While the role of the school principal has received much attention in stable environments, little research exists on principals working in conflict-affected countries. The purpose of this phenomenological study is to uncover perceptions of Somali principals in Mogadishu regarding their roles and lived experiences, as well as the challenges they face as they lead their schools amid ongoing conflict. In order to understand the different dimensions of the principal’s role and how this role is experienced in such a context, a descriptive phenomenology has been employed. A purposeful sample of eight primary school principals in Mogadishu, which has been the epicentre of the ongoing conflict, was indentified and the principals were interviewed. Through the six-step approach to phenomenological data analysis, as suggested by Creswell (2013), 11 themes were identified. Findings revealed that principals perceived their role as supporting teachers personally and professionally, supervising instruction, facilitating teacher professional development when the security situation permits, having good relationships with governing bodies, and building community collaboration. Findings also showed that, besides security concerns, student mobility, poor facilities, shortage of trained teachers and student discipline were the major challenges to principals. Findings further indicated that principals acted as boundary spanners using a variety of buffering and bridging strategies in an attempt to minimize uncertainty and security risks, as well as to adapt the school to the volatile environment. Furthermore, commitment to keep schools open, despite the huge challenges, a sense of responsibility for student safety, and calm and courageous actions in the face of danger were perceived as critical factors in sustaining principals in their positions. Four conclusions were drawn from the study, including principals’ lack of unity in the perception of their roles, principals’ lack of pre-service training, the possibility and essentiality of providing education during armed conflicts, and the importance of creating strong bonds through principals’ supportive roles. Recommendations were offered for primary principals, local educational umbrellas, NGOs, and UN agencies, as well as for further research possibilities.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2006. Graduate Programme in History. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 331-350). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:NR39017

This qualitative study has been conducted by request of Västerbottensidrottsförbund. The aim of the study has been to create knowledge about how the sports movement can work toward their goal of a lifelong sport engagement for all. Specifically, for women with another ethnic background than the Swedish one. During a period of ten weeks four different sport associations who had been granted funds by Västerbottensidrottsförbund were interviewed concerning their projects towards increasing the involvement in sport amongst this group of women of age 15 or older. Four participants in these projects were also interviewed to give light to their experience of the sport activity. The results were consistent with previous studies showing that it is important to adapt to the cultural and religious aspects in order to reach them. It also showed that the most challenging parts concerned getting participants and creating a continuous involvement together with the communication of information. All four associations had found ways to deal with this and had innovative ideas on how to better motivate the target group to participate in their sport activities. They did this by creating sport activities for mothers and daughters to do together as well as creating a place to talk and work on their confidence. However difficult it might have been to get them there the results showed that there was a hunger amongst this group for physical activities and all four associations have continued with their projects by request of the participants and some participants had even started in other sport activities as well.

This thesis seeks to identify the factors necessary to drive the United States to intervene in a humanitarian crisis. While some scholars have argued that humanitarianism in and of itself is a sufficient reason for an armed military intervention – I challenge this assumption and argue that while the United States can exhibit humanitarian impulses at times, that there are very observable limitations to these impulses. I argue that while humanitarianism can be a factor in the decision to intervene, that ultimately either national interest or another domestic political channel must also fervently push for intervention in order for action to occur. In testing my hypothesis, I examine American foreign policy in four modern humanitarian crises – Somalia, Rwanda, Bosnia, and Syria.

This thesis paper is based on Ian Manners Normative Power Europe-theory with a focus on EU’s military operation in Somalia. By examining documents from EU institutions in the form of reports concerning EU NAVFOR – Operation ATALANTA – EUTM Somalia – EUCAP NESTOR. This study shows that the Normative Power Europe-theory can get expressed and that the EU continues its normative statements in Somalia. This result is an interesting contribution to the theory of Normative Power Europe witch have gotten a lot of critic about how a military operation should effect and diminish the theory.

Sjöröveri anses vanligen ha uppstått i samband med att något av värde för första gången lämnande land. Sedan dess har pirater funnits på många av världens hav och utgjort ett hot mot sjöfarten. Förekomsten av pirater har gått upp och ner under tidens gång. När sjöröveri återigen började ta fäste under 1900-talet beslutade Nationernas förbund om att kodifiera sedvanerätten på området. Detta arbete fortsattes av FN och på 1980-talet färdigställdes FN:s havsrättskonvention som innehåller ett antal relevanta artiklar. Dessa artiklar tillämpas nu under det internationella samarbete som pågår mellan FN, EU, stater och Somalia i Adenviken. Säkerhetsrådet har med stöd av FN-stadgans kapitel VII givit mandat till stater och organisationer att vidta alla nödvändiga maktmedel i detta ändamål. EU har anslutit sig till piratjakten och så har även Sverige gjort. Förekomsten av stater och organisationer på det fria havet och på somaliskt territorialvatten föder dock en mängd olika juridiska frågor. Det finns flera typer av jurisdiktioner som kan vara aktuella, men i sammanhanget är universell jurisdiktion och flaggstatsprincipen mest förekommande. Den förra innebär att varje stat har rätt att omhänderta pirater oavsett om något eller någon med anknytning till staten har blivit utsatt för piratdåd. Det senare innebär att en stat har jurisdiktion över fartyg som bär dess flagg och vad som sker därpå. När den rättsliga grunden för att ingripa mot pirater är fastlagd uppstår nya problem. Det kan röra sig om vilka metoder som får användas för att bekämpa piraterna och av betydelse här är om piraten kan betraktas som kombattant eller civil. Rätten att omhänderta personer vid militära insatser är beroende av kontexten i den givna situationen. Ett problem som uppstått i piratjakten utanför Somalias kust är att deltagande stater och organisationer inte kan eller vill lagföra piraterna varför insatserna är präglade av en överlämnandeproblematik. Det rör sig om att finna stater som är villiga att ta emot och lagföra pirater, men också tillse att piraternas fri- och rättigheter inte kränks vare sig vid omhändertagandet eller vid överlämnandet. Här uppstår frågan om det är Sverige, EU och/eller FN som kan tillskrivas själva omhändertagandet av pirater. Det är ett första steg, av två, att klarlägga vem som bär ansvar för omhändertagandet. För att ansvar ska kunna utkrävas måste den entitet som tillskrivs omhändertagandet vara fördragsslutande part till det konvention som entiteten i sammanhanget anses ha brutit mot. Från ett europeiskt perspektiv kan det röra sig om Europakonventionen och huruvida den kan vara tillämplig på omhändertagna pirater. Mot bakgrund av detta har uppsatsen två syften. Det ena syftet är att belysa vem som kan tillskrivas den svenska väpnade styrkans omhändertagande av misstänkta pirater. Det andra syftet är att uppmärksamma vad som kan tänkas gälla för den svenska väpnade styrkan då den avser att överlämna pirater till ett land till vilket EU har ingått avtal om överlämnande av pirater. / Kontakta författaren på adressen johan_gerdin at yahoo.se

This thesis examines and compares the humanitarian interventions in Kosovo, Libya and Somalia. The purpose of this study is to examine if the presence of strong tribal structures within a nation can increase the risk of terrorist activities, and subsequently contribute to a failed state following a humanitarian intervention. By applying a theory on tribes and critical terrorism studies, this thesis argues that policymakers might underestimate the significance of tribal structure within a state, before intervening. With Mills method of concomitant variation, this thesis has examined and compared the leadership, interventions, radical presence, and tribal structures of Kosovo, Libya and Somalia. This thesis has also examined if interventions can increase radicalism. The result from the analysis shows us that the presence of strong tribal structures can increase the terrorist activities and subsequently contribute to a failed state. Humanitarian intervention can further lengthen the weak state apparatus if the external actors neglect of the local structures of a state.

This paper will question why the African Union has been unsuccessful in confronting the rising issue of transnational terrorism. It looks at the history of both the Organization of African Unity and the African Union and examines the measures the two organizations have taken in preventing and combating terrorism. The particular history of African States and their relation to the term “terrorism” is discussed in this section. In this light, I analyze the African Union’s peacekeeping missions in both Somalia and Mali to determine why they have failed to stop the spread of transnational terrorism. In conclusion, I will discuss the reasons why I the African Union has struggled in dealing with transnational terrorism.

While the role of the school principal has received much attention in stable environments, little research exists on principals working in conflict-affected countries. The purpose of this phenomenological study is to uncover perceptions of Somali principals in Mogadishu regarding their roles and lived experiences, as well as the challenges they face as they lead their schools amid ongoing conflict. In order to understand the different dimensions of the principal’s role and how this role is experienced in such a context, a descriptive phenomenology has been employed. A purposeful sample of eight primary school principals in Mogadishu, which has been the epicentre of the ongoing conflict, was indentified and the principals were interviewed. Through the six-step approach to phenomenological data analysis, as suggested by Creswell (2013), 11 themes were identified. Findings revealed that principals perceived their role as supporting teachers personally and professionally, supervising instruction, facilitating teacher professional development when the security situation permits, having good relationships with governing bodies, and building community collaboration. Findings also showed that, besides security concerns, student mobility, poor facilities, shortage of trained teachers and student discipline were the major challenges to principals. Findings further indicated that principals acted as boundary spanners using a variety of buffering and bridging strategies in an attempt to minimize uncertainty and security risks, as well as to adapt the school to the volatile environment. Furthermore, commitment to keep schools open, despite the huge challenges, a sense of responsibility for student safety, and calm and courageous actions in the face of danger were perceived as critical factors in sustaining principals in their positions. Four conclusions were drawn from the study, including principals’ lack of unity in the perception of their roles, principals’ lack of pre-service training, the possibility and essentiality of providing education during armed conflicts, and the importance of creating strong bonds through principals’ supportive roles. Recommendations were offered for primary principals, local educational umbrellas, NGOs, and UN agencies, as well as for further research possibilities.

The work is concerned with political problems in the Horn of Africa region (Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea). It is focused on the course of politics, analysis and future development of both regional and mutual conflicts. First part provides general characteristics of the region as the whole. Next parts deals in detail with each state separetely. There is also given special space to the Ethiopia-Eritrea and Somalia-Ethiopia conflicts.