This thesis investigates the use and development of dislocations in oral productions by Swedish users of French as a second language (L2). Dislocations are highly frequent in French oral speech and play an essential role in building utterances. L2 users of French must therefore acquire the grammatical means necessary to build this structure as well as the pragmatic principles underlying its use. The study is empirical, and based on a corpus of oral productions from a wide range of non-native speakers (NNS), from beginners studying at university to L2 users who have spent many years in France. The analysis also includes oral productions from a control group of native speakers (NS). The aim is to identify a path of development by which the different forms and functions of dislocations are acquired. Furthermore, the study examines the influence of tasks on the use of dislocations, by analysing two tasks which place very different demands on the informants in terms of cognitive effort, namely interviews and retellings. The analysis focuses on two main kinds of dislocations: on the one hand, [moi je VP] (and its syntactical variants); on the other hand, dislocations referring to third entities (such as [NP il VP] and [NP c'est X]). The results show that both kinds go through a process of development in French L2. However, French learners seem to master the lexical dislocations referring to third entities as well as their pragmatic rules of use from the first stages of acquisition, yet with deviances in some cases. On the other hand, the frequency of use of [moi je VP] and its syntactical variants correlates highly with the level of development of the NNS. Moreover, there is a significantly greater frequency of dislocations in the NNS retelling tasks than in their interviews. In the NS group, the frequency of use remains comparable in both tasks. This difference between NS and NNS is probably due to the additional cognitive load that retellings demand compared with interviews—e.g., recalling the succession of events, solving the lexical problems posed by the story that is to be retold. It is proposed that this additional load may trigger, as a compensation strategy, an increase in the frequency of use of dislocations in the NNS speech.

This study investigates the use of formulaic language in spoken French produced by native and non-native speakers. It aims at describing the development of formulaic sequences in learners ranging from beginners to very advanced users. It draws on data from the InterFra corpus, which includes both formal and semi-formal learners. Four measures are used to characterize this development: extent of formulaic language used, category distribution, type / token ratio and frequency of types. It has been shown that a user’s knowledge of formulaic sequences impacts heavily on language proficiency and idiomaticity. Because these sequences follow neither grammatical nor lexical rules, they constitute the last threshold for advanced L2 learners. In second language acquisition, the term formulaic sequence not only applies to strict idiomatic constructions, but it is also used to refer to sequences that appear to be acquired in a holistic manner during the first phases of acquisition. A categorization is therefore proposed that can account for native and non-native usage of formulaic sequences (prefabs). Five categories of prefabs are included: Lexical, Grammatical, Discourse, Situational and Idiosyncratic. The extent of a learner’s use of formulaic language increases as the learner progresses, the largest amount found in the production of native speakers and very advanced learners. The learner’s distribution of categories moves towards native speaker distribution, albeit slowly. Situational and Idiosyncratic prefabs are found to characterize the early phases of acquisition, while Lexical prefabs are mastered later and are a major difficulty for L2 learners. Only very advanced learners who have spent considerable time in France produce the same proportion of Lexical prefabs as native speakers. Discourse prefabs constitute the most important category for all groups, including natives and non-natives. It can therefore be postulated that the main function of formulaic sequences in spoken French is that of discourse structuring and speech management. The development and use of formulaic language is explained within a framework of Frequency Effects. Coupled with other factors, frequency can account for why Lexical prefabs are hard to acquire and why formulaic sequences take a long time to master. / The thesis is published and can be purchased by Peter Lang http://www.peterlang.com/index.cfm?vID=11369&vLang=E&vHR=1&vUR=1&vUUR=38

This thesis investigates the use and development of dislocations in oral productions by Swedish users of French as a second language (L2). Dislocations are highly frequent in French oral speech and play an essential role in building utterances. L2 users of French must therefore acquire the grammatical means necessary to build this structure as well as the pragmatic principles underlying its use. The study is empirical, and based on a corpus of oral productions from a wide range of non-native speakers (NNS), from beginners studying at university to L2 users who have spent many years in France. The analysis also includes oral productions from a control group of native speakers (NS). The aim is to identify a path of development by which the different forms and functions of dislocations are acquired. Furthermore, the study examines the influence of tasks on the use of dislocations, by analysing two tasks which place very different demands on the informants in terms of cognitive effort, namely interviews and retellings. The analysis focuses on two main kinds of dislocations: on the one hand, [moi je VP] (and its syntactical variants); on the other hand, dislocations referring to third entities (such as [NP il VP] and [NP c’est X]). The results show that both kinds go through a process of development in French L2. However, French learners seem to master the lexical dislocations referring to third entities as well as their pragmatic rules of use from the first stages of acquisition, yet with deviances in some cases. On the other hand, the frequency of use of [moi je VP] and its syntactical variants correlates highly with the level of development of the NNS. Moreover, there is a significantly greater frequency of dislocations in the NNS retelling tasks than in their interviews. In the NS group, the frequency of use remains comparable in both tasks. This difference between NS and NNS is probably due to the additional cognitive load that retellings demand compared with interviews—e.g., recalling the succession of events, solving the lexical problems posed by the story that is to be retold. It is proposed that this additional load may trigger, as a compensation strategy, an increase in the frequency of use of dislocations in the NNS speech.

Cette thèse en linguistique contrastive décrit et met en opposition les propriétés syntaxiques ainsi que les fonctionnements pragmatico-discursifs de parce que en français parlé dans le septième arrondissement de Paris et de certains de ses équivalents en arabe parlé à Tripoli (Libye) : liʔǝnna, ʕlēxāṭǝṛ, māhu et biḥkum.Pour ce qui concerne l’arabe parlé à Tripoli, ces ligateurs peuvent appartenir à deux classes grammaticales différentes : ils peuvent être des ligateurs conjonctionnels et/ou des ligateurs prépositionnels. Cela dépend de leur degré de grammaticalisation. Alors que liʔanna et māhu sont des ligateurs conjonctionnels qui introduisent des propositions subordonnées organisées autour de prédicats verbaux ou non-verbaux, ʕlēxāṭǝṛ et biḥkum peuvent s’employer comme ligateurs prépositionnels et introduire des compléments circonstanciels, ou grammaticalisés comme ligateurs conjonctionnels et introduire des propositions causales.De plus, ces ligateurs peuvent occuper une position canonique lorsque le ligateur suit une proposition principale et introduit une causale, ou une position non-canonique pour laquelle il existe deux cas de figure : soit l’énoncé commence par la causale qui est introduite par un ligateur de cause et la causale est suivie par la proposition principale, soit l’énoncé commence par la proposition principale qui est suivie par la causale qui n’est pas introduite par un ligateur de cause ; ce dernier se trouve en fin de causale et clôture l’énoncé. D’un point de vue pragmatique, la modification de l’ordre des constituants, lorsque les ligateurs et les causales ne sont pas en position canonique, permet de focaliser la causale.Contrairement à l’arabe de Tripoli, l’examen du Corpus du Français Parlé Parisien des années 2000 (CFPP2000) montre que parce que est un ligateur conjonctionnel et introduit des propositions causales qui s’organisent autour de prédicats verbaux, très rarement averbaux.De plus, parce que peut occuper une position canonique lorsque le ligateur suit une proposition principale et introduit une causale et non canonique lorsque parce que suit le présentatif c’est et introduit une causale. Mais il ne peut pas être postposé. Il n’accepte pas non plus de suffixe.En outre, parce que peut être repris mais sous la forme réduite « que », lorsqu’il introduit plusieurs propositions causales. On remarque alors une série de « que ».Parce que ne peut pas non plus relier deux énoncés coordonnés par la préposition et. D’un point de vue pragmatique lorsque l'énoncé commence par c'est parce que, cette structure permet de focaliser la causale. / This contrastive linguistic thesis describes and contrasts the syntactic properties and the pragmatic-discursive function of parce que in spoken French in the seventh district of Paris and some of its Arab equivalents in spoken Arabic of Tripoli (Libya): liʔǝnna, ʕlēxāṭǝṛ, māhu and biḥkum.Regarding the spoken Arabic of Tripoli, these ligators may belong to two different grammatical classes: they may be conjunctional ligators and / or prepositional ligators. It depends on their degree of grammaticalization. While liʔanna and māhu are conjunctional ligators that introduce causal clauses organized around verbal or non-verbal predicates, ʕlēxāṭǝṛ and biḥkum can be used as prepositional ligators and introduce circumstantial complements or be grammaticalized as conjunctional ligators and introduce causal clause.In addition, these ligators can occupy a canonical position when the ligator follows a main clause and introduces a causal clause or a non-canonical position for which there are two cases : either the utterance begins with the causal which is introduced by the ligator of cause and is followed by the main clause, or the utterance begins with the main clause which is followed by the causal not introduced by a ligator of cause; the latter is found at the end of the causal and closing the utterance. From a pragmatic point of view, changing the order of the constituents when ligators and causal clauses are not in canonical position allows the focalization of the causal clause.Unlike the spoken Arabic of Tripoli, the examination of the “Corpus Français Parlé Parsien des années 2000 (CFPP2000)” shows that parce que is conjunctional ligator. It introduces a causal clause organized around verbal predicate, rarely non-verbal.Parce que can occupy a canonical position when the ligator follows a main clause and introduces a causal clause and a non-canonical position when parce que follows c’est and introduces a causal clause. However, it cannot be postponed and it does not accept either suffix.When parce que introduces several causal clauses, it may be found but in reduced form que, giving a series of que.In addition, parce que cannot connect two utterances coordinated by the preposition et. From a pragmatic point of view, when the utterance begins with c’est parce que this structure allows to focalisation of the causal clause.

Objectifs : 1) Investiguer si des erreurs d’accord en genre en français oral induisent des réponses neurophysiologiques différentes chez les adultes et les adolescents. 2) Comparer les réponses neurophysiologiques induites par des erreurs d’accord en genre sur les déterminants et sur les adjectifs. Contexte : Le genre féminin en français oral est irrégulièrement marqué par une consonne finale sur les adjectifs ([vɛʁ] / [vɛʁt]) et régulièrement marqué par une alternance vocalique sur les déterminants ([loe] / [la]). Les études d’électroencéphalographie (EEG) ont trouvé que des erreurs d’accord en genre en français oral induisaient chez les adultes des réponses neuronales différentes pour les désaccords sur les adjectifs et ceux sur les déterminants. Des réponses différentes, incomparables à celles des adultes, ont aussi induites chez de jeunes enfants de 4 à 8 ans par les mêmes désaccords. À quel âge ce patron sera comparable à celui des adultes et pour quel processus grammatical n’a pas été étudié exhaustivement. Méthodologie : 29 adultes et 26 (pré)adolescents francophones de 10 à 16 ans ont participé au projet. Les participants ont entendu des phrases contenant un désaccord en genre sur i) le déterminant (Je vois *le chaise vert sur la table) et ii) sur l’adjectif (Je vois la chaise *vert dans la boite). Ils ont aussi entendu des phrases sans erreur. Les potentiels évoqués ont été extraits de la différence de voltage entre les phrases avec erreurs et les phases correctes, et ils ont été insérés dans des modèles mixtes linéaires pour comparer les effets entre les deux groupes. Résultats : Les désaccords sur les déterminants ont induit une négativité antérieure (AN) suivie d’une P600 dans les deux groupes. Les erreurs sur adjectifs ont plutôt induit chez les adultes une négativité latéralisée à gauche en plus d’une une N400 suivie par une P600. Cette condition a induit une N400-P600 chez les adolescents. Ces résultats nous indiquent que le traitement de l’accord en genre du déterminant semble être mature à l’adolescence, ce qui n’est pas le cas pour celui de l’adjectif. De plus, les N400 trouvées pour les deux groupes indiquent une possible lexicalisation du traitement de l’accord des adjectifs en français. / Objectives: 1) Investigate whether neurophysiological responses elicited by spoken French gender agreement errors differ between Quebec adolescents and adults. 2) Compare the response elicited by disagreements on adjectives and determiners. Context: Spoken French gender agreement is irregularly marked on adjectives by a final consonant ([vɛʁ] / [vɛʁt]), whereas it is regularly marked on determiners by a regular final vowel alternation ([loe] / [la]). Electroencephalography (EEG) studies have found that gender agreement violations on French adjectives and determiners elicited different patterns in adults. Different patterns, however, incomparable to those found in adults, were also found in young children aged 4-8 years old. At what age and for which grammatical process the EEG response will be comparable to adults have yet to be fully explored. Methods: 29 adults and 26 French-speaking (pre)adolescents aged 10-16 years old participated in this project. Participants heard sentences containing gender disagreements on i) determiners (Je vois *le chaise vert sur la table ‘I see *theM green chairF on the table) ii) on adjectives (Je vois la chaise *vert dans la boite ‘I see the *greenM chairF in the box) iii) sentences with on disagreements. Event-related potentials were extracted by comparing the voltage difference between correct and incorrect sentences; they were then fitted into mixed linear models to compare group differences. Results: Violations on determiners elicited an anterior negativity (AN) followed by a P600 in both groups. Adjective errors elicited, in adults, a lateralized negativity (LN) and a N400 followed by a P600. This condition elicited a N400-P600 in adolescents. These results indicate that French determiner gender agreement seems to be mature in adolescents, which is not the case for adjective gender agreement. Furthermore, the presence of N400 in both groups for adjective mismatches points towards a lexicalisation of adjective gender agreement.

Orientador: Maria José Rodrigues Faria Coracini / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T05:49:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jalabert_AdelineMarie_M.pdf: 693645 bytes, checksum: 2bfca3c4ab3f575b1f3c54f1c26de6ac (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: No romance Zazie dans le métro (1959), Raymond Queneau explora a linguagem coloquial, valendo-se da língua que chamou de neo-francês. O autor faz um verdadeiro "exercício de estilo" oral popular, em que mistura registros e faz paródias, imprimindo ao romance, além de um ritmo rápido, redundâncias, ortografia fonética, ausência de concordâncias gramaticais, arcaísmos etc. em franca oposição aos preconceitos em relação à língua oral. O oulipiano questiona a língua, provocando o leitor e obrigando-o a se distanciar da linguagem a que está habituado. Este trabalho propõe uma reflexão sobre a violência observada tanto no texto dito 'original' de Queneau, quanto na tradução e, em particular, na passagem do neo-francês à língua portuguesa do Brasil. Se a própria escrita de Zazie na língua original (o neo-francês) já é um exercício, da tradução espera-se um trabalho que podemos chamar de "trabalho dobrado". Para tanto, admite-se a violência na tradução, o que permite levantar várias questões relativas à língua, à cultura, à identidade, à dicotomia entre língua oral e língua escrita, entre obra original e obra traduzida, além de questionar os limites e as proibições, a criação literária, o trabalho do tradutor, as normas acadêmicas, o desafio da escrita e favorece a divulgação de obras literárias importantes / Abstract: In the novel Zazie dans le métro (1959), Raymond Queneau explores colloquial language, making use of what he called neo-French. The author makes a real popular and oral "exercise in style", mixing registers and parodies, making the novel fast paced and using redundancy, phonetic spelling, grammatically incorrect expressions, archaisms etc. in clear opposition to the prejudices about oral language. The oulipian questions language and culture provoking the reader and forcing him to distance himself from the language he is accustomed to. This work proposes a reflection on violence observed both in Queneau's 'original' text and in its translations, particularly between neo-French and Brazilian Portuguese. If the actual writing of Zazie in the original language (neo-French) was already an exercise, in translation, a kind of "double work" is expected. Admitting violence in translation allows us to raise several issues relating to language, culture, identity, the dichotomy between oral and written language, and between original work and translated work, to limits and prohibitions, literary creation, the work of the translator, academic standards, the challenge of writing and dissemination of important literary works / Mestrado / Teoria, Pratica e Ensino da Tradução / Mestre em Linguística Aplicada

La thèse consiste en une comparaison entre deux types de français parlé par des locuteurs gabonais ayant le français comme langue seconde (d’ailleurs unique langue officielle du Gabon) : des locuteurs âgés et peu ou non scolarisés et des jeunes gens entre 17 et 25 ans, avec un niveau scolaire de troisième. La différence du nombre d’années de scolarisation des locuteurs induirait des compétences différentes en langue française. Le niveau sociolinguistique conditionnerait le niveau linguistique des locuteurs, ce qui les classerait dans des catégories clivées et imperméables, aux pôles inférieur et médian, selon la répartition sociolinguistique des locuteurs communément admise. Cette comparaison étudiée à partir de la morphologie du verbe et de l’utilisation du matériau morphologique à travers les concepts de personne, d’époque et d’aspect va permettre de vérifier cette hypothèse. Elle mettra également en avant les différentes variétés de français en présence, rendra compte du degré de la variation du français pour chaque locuteur et tentera d’établir des liens linguistiques entre les locuteurs sur le continuum linguistique. / The thesis consists of a comparison between two types of French spoken by native speakers of Gabon with French as a Second Language (besides sole official language of Gabon): older speakers and little or no education and young people between 17 and 25 with a third grade level. The difference in the number of years of schooling of the speakers would induce different skills in French. Sociolinguistic level would imply the language level of the speakers, which the classification into cleaved and hermetic, the lower and middle poles, according to sociolinguistic distribution of the speakers generally accepted. This comparison study from the morphology of the verb and the use of the material through morphological concepts of person, period and aspect will help to verify this hypothesis. It will also highlight the different varieties of French presence, will report on the degree of variation in French for each speaker and attempt to link language between speakers of the linguistic continuum.

This thesis aims to explore an aspect of the history of vernacular speech through analysis of some eighteenth century verse texts. These satirical anti-Jesuit pamphlets by Nicolas Jouin, known as the 'Sarcelades', were collected posthumously in 'Le Vrai Recueil des Sarcelles' of 1764. The texts purport to be in the patois of the peasants of Sarcelles and show features which may be paralleled in the vernacular speech of Paris and elsewhere, and even correspond with features of contemporary colloquial French. The study may appeal to French historical sociolinguists interested in reconstructing spoken language of the past, and particularly in the history of vernacular speech of Paris since the Middle Ages through to the eighteenth century, in the context of the development of urban dialects. In order to set the scene for a linguistic description of Jouin’s work the limited biographical information available was collated. Then a period of bibliographical research led to acquisition of copies of the texts which were to be studied in order to identify and examine their non-standard linguistic features. Firstly the process of growth of urban dialects was discussed, and then the development of the Paris vernacular in particular. Then attention was turned to direct written evidence in the form of commentary and to a number of texts from the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries containing features of the Paris vernacular. These had already been analysed by certain historical linguists, although the texts in the 'Sarcelades' had hitherto only been briefly mentioned. However, here they are considered to be of sufficient interest to be examined more closely, although it had to be established whether Jouin’s texts containing a selection of non-standard features could be regarded as an accurate depiction of the Paris vernacular at the period. The non-standard phonetic, morphological, syntactic, and lexical features in the texts were therefore compared with findings in other texts by previous commentators. Following these analyses it was noted to what extent the relative frequency of the variables correlates with the salience of certain features in popular speech in Paris at the period, as already observed in other texts by previous commentators, and it was concluded that in general established characteristics of the 'patois de Paris' at the period are to be found in the 'Sarcelades', even though there do remain certain features which do not appear to be generally attested elsewhere. Nevertheless, despite reservations concerning the authenticity of some of the non-standard features employed by Jouin, by bringing attention to this little-known series of texts this study may help to claim a place for the Sarcelades amongst the corpus of texts which reflect aspects of the lower-class sociolect, the 'patois de Paris', at the period.