pequena na ciência política, a organização interna dos partidos. Tal evolução do PT tem consequências e conclusões, elas podem ser encontradas e debatidas naquilo que foi classificado por Kirchheimer como a crise dos partidos

Submitted by Verena Bastos (verena@uefs.br) on 2015-07-27T21:23:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??oRafaelQuintela.pdf: 1211081 bytes, checksum: 6389dd93a3a87af9763b40ffd3dcdc97 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-27T21:23:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??oRafaelQuintela.pdf: 1211081 bytes, checksum: 6389dd93a3a87af9763b40ffd3dcdc97 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-27 / Funda??o de Amparo ? Pesquisa do Estado de S?o Paulo - FAPESP / Is found here a study of Feira de Santana's political situation between the coups-de-?tat of october 1945 (end of Estado Novo's dictadorship) and april 1964 (beginning of civilian-military dictadorship). About this historical experience, we analyze: 1) the transformations in Feira de Santana's living, shown in the growth of the city and electoral emergence; 2) the power practices of dominant individuals and groups, noticed in their organization and political project; 3) the rearrangements of power, observed in the disputes around the city's administration. For that, we use as empirical material: the newspapers Folha do Norte, Gazeta do Povo e O Coruja; the IBGE'S census; the law projects and records of the counselor's chamber and the novels Setembro na Feira and O bicho que chegou a Feira. The teoric-methodologic basis was constructed around Antonio Gramsci's notion of political theory and Michel de Certeau's reflections around power relations. Finally, we treat the local politics in a wide, integrating manner, inseparable of social relation's picture happening in Brazil in those years. / Acha-se aqui um estudo da situa??o pol?tica de Feira de Santana/BA entre os golpes de outubro de 1945 (fim da ditadura do Estado Novo) e abril de 1964 (in?cio da ditadura civil-militar). Dessa experi?ncia hist?rica analisamos: 1) as transforma??es da vida feirense, figuradas no crescimento da cidade e na emerg?ncia eleitoral; 2) as pr?ticas de poder de sujeitos e grupos dominantes, percebidas a partir das suas organiza??es e projetos pol?ticos; 3) os rearranjos do poder, observados nas disputas em torno da dire??o municipal. Para tanto, utilizamos como material emp?rico: os jornais Folha do Norte, Gazeta do Povo e O Coruja; os Sensos do IBGE; os Projetos de Lei e Atas da C?mara dos Vereadores; os romances, Setembro na Feira e O bicho que chegou a Feira. A base te?rico-metodol?gicas foi constru?da a partir das no??es de teoria pol?tica de Antonio Gramsci e das reflex?es de Michel de Certeau sobre as rela??es de poder. Por fim, miramos a pol?tica local de forma ampla, integrante e indissoci?vel do conjunto das rela??es sociais em curso no Brasil daqueles anos.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leiner Salmaso Salinas.pdf: 796190 bytes, checksum: 819c4ed2aa9e9e536eb88b2a29d86dba (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-07 / This paper aims to shed light over the effectiveness of the fundamental guarantee upon due process of law within Brazilian Tax Law, as an essential condition to the possibility of exigency of a certain amount as taxes compelled by the Brazilian Federal State. In view of that, we shall do a historical introduction to tax as an instrument of power and its interaction with the State; we shall highlight the constitutional principles importance as essential guarantees to be followed at a Democratic Constitutional State; shall emphasize the enlargement of the due process of law and highlight our tax ruling and assessment act conceptions. We support the thesis that without the due process of law tax power cannot be balanced provided that in a statutory law system, the constitutional guarantees are the main compass of justice sense. Moreover, we understand that disrespecting the enjoyment of the due process of law, whether if in its material or procedural sphere, would lead up to the nullity of tax exigency interposed at the Federal Government Collectible Debt as a severe offense to the 1988 Brazilian Federal Constitution / O presente trabalho tem por escopo trazer a lume a efetividade da garantia fundamental do devido processo legal na aplicação do Direito Tributário, como condição indispensável à possibilidade de exigência de valor a título de tributo forçadamente pelo Estado. Para tanto, fazemos, em suma, uma introdução histórica do tributo como instrumento de poder e sua relação com o Estado; realçamos a importância dos princípios constitucionais como garantias primordiais a serem obedecidas no Estado Democrático de Direito; ressaltamos a amplitude da garantia do devido processo legal; e salientamos nossa concepção de norma jurídica tributária e de ato de lançamento. Defendemos a tese de que, sem obediência ao devido processo legal, inexiste equilíbrio necessário do poder tributário ´, uma vez que, num sistema de direito positivo, as garantias constitucionais são a bússola central do sentimento de justiça. Mais do que isso, sustentamos que o desrespeito à fruição do devido processo legal, seja na faceta material ou processual, acarreta na nulidade de exigência tributária permeada na Dívida Ativa do Estado, por grave ofensa à Constituição Federal de 1988

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andrea da Silva Souza Sanchez.pdf: 1371123 bytes, checksum: e69fd6c16ebf2a67e71c0cfc9c4adc87 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-24 / Brazilian society when following the increase of recall campaigns has associated the raising of such introduction in the market place of products and services as interpreted as a high level of danger and hazardousness to the health and well being safety of consumers. A better comprehension of such issue, has this work getting started as a brief rescue of Law history on health and safety towards the end consumer, inserted in social Law and its fundaments on Law in the country, through the identification of participant responsible for its ruling, monitoring and control measures on the Recall itself. We are focused in limiting the issue specially in understanding, acquiring a concept and its improvement on ruling recall campaigns towards Consumer Protection Code, focusing on the duty to inform suppliers of the articles 8th to 10 on Law nº. 8.078/90, which deals with protection towards health and consumer´s safety. Aiming to demonstrate how current public policies are towards it in this country, the improvement of such Policies will enable growth of campaigns, rule lists and action under the responsibility of the increment of the institute, always recognizing how it is done, specially under the comparing task of the government actions in Brazil and in other countries, by investing high technology in scientific research granting a higher protection possibility to consumers / A sociedade brasileira, ao acompanhar o aumento do número das campanhas de recall, por vezes o tem associado ao aumento da introdução no mercado de consumo de produtos e serviços como alto grau de nocividade e periculosidade à saúde e segurança dos consumidores. Para melhor compreensão da relevância da matéria, o trabalho se inicia com um breve resgate histórico do direito a saúde e segurança do consumidor, inseridos como direito social e fundamental no ordenamento jurídico do País, passando pela identificação dos atores responsáveis pela normatização, monitoramento e fiscalização do recall. Preocupamo-nos a delimitar o tema exclusivamente a entender, conceituar e analisar a evolução de sua regulamentação das campanhas de recall disciplinadas pelo Código de Defesa do Consumidor, dando ênfase ao dever de informar dos fornecedores disposto nos artigos 8º ao 10 da Lei nº. 8.078/90, que tratam da proteção à saúde e segurança dos consumidores. Com o intuito de demonstrar quão recentes são as políticas públicas de proteção à saúde e segurança do consumidor no País, cujo aprimoramento possibilitará um crescimento ainda maior dão quantidade de campanhas, foram listados regramentos e ações responsáveis pelo incremento do instituto sem, no entanto deixar de reconhecer o quanto há por ser feito, especialmente pela comparação da evolução das atuações governamentais do Brasil com a de outros países, que contam com investimento em alta tecnologia e pesquisa científica que garantem maior grau de proteção aos consumidores

Policy networks is a body of literature dedicated to modelling state-civil society relationship formats. In this particular relationship, an interest group with privileged (insider) access to the party in power gains advantage in the policy-making process by utilizing party’s ability to make political appointments in the civil service. The parentela (or type 1 parentela) was first discovered by Joseph La Palombara (1964) in 1960s Italy and was documented later again by Greer (1994) in 1920s-1970s Northern Ireland. Still, there has been no parentela research since 1994, save for Yishai (1992), who argued the parentela did not exist in Israel in 1980s. It seems the concept is considered of little utility to the academic community today. At the same time, as a category of policy networks, the parentela is also susceptible to the wider criticism of Thatcher (1997) and Dowding (1995; 2001) that the policy network literature is unable to introduce causal dynamics in its models and distinguish between network features and network independent variables. This study, therefore, addresses both criticisms by studying the party-group-civil service relationship in Bulgaria, for the period 2013-2015, using 26 elite interviews and a number of cases. Results show that this particular policy network is still viable today. They support Yishai (1992) that hegemonic parties have no effect on parentela formation. The study demonstrates that the cooperation between ruling parties, in need of funds, and organised businesses (groups), in need of market advantage, produces the parentela. In a case study on construction tenders, the study demonstrates La Palombara’s parentela, by exposing the process of how ruling parties intervene in the civil service through political appointees to ensure construction projects are granted to their party insider groups. The study also discovers a new parentela dynamic, labelled as type 2 parentela, where the party intervention extends further to the free market by affecting party insider’s market competitors through prejudiced regulatory inspections that disrupt targeted businesses’ operations temporarily or altogether.

En tant que juge de droit commun du droit communautaire puis du droit de l'Union européenne, le Conseil d’Etat français a dû intégrer le droit communautaire puis le droit de l'Union européenne en tant que norme de référence du contrôle de conventionnalité. Pour l’aider dans cette intégration, le Conseil d’Etat dispose d’un outil : le renvoi préjudiciel.L’utilisation du renvoi préjudiciel par le Conseil d’Etat correspond à la recherche d’un équilibre fragile de partage des compétences entre la Cour de justice et le Conseil d’Etat. Le Conseil d’Etat a d’abord essayé de trouver sa place et en réalité de déterminer son rôle de juge de droit commun, il a aussi contribué à définir le rôle de juge national dans la procédure du renvoi préjudiciel. Ensuite, parce qu’il a su contribuer à définir le rôle de juge national dans le dialogue avec la Cour de justice, le Conseil d’Etat a utilisé le renvoi préjudiciel comme un outil de collaboration entre le juge national et la Cour de justice dans le but de parvenir à l’application harmonieuse du droit de l'Union européenne.Cette intégration a été lente puisqu’elle a eu pour socle un a priori négatif puis des incompréhensions entre la Cour de justice et le Conseil d’Etat puisque ces derniers n’envisageaient pas la procédure de renvoi préjudiciel sous le même angle. Si aujourd’hui, le Conseil d’Etat et la Cour de justice dialoguent dans la même direction, les divergences de conception, de perception du rôle du renvoi préjudiciel au cours des années d’échanges entre les deux juridictions ont permis que se développe un riche et constructif dialogue qui s’est révélé être bénéfique pour le droit de l'Union européenne. / As ordinary court of law of community law, then of law of the European Union, the French Council of State had to integrate community law followed by law of the European Union as reference standards of the control of conformity to a convention. In order to help in this integration, the Council of State has a tool: preliminary ruling proceedings. The use of preliminary ruling proceedings by the Council of State corresponds to the search for a delicate balance of shared competences between the Court of Justice and the Council of State. The Council of State tried at first to find its place and, in fact, to establish its role as a judge of common law. It also contributed to define the role of national judge in the preliminary ruling proceedings. Then, because it was able to contribute to define the role of the national judge in the exchange with the Court of Justice, the Council of State used preliminary ruling proceedings as a tool of understanding between the national judge and the Court of Justice in order to achieve the uniform application of Union law. This integration has been slow because at its core was a negative a priori, followed by a lack of understanding between the Court of Justice and the Council of State because the latter did not envisage preliminary ruling proceedings in the same way. If today the Council of State and the Court of Justice have entered into a dialogue in the same direction, divergences in conception, in perception of the role of the preliminary ruling proceedings during years of exchange between the two jurisdictions allowed the development of a rich and constructive dialogue, beneficial for the law of the European Union.

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-14T11:18:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Janaina Tude Sev?.pdf: 5629678 bytes, checksum: bfe4b951f0e6e08d13264d60c5f6cf64 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-14T11:18:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Janaina Tude Sev?.pdf: 5629678 bytes, checksum: bfe4b951f0e6e08d13264d60c5f6cf64 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-10 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico - CNPq / This doctoral thesis deals with the ruling classes, private ownership of land and the nature and political representation in Brazil Republican. Situated in the field of study of the agrarian question, focuses on the role of agrarian elites in the drafting and revision of legal texts on environmental preservation and ownership of natural resources, pointing to the processes and relationships that permeates and dialectically structured the State . It assumes that private property is one of the structural elements of inequality between classes and, consequently, is instituted and instituting policies representations that make up the state in general, and especially Brazil. Addressing the process of formation of laws, while playing field, aims to understand the power relations between classes as has been legitimized in the Brazilian agrarian reality. For such analyzes the action of Agriculture of the Parliamentary Front (APF), also known as caucus, in the face of environmental and land legislation. More specifically rescues the Brazilian Forest Code (Decree n. 23,793 / 34 /, Law no. 4,771 / 65 and Law no. 12,651 / 12), with an emphasis on recent process 1965 Code reform, to identify as political representation ruralistas of interests is organized, clear and positions in political institutional process. This study identifies that, despite the economic dominance and privileged status in the social hierarchy represented by the power of large farmers in our society, rural employers classes and agroindustrial not give up take and act on institutional policy, be present in the democratic and interfere with its rules. Acting in state spheres and with civil society producing consensus and weaving alliances are complementary actions and integrate the building strategies of its hegemony. Thus the research has focused on the narratives and discourses of legislative documents relating to the Forest Code, the parliamentary speeches in the course of the Brazilian Forest Code reform bill of 1965 in the House of Representatives, as well as in street mobilizations - hearts and minds - promoted by the caucus in partnership with trade unions and non-unions of rural employer representation. It was possible that, through legal reform, the ruling classes in the field is expanding and diversifying its spaces, forms and political action strategies to legitimize their structural interests as the owner class that is the absolute right of private property and the monopoly on their instruments of economic, environmental and social regulation. / Esta tese de doutorado versa sobre as classes dominantes, a propriedade privada sobre a terra e a natureza e a representa??o pol?tica no Brasil republicano. Situada no campo de estudos da quest?o agr?ria, foca a atua??o das elites agr?rias no processo de elabora??o e revis?o dos textos legais sobre a preserva??o ambiental e a apropria??o dos recursos naturais, apontando para os processos e rela??es que permeia e, dialeticamente, estruturam o Estado. Parte do pressuposto que a propriedade privada ? um dos elementos estruturantes da desigualdade entre as classes e que, consequentemente, ? institu?da e instituinte das representa??es pol?ticas que comp?em o Estado em geral, e o brasileiro especialmente. Ao abordar o processo de forma??o das leis, enquanto campo de disputa, visa compreender as rela??es de poder entre as classes tal como vem sendo legitimadas na realidade agr?ria brasileira. Para tal analisa a a??o da Frente Parlamentar da Agropecu?ria (FPA), tamb?m conhecida como bancada ruralista, frente ?s legisla??es ambiental e agr?ria. Mais especificamente resgata os C?digos Florestais brasileiros (Dec. n. 23.793/34/, Lei n. 4.771/65 e Lei n. 12.651/12), com ?nfase no processo recente de reforma do C?digo de 1965, visando identificar como a representa??o pol?tica dos interesses ruralistas se organiza, manifesta e posiciona no processo pol?tico institucional. O presente estudo identifica que, a despeito da domina??o econ?mica e do status privilegiado na hierarquia social representadas pelo poder dos ruralistas em nossa sociedade, as classes patronais rurais e agroindustriais n?o abrem m?o de ocupar e atuar na pol?tica institucional, se fazer presente no jogo democr?tico e interferir em suas regras. Atuar nas esferas estatais e junto ? sociedade civil produzindo consensos e tecendo alian?as s?o a??es complementares e integram as estrat?gias de constru??o de sua hegemonia. Deste modo a pesquisa se debru?ou sobre as narrativas e discursos dos documentos legislativos relativos aos C?digos Florestais, dos discursos parlamentares durante a tramita??o do projeto de reforma do C?digo Florestal Brasileiro de 1965 na C?mara dos Deputados, bem como nas mobiliza??es de rua ? cora??es e mentes ? promovidas pela bancada ruralista em parceria com organiza??es sindicais e n?o sindicais de representa??o patronal rural. Foi poss?vel identificar que, atrav?s da reforma legal, as classes dominantes no campo vem ampliando e diversificando seus espa?os, formas e estrat?gias de a??o pol?tica, para legitimar um de seus interesses estruturantes enquanto classe propriet?ria que ? o direito absoluto da propriedade privada e o monop?lio sobre seus instrumentos de regula??o econ?mica, ambiental e social.

In Taiwan area, it has become a rule that the national identity cards of all population are changed every 10 years. The fifth comprehensive change of national identity cards was implemented from Dec. 21, 2005 to Dec. 31, 2006. The government institutions of different cities and counties (municipal) under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of the Interior positively conducted national propaganda of the important news through the strong promotion of the change of identity cards by various means of mass media. First of all, the study investigates promotion strategies and procedures of the change of national identity cards in Taiwan, and then studies the promotion situation of the services for people, and further investigates how to strengthen the use of marketing ideas to achieve the goal of offering services for people. In view of this, the study reviews the related literature about the development procedures of the household registration system of Taiwan. Through the understanding of the situation and problems of the current use of new national identity cards, as well as the necessity of the change of national identity cards, the study focuses on marketing strategies to adopt SWOT analysis of trend and use questionnaire survey to make proof analysis and review. The study examines the effects and improvement measures of the government for execution of public domains, and provides the following research conclusions and suggestions for the Ministry of Interior and other government institutions as a reference for innovative promotion of public policies: 1. It is not easy to promote relationship marketing of the first line household registration institutions. 2. Important project work relatively needs the increase of reasonable and proper budget for promotion. 3. Strengthen the innovative development culture of household registration organization, and cultivate the overall marketing team. 4. A sound evaluation mechanism should be established for the marketing of public policies 5. Although the promotion of comprehensive change of national identity cards used different marketing channels, measures should still be strengthened on how to integrate different communication tools effectively. 6. Strengthen the public¡¦s rights of their awareness of the use of identity cards. The government has the responsibility and obligation to teach the public use of identity cards. The conclusions made by the study are that national identity card system is not a system that has to be existed in all countries. Each country can determine the necessary of offering identity cards to the citizens according to the country¡¦s idea of system. Under the national identity card system constructed in Taiwan, the nature of national identity card is to ¡§prove¡¨ that a citizen possesses the archive of his/her nationality. It also refers that national identity card is a document that cites the nationality relationship between a citizen of his/her country. Under this system, all the citizens of Taiwan are obliged to collect their national identity cards, and have the rights to ask for offering them. Therefore, the people of Taiwan should be cautious about the importance, safekeeping and use of national identity cards. The government should more positively bear the responsibility of strengthening the concept of ruling by laws because the maintenance of social stability depends on the people¡¦s practices and compliance with laws. Keywords: national identity card, household registration system, SWOT analysis of trend, relationship marketing, development culture, public policy marketing, national identity card system, concept of ruling by laws

Since 2002, the Canadian state has mandatorily tested applicants for permanent residence for HIV (Human immune deficiency virus). The policy and practices associated with this screening have never been critically scrutinized. Authoritative claims about what happens in the conduct of the immigration medical examination are at odds with the experience of immigrant applicants living with HIV. This is the analytic entry point into this inquiry that is organized within the theoretical and methodological frame offered by institutional ethnography and political activist ethnography. Analysis is connected to broader research literatures and the historical record. The goal of this study is to produce detailed, contextualized understandings of the social and ruling relations that organize the lives of immigrants to Canada living with HIV. These are generated from the material conditions of their lives. An assumption about how organization happens is the social and reflexive production of knowledge in people’s day-to-day lives through which connections between local and extra-local settings are empirically investigable. I investigate the organization of the Canadian immigration process. How is this institutional complex ordered and governed? How is immigration mandatory HIV testing organized, and with what consequences to HIV-positive applicants to Canada? This is a text-mediated organization where all the sites are connected by people’s work and the texts they circulate. The positive result of an immigration HIV test catalyzes the state’s collection of medical data about an applicant. These are entered into state decision-making about the person’s in/admissibility to Canada. I focus on a key component of the immigration process, which is medical examination and HIV testing with this, along with the HIV test counselling practices that happen (or not) there. The reported absence of the latter form of care causes problems and contradictions for people. This investigation adopts the standpoint of these persons to investigate their problems associated with HIV testing. The main empirically supported argument I make is that the Canadian state’s ideological work related to the HIV policy and mandatory screening ushers in a set of institutional practices that are highly problematic for immigrants with HIV. This argument relies on data collected in interviews, focus groups, observations, and analysis of texts organized under Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (S.C., 2001, c. 27) and textually mediated, discursively organized concepts that shape people’s practice. Canadian immigration medical policy makers should make use of these findings, as should civil society activists acting on behalf of immigrants to Canada living with HIV. I make nine specific recommendations for future action on HIV and immigration in Canada.