Considerando o contexto de transformações pelas quais vem passando o universo rural nas últimas décadas, este estudo aborda a reprodução da agricultura familiar sob a perspectiva dos jovens agricultores, analisando os papéis desempenhados pela família e pela escola, enquanto instâncias socializadoras, na construção social dos jovens agricultores. Realizou-se uma análise qualitativa baseada em entrevistas semiestruturadas e grupo focal aplicado aos jovens agricultores, produtores familiares e professores nos municípios de Sobradinho e Passa Sete, na região Centro Serra do Rio Grande do Sul. Observou-se um ambiente rural em que as perspectivas de continuidade das atividades agrícolas estão fortemente comprometidas em função da crise na sucessão dos estabelecimentos familiares. Tanto os projetos juvenis quanto as estratégias familiares indicam a busca por melhores condições de vida fora da agricultura. Se a família já não possui mais o monopólio do processo de socialização das novas gerações e demonstra estar contribuindo para o fluxo migratório juvenil através do investimento na educação formal de seus filhos, a escola colabora com o enfraquecimento do tecido social do campo ao efetuar um ensino descontextualizado com a realidade rural e que não incentiva a utilização dos conhecimentos transmitidos por ela nos estabelecimentos agrícolas. / Considering the set of transformations through which the rural context has been undergoing in recent decades, this study addresses the reproduction of family farming from the perspective of young farmer workers, analyzing the roles performed by family and school as socializing instances in the social construction of these young people. We made a qualitative analysis based on structured interviews and focus groups applied to young farm workers, family farmers and teachers in the cities of Sobradinho and Passa Sete, in the Centro Serra region of Rio Grande do Sul. It was observed a rural setting where the prospects of continuity of agricultural activities are severely affected due to the crisis in the succession of family farms. Both youth project and family strategies indicate the search for better living conditions outside of agriculture. If the family has no longer the monopoly over the process of socialization of the new generations and demonstrates to be contributing to juvenile migration through investment in formal education of their children, the school collaborates with the weakening of the social fabric of the field through a teaching that is not contextualized according to the rural reality and that does not encourage the use of knowledge passed by school in farms.

Orientador: Ana Maria Fonseca de Almeida / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T22:30:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lavandeira_DanielaCristinaLot_M.pdf: 2062226 bytes, checksum: 4b4e497b99f004c72d0feb828734e9b8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: A instalação, desde os anos 60, de Instituições de Pesquisa, de Empresas de Base Tecnológica e da Universidade Estadual de Campinas nas proximidades umas das outras no distrito de Barão Geraldo, constituiu as bases para a consolidação do que é hoje chamado ¿Parque Tecnológico de Campinas¿. Tal aproximação não ocorreu fortuitamente; foi resultado das escolhas de determinados cientistas que, agindo em grupo, tinham poder de decisão sobre a localização de tais instituições e empresas, e sobre o direcionamento dos tipos de pesquisa que iriam ser ali desenvolvidas. Um importante vetor dessa articulação foi a percepção compartilhada de que o investimento em Ciência & Tecnologia era fundamental para estimular o desenvolvimento econômico e social de um país considerado ¿em desenvolvimento¿, como é o caso do Brasil. A pesquisa procura mostrar como essa percepção compartilhada pôde ser estabelecida, reconstruindo os percursos de formação dos cientistas e mostrando a forma particular de circulação pelo estrangeiro que eles vivenciaram / Abstract: The building in the 1960's and 1970's of research institutions, technology based industries and the Unversity of Campinas near one another in the district of Barão Geraldo formed the basis of the construction of the Science Park of Campinas. This didn't happen by change; it was the result of choices of some scientists that, acting as a group, had a major influence on the decision of the location of these institutions and companies and also on what type of research was to be developed there. An important vector that determined the making of the choices was the shared perception that investing in science and technology is fundamental to stimulate the economical and social development of a so called developing country as Brazil. In this research we try to show how this shared perception could be established, reconstructing the educational background of the scientist and their experiences in foreign countries / Mestrado / Educação, Conhecimento, Linguagem e Arte / Mestre em Educação

Os deslocamentos de homens, mulheres e famílias inteiras, moradoras no município de Timbiras/MA para o labor nas atividades da agricultura canavieira no Estado de São Paulo se desenrola por uma série de redes de relações pessoais, que abrange diversos agentes sociais, tanto no Maranhão - no município timbirense e também em municípios vizinhos - como nas duas principais cidades em que residem durante a colheita da gramínea, no Estado de São Paulo: Guariba e Pradópolis. Por meio de testemunhos orais, colhidos no município de Timbiras (MA) e nas cidades paulistas de Guariba e Pradópolis, buscamos compreender as relações entre a rede de informações familiares e as redes territoriais de apoio que fundamentam o processo migratório. A primeira se sustenta a partir de vínculos de reciprocidade nutridos pelos trabalhadores migrantes nos espaços sociais das referidos municípios do Estado do Maranhão e de São Paulo. Já as redes territoriais de apoio dão suporte a essa troca de informações entre os territórios de migração e o dito local de moradia do tronco ou núcleo familiar, no Maranhão nos anos 2000. Essas redes de relações pessoais, fundamentais para alavancar a experiência migratória, se costuram, se refiguram e se fortalecem a partir de múltiplas formas de trocas de informações entre os que migraram e os que não migraram, bem como entre os possíveis migrantes e os agentes responsáveis pelo processo de deslocamento e recrutamento até a área canavieira paulista. Compreende-se que há uma vinculação estreita entre o processo de construção de territórios de migração e a territorialidade experimentada na área de origem, sustentada por redes múltiplas de relações sociais que cimentam estas territorialidades criadas e ressignificadas com a migração. / The displacements of men, women and entire families living in the city of Timbiras/MA for labor in agricultural activities of sugarcane in the state of São Paulo unfolds through a series of networks of personal relationships, covering many different social agents, both in Maranhão in the city of Timbiras and in neighboring counties as well - and in the two major cities where they live during the harvest of sugarcane, in the State of São Paulo: Guariba and Pradópolis. By oral testimonies, collected in the municipality of Timbiras (MA) and in the cities of Guariba (SP) and Pradópolis (SP), we sought to achieve the understanding of the relationships between the network of family information and territorial networks of support that underlie the migration process. The first is based on the bonds of reciprocity fed by migrant workers in the social spaces of these referred cities in the state of Maranhão and São Paulo. The territorial networks of support gives a base to this exchange of information between the territories of migration and the place of residence of core of the family, in Maranhão in the year of 2000. These networks of personal relationships, fundamental to leverage the experience of migration, sew themselves get strengthened from multiple forms of information exchange between those who migrated and those who did not, as well as among potential migrants and the agents responsible for the process displacement and recruitment to the sugarcane production area in São Paulo. It was possible to understand that there is a close relationship between the process of construction of territories of migration and the territoriality experienced in the area of origin, supported by multiple networks of social relationships that cement these territorialities created and re-signified with the migration.

The overall aim of the thesis was to understand the social reproduction of tobacco growing families and the experiences lived in the different times of rural development in the town of Arroio do Tigre / RS. The research was a case study. For its conduction, we used both literature and secondary sources as observations and interviews in fieldwork. The theoretical framework centered on the concepts of Pierre Bourdieu's theory on strategies of social reproduction and habitus in particular. Based on the literature on colonization, rural family, social reproduction in tobacco farming, we aimed to describe and analyze changes in the rural area and the difficulties of families in the farm, paying attention to subjective aspects of family relationship, integration system, the farmer on the expansion of spaces of sociability and market, and the changes in the forms of production and reproduction in the countryside. We held thirty-one semi-structured interviews with farmers and rural youth of the town and a number of complementary informal talks. Among the results that are worth mentioning, we identified four phases in the constitution of rural households and tobacco expansion in the town: Phase I the tobacco craft production: from the beginning of the colonization to the 1960s, when the settlers, descendants from German and Italian immigrants, consolidated the region as a major producer of tobacco and installed the tobacco culture as part of the tradition of production systems, using it as a motto for the town‟s emancipation, reproducing the logic of the economic system in the countryside; Phase II The modern production of tobacco: period from 1960 to 2000, in the strengthening of agro-industrial integration system, in which the rural family had to reorder its rural management, readapt to new technologies imposed by the agro-industrial complex, changing knowledge and its ways to produce and reproduce in the countryside; Phase III tobacco production in evidence: after 2000‟s decade, when different conflicts emerged in the tobacco field; a process of mechanization of tobacco crops begins and impacts on family labor management; women‟s participation spaces are extended in family and production; modernization continues to be of essential importance in productive activity in the rural area; Phase IV The future of the tobacco production and young heirs: between the present and the future, the rural family is tensioned by rural youth and by the state interventions; international mechanisms interfere in the management of rural families, as in the case of child labor; a period of intensification of social relations in the countryside of and intense mobility, which cause tensions between the future of the land and inheritance, besides the technological factor increasingly intense in family farming, which causes a pressure for lands and strong relationship to the economic system. Tobacco was a participant in productive activities of peasants life from a shared knowledge, and the incorporation of the tobacco habitus became an inherited knowledge after hill settlement. The exit of young people does not imply a crisis of social reproduction of rural families and, respectively, the production unit. The history of tobacco and of rural households in the region of Arroio do Tigre is marked by the inherited tradition reproduced there. / O objetivo geral da tese foi compreender a reprodução social das famílias fumicultoras e as experiências vivenciadas diante dos diferentes momentos do desenvolvimento rural no município de Arroio do Tigre/RS. A modalidade de pesquisa foi o estudo de caso. Para sua realização, utilizou-se tanto a pesquisa bibliográfica e fontes secundárias quanto observações e entrevistas em pesquisa de campo. O marco teórico centrou-se nos conceitos da teoria de Pierre Bourdieu sobre as estratégias de reprodução social e habitus, em especial. Com base na bibliografia sobre a colonização, família rural, reprodução social na fumicultura, tratou-se de descrever e analisar as mudanças no espaço rural e as dificuldades das famílias na unidade de produção, atentando para aspectos subjetivos da relação familiar, do sistema de integração, do agricultor diante da ampliação dos espaços de sociabilidade e do mercado, e as alterações nas formas de produção e reprodução no rural. Foram realizadas trinta e uma entrevistas semiestruturadas com agricultores e jovens rurais do município e diversas conversas informais complementares. Dentre os resultados que merecem destaque, identificaram-se quatro momentos na constituição das famílias rurais e na expansão do tabaco no local: Fase I A produção artesanal fumageira: situada nos primórdios da colonização até a década de 1960, em que os colonos, descendentes de imigrantes alemães e italianos, consolidaram a região como grande produtora de tabaco e instauraram a cultura do tabaco como parte da tradição dos sistemas produtivos, usando-o como mote para a emancipação do município, reproduzindo a lógica do sistema econômico na vida colonial; Fase II A produção moderna fumageira: período de 1960 a 2000, em pleno fortalecimento do sistema de integração agroindustrial, em que a família rural precisou reordenar sua gestão rural, readaptar-se às novas tecnologias impostas pelo complexo agroindustrial, mudar os conhecimentos e suas formas de produzir e reproduzir-se no local; Fase III A produção fumageira em evidência: período pós-década de 2000, em que emergem diferentes conflitos no campo fumageiro; inicia-se um processo de mecanização das lavouras do tabaco que impacta na gestão do trabalho familiar, ampliam-se os espaços de participação da mulher na família e na produção, a modernização continua a assumir caráter essencial na atividade produtiva no meio rural; Fase IV O futuro da produção fumageira e dos jovens herdeiros da terra: entre o presente e o futuro, a família rural é tencionada pelo jovem rural e pelas intervenções do Estado; mecanismos internacionais interferem na gestão da família rural, como no caso do trabalho infantil; um período de intensificação das relações sociais no rural e da intensa mobilidade, o que causa tensões entre o futuro da propriedade e a herança da terra, além do fator tecnológico cada vez mais intenso na agricultura familiar, que provoca uma pressão por terras e por forte relação com o sistema econômico. O tabaco foi atividade produtiva partícipe da vida camponesa, de um saber apreendido, e a incorporação do habitus fumageiro passa, após processo de subida da serra, a um saber herdado. A saída dos jovens não implica uma crise da reprodução social da família rural e, respectivamente, da unidade de produção. A história do tabaco e também das famílias rurais na região de Arroio do Tigre está marcada pela tradição herdada e reproduzida nesse local.

Magister Educationis - MEd / The study's main starting premises is that there is a disjuncture between the rich educational engagements of these students in their environmental space and how their learning practices are framed, informed and positioned in the institutional space. My study is underpinned by an interpretivist paradigm in terms of which I set out to describe and understand the meanings that the student respondents assign to their learning practices when they are involved in discursive practices of speaking, knowing, doing, reading and writing. Qualitative research instruments: field notes, participant and non-participant observations and formal and informal interviews were used in order to answer my research question and achieve the desired research aims of this thesis. The findings are presented in a narrative format after deriving at categories and themes using narrative analysis. Finally, my research shows how these students are positioned in and by their lived spaces (whether environmental or institutional) in specific ways, and they, based on their own resources, networks and interactions, and by exercising their agency, actively construct their own spaces of learning. I describe these active constructions by these students as their 'conceptual space of learning' to highlight the complex ways in which they go about to establish their learning practices in their lived spaces. The study provides an analysis of the basis upon which each of these four students go about constructing their learning practices. / South Africa

This diploma thesis Social Capital in Adulthood: Socialization Influences of Family Environment inquired into relation between environment in childhood and social capital in adulthood. At the very first part social capital was delimited according to Coleman's and Bourdieu's conceptualization. Selected characteristics of socialization environment were susequently described with emphasis on discerning of primary and secondary 5 socialization. In empirical part of the text parenting styles and joint activities of parents and children were operationalized. Five indicators of social capital in adulthood were subsequently prepared distinguishing its structural and cultural components. At the concluding part of the text five models of relations were built. As explaining variables were used family social capital, extracurricular activities and years of education. As explained variables were used five measured indicators of social capital: size of weak tie network, highest reachability of socioeconomic status, heterogeneity in the network of three closest friends. In cultural dimension of social capital were modelled influences on trust and tolerance. Analyses presented in empirical part of the text were created using data which came from sociological research Distinction and Values 2008 (SOÚ AV ČR, v.v.i.).

Die Arbeit geht der Frage nach, warum die Rücküberweisungen von MigrantInnen nach El Salvador seit 1980 bis zur jüngsten Finanzkrise so konstant und enorm angestiegen sind. Dabei werden Erkenntnisse aus der bisherigen Forschung zu Migration und Remittances insbesondere aus der Neuen Ökonomie der Arbeitsmigration einer kritischen Revision unterzogen und um entscheidende Punkte erweitert. Das Ergebnis ist ein synthetischer Erklärungsansatz für das Phänomen der Remesas nach El Salvador, der sich auf die Kernbegriffe Ungleichheit, Schuld und (Un-)Sicherheit bezieht. Unter Bezug auf das Konzept gesellschaftlicher Reproduktion werden Aspekte untersucht, die über monetäre und produktive Faktoren als Ursachen für Remittances hinausgehen. Der theoretische Rahmen der subjektfundierten Hegemonietheorie erlaubt es, die Dichotomie von Struktur und Handlung bei der Erklärung der Rücküberweisungen von MigrantInnen zu überwinden.:Einleitung 5 TEIL I: THEORIE UND METHODE 9 1 Begriffserläuterungen, Erkenntnisinteresse und Stand der Forschung 9 1.1 Begriffserläuterungen 9 1.1.1 Definitionen zu (Arbeits-)Migration und ihre Abgrenzungsprobleme 9 1.1.2 Definitionen zu Remittances 12 1.2 Erkenntnisinteresse 13 1.3 Forschungsstand 15 1.3.1 Migrationsbewegungen als Folge von Gesetzmäßigkeiten 15 1.3.2 Migration und Remittances als Ergebnis individueller Entscheidungen 17 1.3.3 Migration und Remittances als Ausdruck struktureller Ungleichheiten 21 1.3.4 Geldüberweisungen als Teil der Netzwerkbeziehungen von MigrantInnen 23 1.3.5 Die Erklärung von Remittances innerhalb der Migrationsforschung 24 2 Fragestellung und theoretische Verortung 26 2.1 Fragestellung und forschungsleitende Hypothesen 26 2.2 Remittances aus der Perspektive gesellschaftlicher Reproduktion 27 2.3 Subjektfundierte Hegemonietheorie zur Verknüpfung von Struktur und Handlung bei der Erforschung von Migration und Remittances 30 3 Methodisches Vorgehen 33 3.1 Das Interpretationsverfahren der Grounded Theory zur Entwicklung einer gegenstandsverankerten Theorie 34 3.2 Prozessanalyse anhand einer qualitativen Einzelfallstudie 37 3.2.1 Identifizierung von Kausalmechanismen durch eine Prozessanalyse 38 3.2.2 Qualitative Einzelfallstudie anhand eines pathway case 42 3.2.3 Quellenauswahl und Datenerhebung basierend auf theoretischem Sampling 45 4 Der Fall El Salvador 47 4.1 Fallauswahl El Salvador: Typische und spezifische Merkmale 47 4.2 Die vier Phasen internationaler Migration aus El Salvador und die Entwicklung der Remittances 49 4.3 Die Untersuchungsregionen in El Salvador und den Vereinigten Staaten 52 4.3.1 Die Kleinstadt Concepción de Ataco im Departement Ahuachapán 56 4.3.2 Die Gemeinde Agua Caliente im Departement Chalatenango 57 4.3.3 Das Dorf Talpetates im Munizip Berlín, Departement Usulután 59 4.3.4 Die Gemeinden Nueva Esperanza, Ciudad Romero, El Zamorán und Nuevo Amanecer in der Bajo Lempa-Region, Departement Jiquilisco 59 4.3.5 Die salvadorianische community in der Stadt Los Angeles in den Vereinigten Staaten 63 TEIL II: EMPIRISCHE ANALYSE 64 5 Gesellschaftliche Ungleichheit in El Salvador und relative Deprivation als Ursachen für Migration und Remittances 64 5.1 Migration als Form sozialer Mobilität im Kontext sozioökonomischer Ungleichheit und Exklusion 67 5.1.1 Die Entstehung gesellschaftlicher Ungleichheit und Migration in El Salvador durch die Entwicklung des Agrarexportmodells 67 5.1.2 Der salvadorianische Bürgerkrieg (1980-1992) als Katalysator für internationale Migration und Remesas 78 5.1.3 Die Begrenzung sozialer Mobilität in einer unproduktiven Konsum-Ökonomie 87 5.2 Relative Deprivation und die Konstruktion von kultureller Homogenität und Differenz 89 5.2.1 Die Bedeutung der Bindung von MigrantInnen an ihr Herkunftsland für Remittances 92 5.2.2 Das Überwinden relativer Deprivation durch die Migration in einen kulturell differenten Kontext 95 5.3 Zusammenfassung 97 6 Remittances zur Begleichung einer materiellen oder moralischen Schuld: Eine Erweiterung des Kreditmodells zur Erklärung der Rücküberweisungen von MigrantInnen 99 6.1 Remittances als Vergabe und Rückzahlung innerfamiliärer „Kredite“ zur Finanzierung gesellschaftlicher Reproduktion 101 6.1.1 Remittances als Rückzahlung der eigenen Bildungs- und Erziehungskosten oder als Vergabe von „Krediten“ an Angehörige 101 6.1.2 Investitionen in Wohnraum für Angehörige oder für die eigene Rückkehr und die transnationalen Immobilienkredite salvadorianischer Banken 113 6.1.3 Migrationsfinanzierung über soziale Netzwerke 115 6.1.4 Die Transformation der salvadorianischen Oligarchie zur Finanzelite und ihre Auswirkungen auf die Remittances durch MigrantInnen nach El Salvador 117 6.1.5 Exkurs: Die Macht der Information und das Wissen über Remittances und Migration 129 6.2 Geschlecht, Generation und gesellschaftliche Normen: Remittances zur Begleichung moralischer Schuld 130 6.2.1 Geschlechtsspezifische Rollenverteilung vor dem Hintergrund kooperativer Konflikte und des Ideals des männlichen Ernährers 134 6.2.2 Frauen als Mütter, die Kontrolle weiblicher Sexualität und die Entstehung moralischer Schuld durch Migration 148 6.2.3 Machtverhältnisse zwischen den Generationen und moralische Verpflichtung gegenüber den Eltern 160 6.3 Zusammenfassung 165 7 Die Versicherungsfunktion von Remittances und die Risiken informeller Migration 169 7.1 Remittances als innerfamiliäre Versicherung gegen Einkommensrisiken 169 7.1.1 Das Versicherungsmodell der Neuen Ökonomie der Arbeitsmigration 169 7.1.2 Steigende Lebenshaltungskosten und Zunahme von Einkommensrisiken durch Strukturanpassung und Krise der Subsistenzlandwirtschaft 173 7.1.3 Remittances statt Rente: Kinder als Altersvorsorge 176 7.2 Erweiterung des Versicherungsmodells durch die Konzepte gesellschaftliche Reproduktion und menschliches Risiko 182 7.2.1 „Altruismus“ in der Familie und die Ausblendung von Reproduktionsarbeit 182 7.2.2 Die Risiken informeller Migration 190 7.3 Der Aufenthaltsstatus von MigrantInnen und die Globalisierung von Produktions- sowie Reproduktionsarbeit 195 7.4 Zusammenfassung 197 TEIL III: SCHLUSS UND ANHÄNGE 200 8 Fazit 200 8.1 Zusammenfassung des mehrdimensionalen Modells zu Erklärung der Rücküberweisungen von MigrantInnen nach El Salvador seit 1980 entlang der Begriffe Ungleichheit, Schuld und (Un-)Sicherheit 201 8.2 Schlussbemerkungen und Forschungsausblick 214 9 Anhang 215 9.1 Abkürzungsverzeichnis 215 9.2 Liste der InterviewpartnerInnen 216 9.2.1 El Salvador 216 9.2.1.1 Lokale Interviews 216 Ahuachapán 216 Chalatenango 216 Usulután 216 9.2.1.2 ExpertInnen-Interviews 217 9.2.2 Los Angeles, Vereinigte Staaten 219 10 Literatur 220

Le woofing propose à des bénévoles de venir en aide à des « hôtes » propriétaires de fermes biologiques en échange du gîte, du couvert et du partage de connaissances. Ces « petites mains » novices des savoir-faire paysans s’activent aussi bien dans les champs que dans les maisonnées, et représentent une nouvelle forme d’entraide agricole. La thèse analyse le rôle du woofing dans les secteurs de l’agriculture paysanne française et québécoise, de même que ses usages par les woofeur·euses et les organisations du travail qui en découlent. Grâce à une approche féministe du travail, la thèse rend compte de l’articulation entre la reproduction sociale, c’est-à-dire l’entretien des vies humaines et non-humaines, et la production marchande dans le cas du woofing. La thèse repose sur une méthodologie ethnographique qui combine des immersions au sein des fermes en tant que woofeuse, une analyse documentaire et des entretiens semi-directifs avec hôtes, woofeur·euses et membres des organisations agricoles. La thèse montre tout d’abord comment le bénévolat dans ces entreprises commerciales constitue une anomalie juridique en France et au Québec, qui prend place dans des secteurs d’activités marqués par des fragilités structurelles, politiquement instituées dans une large mesure. S’il est mieux toléré au Québec qu’en France, le woofing fait l’objet d’un déni de travail dans les deux cas. Il recrute ensuite majoritairement des personnes privilégiées à la recherche d’une expérience touristique, militante ou professionnalisante. Enfin, paysan·nes et woofeur·euses interagissent au sein d’organisations alternatives du travail centrées sur le souci des autres, où la subordination est remplacée par le don. Les logiques du prendre soin, si elles peuvent susciter une usure chez les hôtes, permettent cependant de lutter contre les organisations productivistes du travail et ainsi de le re-visiter. / Woofing gives the opportunity to volunteers to help organic farmers in exchange for accommodation, food, and knowledge sharing. These novices learn peasant know-how and active both in the fields and in the households. Therefore, they represent a new form of agricultural mutual help. The thesis analyzes the role of woofing in France’s and Quebec’s peasant and agricultural sectors, as well as its uses by woofers and the work organizations structured by the practices of woofing. Based on a feminist approach of work, the thesis unveils the articulation between social reproduction, the maintenance of human and non-human lives, and market production on woofing. The thesis is based on an ethnographic methodology that combines farm immersions as a woofer, documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews with hosts, woofers, and members of agricultural organizations. First, the thesis shows how volunteering in these commercial enterprises constitutes a legal anomaly in France and Quebec, which takes place in sectors of activity marked by structural weaknesses, which are to a large extent politically instituted. If it is more tolerated in Quebec than in France, woofing is the subject of a denial of work in both cases. Then, the thesis explains that woofing recruits mostly privileged people looking for a tourist, militant, or professional experience. Finally, peasants and woofers interact within alternative work organizations centered on the concern for others, where subordination is replaced by a logic of “gift”. While causing wear among the hosts, the logics of taking care nevertheless enable to resist productivist organizations and therefore re-visit work.

[pt] A partir do questionamento de quem é a classe trabalhadora atual, esta pesquisa se propõe a compreender e analisar o trabalho informal sob a ótica das mulheres camelôs. Para isso, foram realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com quatro mulheres ambulantes da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, a fim de perceber as dinâmicas sociais entre elas e o espaço público. Assentando a discussão na necessidade de se atentar aos papéis de cuidado, impostos social e historicamente às mulheres, esta pesquisa atualiza as discussões a partir do contexto da pandemia de coronavírus. A região central do Rio de Janeiro, espaço delimitado para a pesquisa, ao mesmo tempo que é marcado por disputas entre a classe trabalhadora e o poder público, influenciado pelas elites dominantes, aparece, nesta pesquisa, como palco de construção de autonomia, liberdade e cidadania pelas camelôs, caracterizando-se também em campo político. Assim, esta pesquisa procura investigar as práticas coletivas, em um contexto individualizante, muitas vezes imposto pelo sistema neoliberal, percebendo exemplos de resistência coletivas e práticas que podem ser denominadas feministas. A pesquisa adotou como enquadramento teórico as teorias da reprodução social desenvolvidas pelos autores feministas-marxistas da chamada Teoria da Reprodução Social (TRS) e da intelectual negra Angela Davis, buscando realizar uma leitura sobre quem é classe trabalhadora atual, não deixando de fora uma investigação generificada e racializada, além de uma análise pautada na realidade concreta enfrentada pelas sujeitas desta pesquisa, não apartando teoria e prática. / [en] Based on the questioning of who is the current working class, this research aims to understand and analyze informal work from the perspective of women street vendors. For this, semi-structured interviews were carried out with four women street vendors in the city of Rio de Janeiro, to understand the social dynamics between them and the public space. Basing the discussion on the need to pay attention to the roles of care, socially and historically imposed on women, this research updates the discussions from the context of the coronavirus pandemic. The central region of Rio de Janeiro, the specific area of the research, concurrently marked by disputes between working classes and government, influenced by the ruling elites, appears in this research, as the setting of construction of autonomy, freedom and citizenship for the women vendors, featuring the region as well as a political field. Therefore, this research aims to investigate the collective practices, in an individualizing context, often imposed by the neoliberal system, noticing examples of collective resistance and practical actions that can be denominated feminists. This paper adopted as its theoretical framework the theories of social reproduction developed by feminist-marxists authors known as Social Reproduction Theory (SRT) and from the black intellectual Angela Davis, pircing an understanding about who comprises the current working class, not leaving out a gendered and racialized investigation, in addition to an analysis based on the concrete reality faced by the subjects of this research, not separating theory and practice.

This dissertation is the first ever written Institutional Ethnography (IE) of the Asignación Universal por Hijo para Protección Social, or "AUH" [Universal Child Allowance], Argentina's CCT (conditional cash transfer) program. CCTs are one of international development's favourite and fastest-growing anti-poverty initiatives. Through the AUH, the State transfers cash to the poor attaching certain conditions that refer to the health and education of their children. Most CCT programs target women, and the AUH is no exception, as the overwhelming majority of legal recipients of the AUH are poor mothers. CCTs have been praised for contributing to human capital accumulation and empowering women. Using IE, a feminist socio-legal methodology drawn from Canadian sociologist Dorothy Smith,† I conducted research with a total of fifty-eight informants: thirty-nine AUH recipient women - through in-depth semi-structured individual interviews, focus group discussions, and narrative photovoice - and nineteen professionals working at diverse corners of the AUH institution. I use the findings to answer two main questions: (1) What are AUH recipients' experiences with and attitudes toward the program? and (2) How do both State and non-State legal regimes work to influence the lives of the most vulnerable women in Argentina? In other words, how does the AUH play within a system of rules - formal and informal - that have traditionally exerted control over poor women? Following IE and Social Reproduction Feminism (SRF), I found that while the AUH program indicates women's decision-making roles within their families and communities, this policy initiative serves to entrench rather than rectify inequalities. The problematic that I have found through this study is administrative and obstetric violence against AUH recipient women. Discussion about the administrative and obstetric violence that AUH recipient women suffer while doing AUH work has remained at the margins of legal and social policy debates, generally underdeveloped in policy and scholarship conversations about the realities of Argentina's most vulnerable people. Recipient women depicted diverse acts of violence they suffered while doing AUH work: they were mistreated, dismissed, neglected, humiliated, and discriminated against by State agents; recipient women were treated as ignorant or infantilized; recipient women had their stipend partially stolen by bureaucrats; had to wait countless hours in unsafe conditions; were not heard by health actors when expressing concerns about their health; had no opportunity to give prior informed consent; and they faced barriers to accessing health services and contraception. I have found a disjuncture between women's lived experiences and the broader ruling relations that organize "AUH work." The findings show a disconnection between women's experiences of violence, bureaucratic actors' experiences and knowledge of the AUH, and a misalignment between bureaucrats' knowledge and the black-letter law. These disjunctures enable and facilitate violence against recipient women through fragmentation, invisibilization, rationalization, minimization, standardization, and objectification of women's experiences. In sum, the AUH facilitates violence against women and systematically obscures that violence. Following a legal pluralist approach, I show the complex role of the law: at times, it problematically excludes recipient women's actual experiences from the AUH legal framework; at others, it fails to protect recipient women against violence. I identify the formal legal regimes interacting and immersed in the AUH institution: human rights and constitutional law, administrative law, and the violence against women (VAW) legal framework. Despite an outstanding formal repertoire of rights, there is a gap between the formal laws and their effective translation into women's lives. The law is fragmented, complex, and sometimes contradictory. It cannot be limited to State-enacted formal laws; informal laws substantially impact people's lives, such as the rule to avoid retaliation from State actors by avoiding complaining. I argue that IE and legal pluralism can provide a more nuanced understanding of the law's complex institutional hierarchy and of the myriad ways by which recipient women's voices continue to be ignored and discredited within the law in the hope that the law can better respond (or at least stops interfering) with their needs. Ultimately, nothing less than the transformation of the socioeconomic order will achieve gender equality. Rather than "empowerment," we should strive toward emancipation, abolishing the structural colonial, patriarchal, and capitalist foundations of exploitation and oppression instead of integrating women into existing institutions and "empowering" them with shallow cash transfers.