The research examines the factors which account for the emergence of ethno-nationalist movements in multi-ethnic and late industrialising societies such as India. The research employs a historical sociological approach to the study of nationalism. Opening with an interrogation of the classic theories of nationalism, the research shows the Eurocentric limitations of these works. By providing an account of the distinctive nature and development of Indian nationalism, it is maintained that the nature, growth, timing and scope of nationalist movements is affected by the level of development and the nature of the state and society in which they emerge. Using the theoretical framework developed here, the theses seeks to explain the nature and timing of breakaway movements in the Indian subcontinent. By providing an account of the social composition of the Sikh secessionist movement, the research shifts the focus on to the peasantry. Consequently, the study interrogates the social and cultural sphere beyond the English-speaking Indian elite. The role of the widely influential media, such as the vernacular press and cassettes, in ethnic movements is also considered. The hypothesis is that the conjunction of three sets of factors explain the rise of Sikh nationalism. The first is economic, notably the transition to commercial agriculture, the second is the revolution in communication, notably the expansion of vernacular press and cassettes and the third is religious, notably the revolutionary Sikh religious ideology with emphasis on martyrdom. The theses traces the three stage evolution of the Sikhs from a religious congregation into an ethnic community in the nineteenth century and from an ethnic community into a nation in the twentieth century.

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Ever since the formation of the Democratic Progressive Party in 1986, the party campaigned on Taiwanese nationalism and de jure independence. It was the party in Taiwan known for its unwavering stance in the “One China Policy”: it recognizes itself as the sole legitimate China. In light of the 2016 presidential elections, the DPP lead by Tsai Ing-Wen changed their usual secessionist rhetoric towards China to one that is much more moderate in stance. Tsai Ing-Wen has pledged to “maintain the cross-strait status quo”, a sharp contrast in opinion for the party. How can this change be explained? Is the Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan self-regulating its language? What is the DPP self-regulating in response to? This study will look at whether the pressure is coming internally from the constituency or externally from China's military and economic pressure.

A presente tese de doutorado tem por objetivo retratar em um plano paralelo e comparativo, as ações de governo, a atividade política e o perfil da sociedade das regiões Norte e Sul do estado de Mato Grosso uno ao longo dos anos que antecederam sua divisão, que ocorreu em 1977, e no período pós divisão, até 2010. O trabalho está organizado em duas partes. A primeira se inicia com a descrição das disputas intra-oligárquicas pelo poder de mando em Mato Grosso entre a Proclamação da República, em 1889, e a eclosão da Revolução de 1930. A narrativa enfoca os fatos históricos que marcaram o debate divisionista entre as elites dirigentes do Norte e Sul do estado e abalaram a estabilidade política de Cuiabá enquanto capital. Inicialmente, Corumbá surgiu como rival e como opção de capital para Mato Grosso; em um segundo momento Campo Grande passa a ocupar esta posição. A pesquisa estabelece uma relação entre acontecimentos emblemáticos como a instalação da Estrada de Ferro Noroeste do Brasil e a Revolução Constitucionalista de 1932 e a ulterior efetivação da divisão; demonstra que a partir da instauração do Estado Novo, o governo autoritário promoveu a ocupação de espaços vazios em prol da segurança nacional e aliou seu projeto de Brasil Potência aos interesses da elite agrária sul-mato-grossense, o que impulsionou decisivamente o desmembramento do estado. Em relação a esta hipótese a tese se debruça sobre os Manuais da Escola Superior de Guerra (ESG), e, ancorada na historiografia especializada sobre o Governo Militar, sustenta a afirmação de que a divisão de Mato Grosso foi amplamente inspirada nos conceitos da geopolítica nacional vigentes naquele momento. Esta estrutura geopolítica, que conferiu coerência doutrinária às ações de reconfiguração territorial do país, foi erigida sobre os fundamentos da segurança nacional e do desenvolvimento, conceitos elaborados pelos militares e amplamente aplicados durante o governo autoritário. Acompanha esta análise o estudo da fusão dos estados do Rio de Janeiro e da Guanabara, ocorrida em 1975 através da Lei Complementar 20/75. A avaliação comparativa entre o desmembramento de Mato Grosso e a fusão dos estados litorâneos expôs os intrincados contornos políticos e interesses econômicos permeando a decisão governamental de se alterar a composição federativa do país. Na segunda parte da tese são analisadas a construção e manutenção da multifacetada identidade do povo mato-grossense contemporâneo, formada e transformada a partir das novas territorializações ocasionadas pelo intenso fluxo migratório destinado ao estado de Mato Grosso, especialmente durante os anos setenta. Em sua etapa final, a pesquisa examina informações, índices e vetores socioeconômicos coletados em diversos bancos de dados oficiais. A análise dos indicadores da atividade econômica revela que Mato Grosso cresceu economicamente após a divisão e atualmente a unidade federativa se apresenta como estado brasileiro líder na produção agropecuária. Não obstante, se verifica uma grande discrepância entre os elevados índices de crescimento econômico e as reduzidas taxas de desenvolvimento social. Esta conclusão sugere que entre o último quartel do século XX e os anos iniciais do século XXI, a evolução econômica regional em Mato Grosso decorreu de um modelo desenvolvimentista desequilibrado, e que se mantém heterogêneo e desigual no espaço intra-regional, com a coexistência de ilhas de crescimento e áreas com reduzidas perspectivas de desenvolvimento. / This doctoral thesis aims to portray in a parallel and comparative plan, government actions of the political activity and the profile of the society of the North and South of Mato Grosso one state over the years before his division, which occurred in 1977, and after division period until 2010. The work is organized in two parts. The first begins with the description of the intra-oligarchic power struggles of command in Mato Grosso between the Proclamation of the Republic in 1889 and the outbreak of the Revolution of 1930. The narrative focuses on the historical events that marked the divisive debate among elites North and South leaders of the state and rocked the Cuiabá political stability as capital. Initially, Corumbá emerged as a rival and as capital option for Mato Grosso; in a second moment, Campo Grande comes to occupy this position. The research establishes a relationship between iconic events as the installation of the railroad northwest of Brazil and the Constitutionalist Revolution of 1932 and the subsequent execution of the division. It shows that from the Estado Novo, the authoritarian government promoted the occupation of \"empty spaces\" for the sake of national security and allied his project \"Brazil power\" to the interests of South Mato Grosso landed elite, which decisively boosted the state of dismemberment. In relation to this hypothesis the thesis focuses on the manuals of the Superior School of War (ESG), and anchored in the historiography specialized on the Military Government, supports the contention that Mato Grosso division was largely inspired by the concepts of national geopolitics existing at that time. This geopolitical structure which gave \"doctrinal coherence\" to the territorial reconfiguration of country actions, was erected on the grounds of national security and development, concepts developed by the military and widely applied during the authoritarian government. Accompanies this analysis the study of fusion of the states of Rio de Janeiro and Guanabara, which occurred in 1975 by Supplementary Law 20/75. The comparative evaluation of the break up of Mato Grosso and the melting of coastal states exposed the intricate contours political and economic interests permeating the government\'s decision to change the federal composition of the country. In the second part of the thesis are analyzed the construction and maintenance of the multifaceted identity of contemporary Mato Grosso people, formed and transformed from the new territorializations caused by the intense migratory flow for the state of Mato Grosso, especially during the seventies. In its final stage, the research examines information, socioeconomic indices and vectors collected from several banks of official figures. The analysis of indicators of economic activity shows that Mato Grosso grew economically after the division and currently the federal unit is presented as Brazilian state leader in agricultural production. Nevertheless, there is a large discrepancy between the high levels of economic growth and reduced rates of social development. This finding suggests that between the last quarter of the twentieth century and the early years of the century, the regional economic development in Mato Grosso was due to an unbalanced development model, and it remains heterogeneous and unequal intra-regional space, with the coexistence of \"islands\" of growth and areas with low development prospects.

A presente tese de doutorado tem por objetivo retratar em um plano paralelo e comparativo, as ações de governo, a atividade política e o perfil da sociedade das regiões Norte e Sul do estado de Mato Grosso uno ao longo dos anos que antecederam sua divisão, que ocorreu em 1977, e no período pós divisão, até 2010. O trabalho está organizado em duas partes. A primeira se inicia com a descrição das disputas intra-oligárquicas pelo poder de mando em Mato Grosso entre a Proclamação da República, em 1889, e a eclosão da Revolução de 1930. A narrativa enfoca os fatos históricos que marcaram o debate divisionista entre as elites dirigentes do Norte e Sul do estado e abalaram a estabilidade política de Cuiabá enquanto capital. Inicialmente, Corumbá surgiu como rival e como opção de capital para Mato Grosso; em um segundo momento Campo Grande passa a ocupar esta posição. A pesquisa estabelece uma relação entre acontecimentos emblemáticos como a instalação da Estrada de Ferro Noroeste do Brasil e a Revolução Constitucionalista de 1932 e a ulterior efetivação da divisão; demonstra que a partir da instauração do Estado Novo, o governo autoritário promoveu a ocupação de espaços vazios em prol da segurança nacional e aliou seu projeto de Brasil Potência aos interesses da elite agrária sul-mato-grossense, o que impulsionou decisivamente o desmembramento do estado. Em relação a esta hipótese a tese se debruça sobre os Manuais da Escola Superior de Guerra (ESG), e, ancorada na historiografia especializada sobre o Governo Militar, sustenta a afirmação de que a divisão de Mato Grosso foi amplamente inspirada nos conceitos da geopolítica nacional vigentes naquele momento. Esta estrutura geopolítica, que conferiu coerência doutrinária às ações de reconfiguração territorial do país, foi erigida sobre os fundamentos da segurança nacional e do desenvolvimento, conceitos elaborados pelos militares e amplamente aplicados durante o governo autoritário. Acompanha esta análise o estudo da fusão dos estados do Rio de Janeiro e da Guanabara, ocorrida em 1975 através da Lei Complementar 20/75. A avaliação comparativa entre o desmembramento de Mato Grosso e a fusão dos estados litorâneos expôs os intrincados contornos políticos e interesses econômicos permeando a decisão governamental de se alterar a composição federativa do país. Na segunda parte da tese são analisadas a construção e manutenção da multifacetada identidade do povo mato-grossense contemporâneo, formada e transformada a partir das novas territorializações ocasionadas pelo intenso fluxo migratório destinado ao estado de Mato Grosso, especialmente durante os anos setenta. Em sua etapa final, a pesquisa examina informações, índices e vetores socioeconômicos coletados em diversos bancos de dados oficiais. A análise dos indicadores da atividade econômica revela que Mato Grosso cresceu economicamente após a divisão e atualmente a unidade federativa se apresenta como estado brasileiro líder na produção agropecuária. Não obstante, se verifica uma grande discrepância entre os elevados índices de crescimento econômico e as reduzidas taxas de desenvolvimento social. Esta conclusão sugere que entre o último quartel do século XX e os anos iniciais do século XXI, a evolução econômica regional em Mato Grosso decorreu de um modelo desenvolvimentista desequilibrado, e que se mantém heterogêneo e desigual no espaço intra-regional, com a coexistência de ilhas de crescimento e áreas com reduzidas perspectivas de desenvolvimento. / This doctoral thesis aims to portray in a parallel and comparative plan, government actions of the political activity and the profile of the society of the North and South of Mato Grosso one state over the years before his division, which occurred in 1977, and after division period until 2010. The work is organized in two parts. The first begins with the description of the intra-oligarchic power struggles of command in Mato Grosso between the Proclamation of the Republic in 1889 and the outbreak of the Revolution of 1930. The narrative focuses on the historical events that marked the divisive debate among elites North and South leaders of the state and rocked the Cuiabá political stability as capital. Initially, Corumbá emerged as a rival and as capital option for Mato Grosso; in a second moment, Campo Grande comes to occupy this position. The research establishes a relationship between iconic events as the installation of the railroad northwest of Brazil and the Constitutionalist Revolution of 1932 and the subsequent execution of the division. It shows that from the Estado Novo, the authoritarian government promoted the occupation of \"empty spaces\" for the sake of national security and allied his project \"Brazil power\" to the interests of South Mato Grosso landed elite, which decisively boosted the state of dismemberment. In relation to this hypothesis the thesis focuses on the manuals of the Superior School of War (ESG), and anchored in the historiography specialized on the Military Government, supports the contention that Mato Grosso division was largely inspired by the concepts of national geopolitics existing at that time. This geopolitical structure which gave \"doctrinal coherence\" to the territorial reconfiguration of country actions, was erected on the grounds of national security and development, concepts developed by the military and widely applied during the authoritarian government. Accompanies this analysis the study of fusion of the states of Rio de Janeiro and Guanabara, which occurred in 1975 by Supplementary Law 20/75. The comparative evaluation of the break up of Mato Grosso and the melting of coastal states exposed the intricate contours political and economic interests permeating the government\'s decision to change the federal composition of the country. In the second part of the thesis are analyzed the construction and maintenance of the multifaceted identity of contemporary Mato Grosso people, formed and transformed from the new territorializations caused by the intense migratory flow for the state of Mato Grosso, especially during the seventies. In its final stage, the research examines information, socioeconomic indices and vectors collected from several banks of official figures. The analysis of indicators of economic activity shows that Mato Grosso grew economically after the division and currently the federal unit is presented as Brazilian state leader in agricultural production. Nevertheless, there is a large discrepancy between the high levels of economic growth and reduced rates of social development. This finding suggests that between the last quarter of the twentieth century and the early years of the century, the regional economic development in Mato Grosso was due to an unbalanced development model, and it remains heterogeneous and unequal intra-regional space, with the coexistence of \"islands\" of growth and areas with low development prospects.

The dissertation uses the lens of electricity provision to examine processes of state formation in Somaliland, an unrecognized, self-declared independent state in the northwest of the former Somali Republic. The dissertation focuses on Hargeisa, the capital city at the heart of Somaliland's state-building project. After the collapse of the Somali state in 1991, private companies arose from the ruins of Hargeisa and turned the lights back on, navigating a fragmented post-war landscape by mobilizing local connections and transnational ties. However, being dependent on the political settlement that engendered the peace necessary for business, emerging private power providers were tied into a state-building project. The dissertation analyses the resulting tensions at the heart of this project, by examining the struggle to define the role, extents and limits of an emerging state in an interconnected world. Based on interviews in Somaliland and a survey of news media and grey literature, the dissertation has three aims. First, it provides a view into how social order and service provision persist after the collapse of the state. Secondly, it investigates how patterns of provision emerging in the absence of the state shape subsequent processes of state formation. Finally, it discusses how patterns of provision affect the interaction of state-building and market-making. In order to fulfil these aims, the dissertation examines how people invest in the project of building a state, both materially and discursively. The chapters present a narrative history of the electricity sector, explaining the attempts of both private companies and the government to claim sovereignty over the market and shape statehood in their own interests. The struggles shaping Somaliland's economic order reveal the contemporary significance of transnational connections, interconnected systems of capital flows, and the rise of corporate business actors. At the same time, they underline the abiding power of social structure, local identities, and historical memory.

Most studies examine how homeland policies influence the host state and what role the homeland plays for diaspora. In this paper, I will examine the reasons and conditions for why ethnic groups do or do not support violent ethnic groups. This study tests how external threats impact the level of support within the same ethnic groups. I will examine the causal relationship between external pressure and non-cooperation through a structured, comparative study of Kurdish ethnic groups.

This thesis provides a framework for viewing socio-political contexts and how these relate to interventionist projects. The framework draws on and combines strands from international relations and sociological perspectives of social interaction. The central question becomes how intervention and existing social contexts interact to produce unintended outcomes. It applies the analysis to two separate wider contexts: Afghanistan and Somalia, with a particular focus on the self-declared independent Somaliland as an internally generated and controlled transformational process. Unlike abstract directions of theoretical development the framework seeks to provide a platform that sets aside ideological assumptions and from which interventionist projects can be observed and evaluated based on literature, field observations and interviews. Drawing on such diverse influences as fourth generation peace and conflict studies, Morphogenetics, and social forces theory, the framework explores conditions and interest formations to capture instances of local agency that are part of a continuity of local realities. It views social interaction without imposing Universalist value assumptions, but also without resorting to relativism or raising so many caveats that it becomes impractical. It exposes the agency of local interest formations hidden beneath the discourses of ideologically framed conflicts. These social agents are often dismissed as passive victims to be brought under the influence of for example the state, but are in reality able to subvert, co-opt, constrain or facilitate the forces that are dependent on them for social influence. In the end, it is the modes of mobilisation that emerge as the most crucial factor for understanding the relevant social dynamics.

Le 27 août 1991, l’opinion publique internationale prenait acte de la naissance de la République de Moldavie, dont deux tiers du territoire ont constituées jusqu’en 1941 la province roumaine de Bessarabie. Depuis toujours, la Principauté de Moldavie se trouve dans une confluence de trois grandes cultures : slave, latine et orientale ; trois grandes religions : orthodoxe, catholique et musulmane ; trois grands peuples : slave, latin et turc et trois courants idéologiques : panslavisme, panturquisme et pan-latinisme. C’est pourquoi, à travers les siècles, la Principauté de Moldavie a manœuvré constamment entre ces Puissances et ces courants pour garder son identité nationale. Aujourd’hui, en principe, la Moldavie est toujours dans la situation de jongler entre la CEI et l’UE, entre Est et Ouest, sa situation géopolitique étant la même.Dans la Première partie de notre thèse nous avons étudié l’origine, la toponymie et les frontières de la Bessarabie, mais aussi l’engouement des Grandes Puissances pour ce territoire. Nous traiterons aussi les guerres et les négociations de paix qui la caractérisent, allant de la guerre russo-turque jusqu’au régime tsariste qui y régnait. Nous avons ensuite suivi les changements subis par la Bessarabie pendant la Première guerre mondiale, avec la création de la République Démocratique Moldave, tout en s’attardant sur le processus de la création de l’URSS avec ses répercussions sur l’évolution de la Moldavie soviétique poststalinienne. Nous avons finalement, étudié ici-même la question des nationalités, et les concepts de « nation », « nationalisme », « dénationalisation », « russification », « collectivisme », « moldovenisme » etc.La Deuxième partie démarre avec des questions sur l’identité nationale moldave, et l’éclatement des conflits régionaux. Nous décrivons les minorités séparatistes de Gagaouzie et de Transnistrie, qui n’acceptent pas la souveraineté de la Moldavie. Le régime de Tiraspol est un régime oppressif et totalitaire, qui doit être éloigné par l’action des facteurs externes. De plus, nous étudions la création de la CEI et GUAM, l’implication de l’OSCE, de l’UE, de la Russie, de l’Ukraine et de la Roumanie dans le processus de négociation pour la résolution du conflit transnistrien. Finalement, nous examinons la manière avec laquelle la « fédéralisation », et la « régionalisation » peuvent résoudre les conflits ethniques en Moldavie. En conclusion nous répondons aux questions centrales sur le territoire et la population moldave. / On August 27 1991, the international public opinion acknowledges the birth of the Republic of Moldova, which has represented two-thirds of the Romanian province of Bessarabia until 1941. During the history, Principality of Moldova is parting of the ways of three cultures: Slavic, Latin and Eastern; three great religions: Orthodox, Catholic and Muslim; three populations: Slavic, Latin and Turkish; and three ideologies: Pan-Slavism, Pan-Turkism and pan-Latin. Therefore, over the centuries, the Principality of Moldova has continuously handled these Great Powers and ideologies to keep its national identity. Nowadays, Moldova is still able to pursue between CIS and EU policies and between East and West geopolitical situation.In the first part of the thesis, we study the origin, toponyms and borders of Bessarabia, and we characterize the interest of the Great Powers for this territory. For it we describe, the wars and peace negotiations, starting with the Russo-Turkish war until the period of Bessarabia under the tsarist rule. Moreover, we treated the period of Bessarabia during the First World War, but also the creation of the Moldavian Democratic Republic, describing the process of foundation the USSR and its impact on the evolution of the post-Stalin Soviet Moldova. Finally, we studied the nationality question and the concepts like the "nation", the "nationalism", the "denationalization", the "Russification", the collectivism", the "moldovenism" etc...The Second Part starts with questions about the Moldovan national identity and the outbreaks of regional conflicts. We raise the issue of the separatist minorities of Gagauzia and Transnistria, which do not accept the sovereignty of Moldova. The Tiraspol regime is a totalitarian and oppressive regime, which must be removed by the action of external factors. Moreover, we study the creation of the CIS and GUAM and the involvement of the OSCE, EU, Russia, Ukraine and Romania in the negotiation process for the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict. Finally, we discuss the possibilities of how cans the "federalization" and "regionalization" solves the ethnic conflicts in Moldova. In conclusion, we answer to the questions dealing about the territory and the Moldovan population.