Cette recherche vise à offrir un portrait de la pratique de l’aménagement urbain d’une communauté autochtone, Wendake, selon un cadre d’analyse tenant compte du contexte colonial dans lequel elle a évolué et évolue toujours. L’imposition de la juridiction de la Couronne fédérale sur les terres indiennes et les politiques subséquentes de la Loi sur les Indiens font partie d’un cadre politique colonialiste de peuplement qui est toujours bien en place, tel que démontré par le pouvoir limité de gestion sur la planification urbaine de leurs communautés qu’exercent les conseils de bande en vertu de la Loi sur les Indiens, ainsi que par les règles du ministère des Affaires autochtones et du Développement du Nord du Canada, qui posent de sévères contraintes à toute volonté de développement ou d’amélioration. / This research describes specific urban planning practices in the aboriginal community of Wendake, while acknowledging the colonial context in which they were created and are still exercised. It argues that the imposition of Crown jurisdiction on Indian land and the subsequent Indian Act policies are part of a settler colonialist framework that is still largely at play, as demonstrated by the limited management power that band councils do have over their communities’ urban planning according to the Indian Act, and by the rules set out by the Canadian Ministry of Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development, which pose severe constraints on any development or improvement measures.

No description available.

Canada 150, or the sesquicentennial anniversary of Confederation, celebrates a nation-state that can be described as “settler colonial” in relation to Indigenous peoples. This thesis brings a Critical Religion and Critical Discourse Analysis methodology into conversation with Settler Colonial and Indigenous Studies to ask: how is Canadian settler colonial sovereignty enacted, and how do Indigenous peoples perform challenges to that sovereignty? The parliamentary mace and the eagle feather are conceptualized as emblematic and condensed metaphors, or metonyms, that assert and represent Canadian and Indigenous sovereignties. As a settler colonial sovereignty, established and naturalized partially through discourses on religion, Canadian sovereignty requires the displacement of Indigenous sovereignty. In events from 1990 to 2017, Indigenous people wielding eagle feathers disrupt Canadian governance and challenge the legitimacy of Canadian sovereignty. Indigenous sovereignty is (re)asserted as identity-based, oppositional, and spiritualized. Discourses on Indigenous sovereignty and spirituality provide categories and concepts through which Indigenous resistance occurs within Canada.

Ce mémoire se penche sur un sujet d’actualité qui fait l’objet de polémiques ponctuelles au Québec depuis 2006 : La Romaine, la construction d’un complexe hydroélectrique qui harnache l’une des dernières grandes rivières sauvages de la province. Spécifiquement, cette étude s’intéresse à des discours institutionnels québécois et innus sur ce projet. L’analyse s’appuie sur des mémoires déposés à la consultation menée en 2008 par le Bureau d’audiences publiques sur l’environnement (BAPE). Faisant converser les études de l’ethnicité, le concept de colonialisme d’occupation blanche [settler colonialism] et les études culturelles, ce mémoire jette de nouvelles lumières sur le rôle des dispositifs du développement durable et des grands barrages en contexte colonial. En premier lieu, cette recherche présente une trame historique sur le renouveau de la relation entre peuples innu et québécois centrée, tour à tour, sur l’agriculture, l’exploitation forestière et les grands barrages. L’objectif est d’exposer comment ce rapport interethnique, en constante mutation, a été marqué par différents modes d’aménagement du territoire. Dans un deuxième temps, ce portrait nous amène à examiner la conjoncture sociopolitique d’où émerge la Romaine. Suivant cette contextualisation, l’application d’une grille d’analyse des débats sociotechniques permet de découvrir les manières dont le développement durable module les systèmes de représentations collectives à l’égard des rapports interethniques et des régimes énergétiques contemporains. Cette analyse expose, simultanément, la régénérescence d’un imaginaire d’occupation colonial québécois et l’émergence de contre-discours innus. Ultimement, cette recherche se conclut en interrogeant les termes et possibilités d’un développement durable décolonial. / The event on which this thesis aims its focus is a topic of controversy in Quebec since 2006 : la Romaine, a hydroelectric complex involving the harnessing of one of the last great wild rivers in the province. Specifically, this study examines the new Innu and Quebecer institutional discourses on this project. The analysis takes as material of study the reports submitted to the consultation conducted in 2008 by the Bureau d’audiences publiques sur l’environnement (BAPE). Establishing a dialogue between ethnic studies, the concept of white settler colonialism and cultural studies, this paper sheds light on the role of the apparatus of sustainable development and of great dams in a colonial context. First, this research provides an historical framework on the renewal of the relationship between Quebec’s and Innu’s people centred, in turn, on agriculture, logging and large dams. The goal is to explain how this interethnic relationship, in constant metamorphosis, has been marked by different models of settling the territory. Secondly, this picture leads us to examine the socio-political situation from which emerges la Romaine. Following this contextualization, the application of a socio-technical grid of analysis allows to discover the ways in which sustainable development modulates the collective systems of representations in regards to interethnic relations and contemporary energetic regimes. This analysis expose simultaneously the regeneration of a settler’s imaginary for the Quebecers and the emergence of counter-discourses for the Innus. Ultimately, this research concluded by questioning the terms and possibilities of a decolonial sustainable development.

This thesis mobilizes the concept of “colonial entanglement” to emphasize the deep complexity and unpredictability of Indigenous and non-Indigenous relationships within what is now known as the Banff-Bow Valley. Responding to various literatures—including Indigenous Studies, Settler Colonial Studies, Political Theory, and Canadian Politics—I posit that the concept of colonial entanglements offers a parallax view of contexts, such as the Banff-Bow Valley, and events like the Buffalo Reintroduction Project. Not only does such a concept reveal how Indigenous nations— both human and non-human—are targeted by the racializing and gendered entanglements of colonizing regimes that seek to break up and replace them, but it also shows how these nations continue to persist and resist despite colonizing efforts to achieve otherwise. In other words, colonial entanglements compel one to also consider how nations like the Ĩyãħé Nakoda also exert influence on other Indigenous and non-Indigenous life in the Banff-Bow Valley—albeit, in different ways and to different degrees. After unpacking the concept in the first chapter, I use colonial entanglement to show how colonizing regimes and their expansionist modes of relationship react to the Indigenous nations they become entangled with. Using the signing of Treaty 7 and the establishment of a national park in Banff, I reveal how the Canadian state seeks to erect colonizing regimes of property that cater to capital as they transit the Banff-Bow Valley by ‘breaking up’ and ‘breaking from’ Indigenous nations and their expansive modes of relationship. Next, I consider how such reactionary violence is continually justified and legitimated through the articulation and reiteration of state of nature fictions that rely on notions of wilderness and tropes of Indigeneity to delegitimize the enduring presence of Indigenous nations. Specifically, I look at the Indian Act, the prohibition of hunting in the Park, and the Banff Indian Days festival to show how state of nature fictions articulate a supposed transition from a “past state of nature” to a contemporary “state of (dis)possession” entangled with white supremacist and heteropatriarchal forms of power. In doing so, these fictions make and reproduce colonial subjects who buy into and support colonizing violence and breakage that disproportionately targets those Indigenous to place. In the final chapter, I turn to focus on the Buffalo Reintroduction Project. Here, I consider how the project presents contemporary opportunities for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous people to support and/or disrupt colonizing states of (dis)possession and the state of nature fictions they rely on, while also considering the project’s potential for a politics oriented towards expansive modes of relationship revolving around principles of decolonization and anti-colonial internationalism. / Graduate

Une certaine tendance se dessine, au sein de moult mouvements sociaux, territoires ou collectifs en lutte, de même que dans plusieurs champs des sciences sociales et, dans une certaine mesure, dans la culture populaire, quant à la nécessité de repenser les rapports aux territoires et au vivant (et plus généralement le rapport à la terre). En opposition aux diktats productivistes et extractivistes du libéralisme colonial, nombreuses sont celles qui invoquent la nécessité d’un habiter renouvelé, arrimé aux territoires : d’un habiter en prise sur un entour et en phase avec celui-ci. Bien que fécondes à de nombreux égards, de telles formes d’habitabilité ne peuvent rester imperméables aux critiques anticoloniales ou décoloniales qui soulignent comment un strict rapport innocent ou romantique à un territoire colonisé implique une reproduction de la colonialité. Dans cette thèse, j’étudie cette problématique générale telle qu’elle se déploie dans la colonie de peuplement québécoise contemporaine. Dans chaque chapitre, on aura affaire à un exemple (ou à une composition d’exemples apparentés, liés par un certain thème) dont il s’agira de problématiser à la fois les dimensions actuelles (historicité, contexte socioculturel, forces politiques en présence, discours et pratiques) et virtuelles (tendances plus abstraites se rapportant à un certain niveau de généralisation). On abordera ainsi : 1) le bréviaire du métissage, de la rencontre, des contacts ou alliances, bréviaire « horizontal » et aplanissant fortement mobilisé par la société franco-descendante pour faire sens de ses rapports aux Premiers Peuples et pour inscrire sa trajectoire en sol américain; 2) diverses conceptions du lien politique qui, chacune à leur façon, sous-tendent un refus total et une compréhension de l’action et de la collectivité politiques qui ne soit pas basée sur des rapports communautaires ou identitaires; 3) la figure du colon québécois, telle qu’elle émerge et se cristallise pendant la vague néonationaliste radicale des années 1960-1970; 4) les possibles d’un habiter anticolonial, notamment via un déplacement de la question du fondement et de l’origine. Chaque chapitre pourrait donc être compris comme offrant un plan de coupe de la problématique générale, tout en lui ajoutant des dimensions concrètes et matérielles. Somme toute, aucun dénouement thétique imposant ne doit être attendu; cette thèse est plutôt animée par une exigence : poser un problème, en abordant à la fois les considérations actuelles et virtuelles, en tentant d’ajouter de la perspective et en ravivant les aspérités du réel lui donnant de la complexité et de la texture. Ainsi, cette thèse prend avant tout la forme d’un essai visant à élaborer et approfondir la problématique coloniale (d’abord depuis ses implications identitaires et territoriales), de manière à ce que des prises sur celle-ci se consolident; de manière à ce que, confrontés à ses conditions, répercussions et effets souvent paradoxaux, nous, colons, puissions et souhaitions initier une rupture radicale. / There is an emerging trend in social movements, territories and collectives in struggle, as well as in several fields of social sciences and to a certain extent in popular culture. It concerns the need to rethink relationships to the land and the living, and more generally relationships to the earth. In opposition to the productivist and extractivist diktats of colonial liberalism, many invoke the need for a renewed way of dwelling, anchored in the land: a dwelling in touch and in phase with its milieu. Although fruitful in many respects, such forms of dwelling cannot remain impervious to anti-colonial or decolonial critiques, which underline the way in which innocent or romantic relationships to colonized territories entail a reproduction of coloniality. This thesis studies this general problematic as it unfolds in the contemporary Quebec settlement colony. Each chapter deals with an example (or a composition of related examples), problematizing both its actual dimensions (historicity, socio-cultural context, political forces, discourses and practices) and its virtual dimensions (more abstract tendencies relating to a certain level of generalization). An account is developed that includes : 1) the breviary of miscegenation, contacts and alliances strongly mobilized by Franco-descendant society in a "horizontal" and flattening manner to make sense of its relationships with Indigenous peoples and to inscribe its trajectory on the American land; 2) various conceptions of the political action which, each in their own way, underlie a total refusal and a conception of the collective formation not based on communitarian nor identitarian relationships; 3) the figure of the « colon » as it emerges within the radical neo-nationalist wave of the 1960s and 1970s; 4) the possibilities of an anticolonial dwelling, in particular through a shift in the question of foundation and origin. Each chapter can be understood as offering a cross-section of the general problematic, while adding concrete and material dimensions to it. No imposing thetic outcome is aimed for. Instead, the thesis is driven by a requirement: to expose and investigate a problem by addressing both its actual and virtual dimensions, attempting to add perspective reviving the roughness of the real, adding complexity and texture to it. The thesis takes the form of an essay aiming to elaborate and deepen the colonial problem (starting from its identitarian and territorial implications), consolidating our grasp of it so that, faced with its often paradoxical conditions, repercussions and effects, we, « colons », can and should opt to initiate a clear and radical break with it.

It has been 15 years since the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples recognized the Free, Prior and Informed consent Principle, yet it has not been able to function to its fullest potential. This Thesis aims to carry out a Qualitative Comparative Analysis of the following three countries of Australia, Canada, and the United States. With the hypothesis, that the underlying factors behind this failure can be attributed to Settler-Colonialism and Global Capitalism. To carry out this study Theoretical Frameworks based on Settler-Colonial studies and a critique of the Stakeholder theory named Critical Stakeholder Analysis (CSA) will be employed. Using the existing body of research in this area of inquiry as a point of departure, this thesis attributes the failure to implement the Free, Prior, and Informed Consent principle to its fullest potential on asymmetrical power dynamics, settler-colonial structures, and profitability.

La participation des personnes s’identifiant comme Autochtones aux institutions démocratiques du Canada (que ce soit par le vote ou par le fait de se présenter à des élections) est un sujet peu traité par la littérature scientifique. Longtemps interdite et encore critiquée par un certain nombre d’auteurs influents de la pensée décoloniale, elle connait depuis quelques temps un certain essor. La participation électorale des Autochtones vivant en réserve y est au-dessus de 50% depuis deux élections fédérales. Nous y constatons également une augmentation du nombre de candidats autochtones depuis 2008 et l’élection d’un nombre toujours plus élevé de députés autochtones à chaque élection depuis 2011. Ce renouveau participatif nous donne une occasion sans précédent de dresser un portrait de la relation complexe qu’entretiennent les Autochtones aux institutions démocratiques canadiennes et de s’interroger sur la signification de cette participation. Cette thèse par article propose à la fois une réflexion théorique et une analyse empirique en ce sens. Dans un premier article nous traitons dans une perspective théorique de la tension normative entre la participation au sein des institutions coloniales et la volonté d’autodétermination des peuples autochtones. Nous arguons que l’importance accordée à cette tension dans la littérature dépend de la conception adoptée de l’autodétermination. Dans le deuxième article nous étudions le comportement électoral des Autochtones à partir de données quantitatives. Nous soulignons l’importance du vote affinitaire afin de comprendre les préférences des électeurs autochtones. Dans le troisième article, nous traitons de la représentation des intérêts autochtones par les députés s’identifiant comme Autochtones élus sous la 42ème législature. Une analyse qualitative des interventions en chambre nous permet de souligner qu’au-delà des dimensions partisanes, les députés autochtones mettent davantage de l’avant les enjeux autochtones et le font aussi différemment, ce qui confirme le lien entre la représentation descriptive et substantive des intérêts. Nous concluons cette thèse sur le fait qu’il serait hasardeux de réduire, comme certains le font, ce renouveau de la participation des Autochtones à une forme d’assimilation ou d’acceptation de la citoyenneté canadienne. Notre thèse permet au contraire de souligner le caractère multidimensionnel de cette participation, qui s’inscrit selon nous dans un registre plus large d’activisme politique visant à défendre des identités distinctes et des intérêts propres aux peuples autochtones. / The political participation of those who identify themselves as Indigenous peoples in Canada's democratic institutions (whether through voting or running for election) is a subject that has received little attention in the scientific literature. Long banned and still criticized by many influential authors, today the political participation is a political reality. The electoral turnout of Indigenous peoples living on reserve has been above 50% since three federal elections. We also see an increase in the number of Indigenous people candidates since 2008 and the election of an ever-increasing number of Indigenous people as Members of Parliament (MPs) in each election since 2011. This phenomenon gives us an unprecedented opportunity to draw a portrait of Indigenous people’s complex relationship with Canadian democratic institutions and make sense of its signification for Canadian citizenship. This thesis by articles explores these issues from both a theoretical and an empirical perspectives. In a first article, we theoretically deal with the normative tension between Indigenous individuals’ electoral participation and self-determination. We argue that the normative tension between the two largely depends on one’s conception of self-determination as a political project. In the second article, we use quantitative data to study the electoral behavior of Indigenous peoples. We argue that beyond partisan considerations, the electoral behaviour of Indigenous communities is heavily influenced by affinity voting. In the third article, we deal with the representation of indigenous people’s interests by indigenous MPs elected under the 42nd legislature. Our qualitative analysis of speeches in the House of Commons suggests that Indigenous MPs do tend to address indigenous-related issues more frequently and do so differently than other MPs. We conclude that, contrary to many of its critiques, the participation of Indigenous communities in Canadian democratic institutions cannot be reduced to a form of assimilation or a straightforward acceptance of the rules of Canadian citizenship. This renewed engagement should instead be located within a broader political movement and collective agency in defending and promoting distinct Indigenous peoples identities and interests.

No description available.

In 2015, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) called on Ministries of Education, Faculties of Education, school administrators, and K-12 teachers to integrate Indigenous knowledges and pedagogies across the school curriculum. The TRC explicitly emphasized that education would be the intergenerational key to reconciliation in Canada and most provinces and territories quickly implemented curricula and developed resources to respond to the Calls to Action. Despite this mandate and these commitments, many teachers and teacher candidates continue to report that they do not have the skills, knowledge, or confidence to teach about the history of the Indian Residential Schooling system, Indigenous knowledges, or reconciliation. Research suggests that teacher resistance to "difficult knowledge" is a crucial contributing factor toward teachers avoiding, ignoring, and dismissing reconciliation work and upholding colonial logics. Moreover, teacher candidates and teachers often rely on the inaccurate and incomplete narratives they have learned about Canadians and First Nations, Inuit, and Métis Peoples. This impacts what and how they teach about these relationships, complicating the transformational changes the TRC urgently called for. How, then, might teachers unlearn these colonial stories and move from learning about Indigenous peoples to learning from them? Drawing on Donald’s concept of "ethical relationality", this study employed a qualitative approach to conduct conversational interviews with teacher candidates, teachers, staff, and students at two research sites. This study asks, "What are the curricular and pedagogical significances of ethical relationality to processes of unlearning colonialism?" Using a hermeneutic approach to interpret the stories shared, this study weaved within and between the landscapes of home and place. Findings reveal that teachers who experience supportive, multi-layered, and extended opportunities to unlearn settler colonialism and learn Indigenous wisdom traditions and knowledges from Indigenous peoples have the opportunity to understand a new story about Canadian-Indigenous relations. This study suggests that unless teachers begin to unlearn colonial logics, deeply understanding that they are implicated in ethical kinship relations with the places in which they live and with First Nations, Inuit, and Métis peoples, there is a significant possibility that curricula, professional development, and resources will not manifest in the transformational change that the TRC called for.