Em um contexto de demandas sociais tendencialmente crescentes, uma das alternativas para o aumento da arrecadação de receitas pelo Estado reside no manejo de aplicações financeiras. Os investimentos financeiros estatais, a rigor, já acontecem, mas nem sempre o objetivo claro e explícito de obtenção de resultados financeiramente interessantes e, eventualmente ou mesmo por isso , sob gestão economicamente ineficiente. Às vezes, até se enxerga o foco na obtenção de rendimentos relevantes na ação estatal, mas sem uma disciplina específica, o que pode abrir espaço a uma gestão de ativos desqualificada ou mesmo fraudulenta, com sérios prejuízos aos cofres públicos e, em situações extremas, ampliação ainda maior das despesas públicas. O objetivo desta tese, portanto, é reconhecer que nem sempre o Estado atua na economia com propósito interventivo e que, na qualidade de investidor institucional vale dizer, de ente que tem o dever de proceder aos investimentos e às aplicações financeiras que digam com as melhores práticas de administração dos ativos públicos , precisa atuar sob o jugo de normas jurídicas claras, que permitam ao Estado ampliar suas receitas dentro de limites razoáveis de exposição a risco financeiro e disponibilizem aos órgãos de fiscalização e controle da Administração Pública as ferramentas necessárias para, também quanto a esse aspecto, aferir a eficiência da ação estatal. Para tanto, têm-se como pressupostos o anacronismo da resistência cultural às aplicações financeiras dos entes da Administração Pública e a noção de que quaisquer ferramentas de obtenção de receitas pelo Estado estão sujeitas a algum grau de risco. Com base nas bem-sucedidas experiências nacionais e internacionais, será possível concluir, ao final, que é admissível, do ponto de vista constitucional e legal, a ação do Estado como investidor nos mercados financeiro e de capitais e que é viável a formulação de parâmetros gerais para a disciplina jurídica do Estado investidor. / In a context of growing social demands, financial investments become one of the alternatives for the State to increase its revenues. State investments, as a matter of fact, already do happen, but not always with the clear and explicit objective of obtaining financially interesting earnings, often due economically inefficient management. Sometimes it is possible to see in government investments some focus on obtaining relevant income, but not under a specific regulation, which can lead to an unqualified or even fraudulent management that may cause serious damage to the exchequer and, in extreme situations, expansion of the government spending. Hence the intent of this thesis is to acknowledge that the State does not always act in the economy with regulatory purposes and that, as an institutional investor i.e., an organization which has the duty of making financial investments in accordance to the best practices in public asset management , it must be framed by clear legal rules, which should allow the State to maximize its revenues within reasonable limits of financial risk exposure and the oversight and control agencies to assess the State efficiency and compliance. It is assumed that the cultural resistance to state financial investments is anachronistic as well as every state means of obtaining revenues is subject to some level of financial risk. Based on well succeeded experiences in Brazil and abroad, it will be possible to conclude, in the end, that it is constitutionally and legally admissible that the State acts as an investor in financial and stock markets and that it is possible to suggest some standards on legal regulation for this issue.

Malgré l’enclavement du Tchad, le besoin de développement économique et social a conduit l’Etat à mettre en exploitation les gisements pétrolifères. Ces gisements étant ni « délocalisables », ni « déterritorilisables », leur exploitation dans un contexte on-shore, dans des milieux naturels et à vocation agropastorale pose des problèmes spécifiques que jusque-là le droit international et la plupart des systèmes juridiques des pays en développement peinent à saisir. Il s’agit notamment des problèmes liés à l’empreinte écologique et sociale des industries pétrolières on-shore. La prise en compte des préoccupations environnementales par le droit tchadien du pétrole est très embryonnaire et infime. Le droit tchadien de l’environnement et le droit foncier n’ont pas, non plus, pris en compte les risques liés à la recherche, l’exploitation et le transport par canalisation des hydrocarbures dans leurs dispositifs. Ils n’abordent pas aussi les problématiques relatives à la remise en l’état des sites pétroliers abandonnés ou en fin de vie. Dans un tel contexte, si le législateur ne procède pas à des reformes afin de prendre concomitamment en compte les opérations pétrolières et les préoccupations environnementales dans un dispositif juridique intégré, on risque d’assister à « un second Delta du Niger dans le bassin pétrolier de Doba ». / Despite the isolation of Chad, the need for economic and social development led the government of Chad to explore and produce oil reserves. As these deposits are neither "delocalizable or movable" nor "deteriorisable or destructible", their exploitation in onshore context and natural environments with breeding vocation raises specific problems that international law and most legal systems in developing countries have difficulties to overcome until now. These include issues related to the ecological and social’s footprint of onshore oil industries. The Chadian’s law related to oil is still tiny and is at its embryonic level therefore it doesn’t take into consideration detailed environmental concerns. Chad's environmental law and land’s law didn’t also take into account risks associated with the exploration, exploitation and transport by pipeline of hydrocarbons in their plans. They also didn’t address issues related to the restoration of abandoned or end-of-life’s oilfields. In this context, if the legislator does not carry out reforms in order to simultaneously take into account petroleum operations and environmental concerns in an integrated legal system, there is a risk of "a second Niger Delta in Doba’s oilfield".

Le patriotisme économique, souvent brandi comme un étendard afin de justifier l'intervention de l’État dans la sphère économique, est en cela une expression d'origine essentiellement politique. Ainsi ressort-il de manière régulière sur la scène médiatique française au gré d'offres publiques d'achat faites sur des fleurons nationaux. La traduction dans la sphère juridique de ce concept passe alors nécessairement par l'identification des instruments juridiques permettant sa mise en œuvre. Cette traduction se voit alors encadrée et dans une certaine mesure orientée par un impératif tenant à la détermination des limites du concept. Celui-ci n'a de sens, de manière autonome, que s'il parvient à se distinguer du protectionnisme. Dans cette optique, l'arsenal juridique du patriotisme économique désigne ainsi plus spécifiquement les moyens permettant à L’État de détenir un contrôle sur les entreprises qu'il juge « stratégiques » ou « essentielles » afin de veiller à garantir les intérêts nationaux vis-à-vis de prises de participation étrangères. De cette façon, le patriotisme économique s'affirme tant par son champ d'application, la protection de secteurs économiques stratégiques, que par son objet, en étant conçu à la lumière d'un élément tenant à l'extranéité, les capitaux étrangers. Dès lors, les instruments juridiques auxquels renvoie ce concept sont loin d'être propres à un État en particulier, bien au contraire. Étant donné qu'ils s'entendent sous le prisme de la souveraineté étatique, il s'agit même de se demander si leur mise en œuvre n'est pas inhérente à l’État. Parallèlement, la conception internationale de la souveraineté de l’État implique que celui-ci est libre de se limiter par la conclusion d'engagements internationaux. La construction européenne, caractérisant le processus dynamique d'édification d'une organisation d'intégration, est le fruit de l'exercice de cette souveraineté internationale. À mesure des transferts de compétences des États membres vers l'Union européenne, un point de jonction entre le patriotisme économique pratiqué par les États membres et la construction européenne s'est créé. Cette étude a donc pour objet d'étudier la dialectique entre le concept de patriotisme économique et la construction européenne, sous la forme d'une exigence de compatibilité. Cette dialectique doit alors s'analyser en miroir de la souveraineté de L’État. Si le patriotisme économique ne fait qu'exprimer la souveraineté territoriale et in fine la souveraineté interne de l’État, il porte en lui une certaine opposition au mouvement de libéralisation des échanges et des investissements, auquel l’État membre de l'Union européenne a lui-même consenti par le biais d'engagements internationaux. En cela des tensions peuvent être perceptibles entre la souveraineté interne et la souveraineté externe de l’État. / On the one hand, economic patriotism is often merely a ploy, flourished to justify State intervention in the economy. That is why it is first of all a political expression. Therefore, the matter routinely appears in the French media through the takeover bids made on national champions. The expression into the legal sphere of this concept requires an identification of legal instruments, which will make possible its implementation. This definition is framed and coloured by the necessity to distinguish economic patriotism from protectionism. As a result, the legal definition of economic patriotism refers to the means for the State to keep some control over the companies that it considers "strategic" or "essential" to ensure national interests are not jeopardized by foreign ownership. Therefore economic patriotism is asserted both through its scope, the protection of strategic economic sectors, and through its purpose, as an answer to an external threat: foreign capital. In this way the legal instruments to which this concept refers are far from being specific to a particular State. Since they are understandable through the State sovereignty, one even wonders if their implementation is not inherent to the State. On the other hand, external sovereignty implies that the State is free to restrict itself by entering into international commitments. European construction characterizes the dynamic process, which aims to build an integration organization and therefore it is the result of the exercise by the State of this international sovereignty. Even as jurisdictions have been transferred from member states to the European Union, economic patriotism practiced by the member states gradually fell into European integration realm. This study aims to explore the dialectic between the concept of economic patriotism and European integration as a compatibility requirement. This dialectic must be analysed from the State sovereignty point of view. Economic patriotism expresses the State territorial sovereignty whereas European integration is the result of its external sovereignty, which notably led to liberalize trade and investments. Therefore, tensions may appear between internal and external State sovereignty.