The adoption of the neo-liberal model in the mid-1980s has forced the governing elites to reconfigure the Mexican State. However, the consolidation of a neoliberal State continues to be incomplete and it has been problematic to fully integrated the Mexican economy in the global market due to the increasing organized crime, the dismantling of previous post-revolutionary control mechanisms, and the growing mobilisation of organised indigenous opposition ranging from the peaceful obstruction of hydroelectric mega-projects in their territories to armed struggle. In view of the State crisis, this thesis argues that there has been a shift in the system of control mechanisms of the State that is leaning towards a more recurrent use of open violence to implement its neo-liberal State project. From a theoretical perspective, the research proposes an innovative approach to understanding the formation of the post-revolutionary State, which transcends the State violence dichotomy established between the ´corporatist´ and the ´critical´ approaches in the contemporary literature. The research highlights the wide spectrum of control mechanisms from hegemonic domination to violence used by the governing elites to compensate the unfinished State formation process in order to maintain socio-political stability without profound structural changes. It explores the enhanced tendency of State violence to replace incorporation in Statesociety relations since the efforts to restructure the economy from the 1980s onwards. The thesis analyses how this tendency has grown particularly in response to indigenous movements in the South of Mexico. The argument is substantiated empirically with two case studies undertaken in the sub-region of Costa Chica-Montaña of Guerrero with data from 79 semi-structured interviews with a wide range of social and political actors, and participant observation in ten indigenous communities. The case studies explore the different State control mechanisms used to advance the State formation model in the post revolutionary period; the impact of the crisis of those mechanisms in the sub-region; the violent resistance of local bosses to the loss of power, and the multiples indigenous responses to the implementation of neoliberal policies in their territories. This research also includes a comparative study to explain some factors that strengthen indigenous articulations, as well as their limits in an era of neoliberal globalisation. One of the most important research findings is that neoliberalism has further weakened the ¿civilianisation¿ power of the State to deal peacefully with civil society sectors, particularly with indigenous peoples, while it has strengthened its ¿centralised-coercive¿ power to carry out the imposed State model. Another finding is that the indigenous initiatives that have reinvented themselves through a new version of their practices and broader alliances have consolidated their alternative models. In contrast, the indigenous responses that have reproduced their traditions have failed. / Marie Curie-Humcricon Fellowship

Since the end of the Cold War, private military and security companies have gained a prominent place on the international battlefield. In an attempt to reduce monetary and political costs, states have not only outsourced some of the defense functions previously performed by uniformed personnel; they have also partly privatised the provision of security. Traditional accounts of the rise of private military and security companies have explained this evolution in terms of changing demand and supply of military force after the Cold War, in a neoliberal ideological environment. This rationalist account, however, overlooks the role of norms, which, as the constructivist research tradition has demonstrated, constrain state behaviour even in the domain of national security. From this constructivist point of view, the rise of private military and security companies is surprising given the existence of an anti-mercenary norm and a norm on the state monopoly on violence, both of which have precluded the private exercise of violence. How, then, should the rise of private military and security companies be understood in light of this hostile normative environment? Against a realist-constructivist background, this text draws upon models of norm change and epistemic communities to show that private military and security companies have used their pragmatic legitimacy and epistemic power to decisively shape the discursive construction of a new regulatory framework that legitimises the exercise of non-state violence.

[pt] A presente dissertação analisa movimentos de mães e familiares de vítimas de violência letal de Estado no Rio de Janeiro em sua interação com o Estado autor da violação. A partir de uma abordagem teórica que mobiliza pesquisadoras de antropologia urbana, segurança pública e sociologia que estudam especificamente violência de gênero e movimentos de mães vítimas de violência de Estado, como Adriana Vianna e Juliana Farias, e articulando-as com as teorias de Judith Butler e Donna Haraway sobre processos de corporificação, o trabalho se apoia nos depoimentos de mães e familiares, colhidos de entrevistas e grupos focais. A dissertação propõe, então, a luta desses movimentos por Memória, Verdade, Justiça e Reparação como uma esfera de produção de redes de solidariedade que, coletivamente, ao se exporem publicamente, reivindicam a esfera de aparecimento e a condição de enlutável para os seus filhos e parentes executados, produzindo a afirmação de que suas vidas são dignas de reconhecimento e proteção. A pesquisa defende a ambivalência da relação das mães e familiares com o Estado, que pode ser, a um só tempo, ambiente de violência e suporte, e, ao mesmo tempo, busca o entendimento de que esses movimentos, em suas demandas específicas e generificadas ao Estado, ainda que mobilizem normas e representações que são estruturalmente seletivas, reconfiguram esse espaço de representação. O trabalho conclui, então, que esses movimentos realizam disputas e deslocamentos importantes na arena do Estado, que não é uma arena homogênea e, sim, uma arena formada performativamente e passível a reformulações críticas. / [en] This dissertation analyzes the movements of mothers and family members of victims of lethal State violence in Rio de Janeiro in their interaction with the State responsible for the violation. Based on a theoretical approach that mobilizes urban anthropology, public safety and sociology researchers who specifically study gender violence and movements of mothers victims of State violence, such as Adriana Vianna and Juliana Farias, articulating them with the theories of Judith Butler and Donna Haraway about processes of embodiment, the work is based on the testimonies of mothers and family members gathered from interviews and focus groups. The dissertation proposes the struggle of these movements for Memory, Truth, Justice and Reparation as a sphere of production of solidarity networks that, collectively, by publicly exposing themselves, claim the sphere of appearance and the grievability for their executed relatives, producing the claim that their lives are worthy of recognition and protection. At the same time, the research defends the ambivalence of the relationship between mothers and family members and the State, which can be, at the same time, an environment of violence and support, and understand that these movements, in their specific and gendered demands to the The State, even though they mobilize norms and representations that are structurally selective, reconfigure this space of representation. The work concludes, then, that these movements carry out important disputes and displacements in the State arena, which is not a homogeneous arena, but an arena that is also performatively formed and susceptible to critical reformulations.

This thesis offers a comparative historical analysis of sub-state violent contention in Quebec and Corsica. It focuses specifically on the Front de Libération du Québec (FLQ) and the Fronte di Liberazione Naziunale Corsu (FLNC), in 1963 to 1971 and 1976 to 1990, respectively. The thesis argues that the FLQ and the FLNC sought to extend radical ideological space to promote independence in order to achieve revolutionary social and economic change through campaigns of violence and kidnappings. Theoretically, the thesis draws on the contentious politics and social movements literatures, which it notably combines with Radical Flank Effect (RFE). RFEs are interactive processes that aim to map the beneficial and/or detrimental impact of radical group action on moderate groups. Whilst commonly used to understand the political outcomes of social movements, RFE is used in this thesis in conjunction with social movement literature to compare the relationship between these violent movements and their more moderate opponents. To understand the internal dynamics of these movements, I have identified four key elements of contrast: membership, ideology, network structure and strategy. I draw on, for example, McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly's (2001) mobilization method, which aids an understanding of membership and ideology by framing the interaction amongst challengers, their opponents and the media. This thesis seeks to understand FLQ and FLNC mobilization in light of the aim to shape and develop radical ideological space in the sub-states of Quebec and Corsica. It draws on an extensive study of archival data that includes police reports that have only recently been made available in Canada, transcripts of court cases, newspapers, and an interview with a former member of the FLNC, as well as secondary sources. The central orienting question is: what explains the contrasting patterns of sub-state violent contention in Quebec and Corsica? More specifically, why did the FLQ dissolve in 1971, yet the FLNC continued its violent trajectory, albeit less political and nationalist, until 2014? The FLQ and the FLNC differently subscribed to Marxism and postcolonialism. The FLQ was committed to a Marxist program of revolutionary change, and this commitment was shared by the FLNC until the collapse of communism in central and Eastern Europe in 1989. FLQ members considered themselves 'urban revolutionaries' and employed Marxism to understand the economic disparity in industrial Montreal. Early Corsican violent contention, in contrast, included Maoist influences, in particular, through their demand for agrarian reform. The two groups viewed the relationship between their sub-states (Quebec and Corsica) and central states (Canada and France) through a colonial lens, and understood their mobilization against these states and elite minorities (the Anglophone elite in Quebec and the pieds noirs in Corsica) in this light. Both violent movements targeted this colonial relationship. Both the FLQ and FLNC manifestos were economically and politically focused, land and culture were additionally highlighted by the FLNC. This thesis found that sub-state violent contention in the very different contexts of Quebec and Corsica shared an overall pattern, an arc of violent mobilization. The initial mobilization developed from a frustration with moderate political groups; radicalization grew and new tactics were embraced; until turning points that included the assassination of Pierre Laporte by the FLQ and the division of the FLNC into competitive factions, and then a decline of activity, mobilization and recruitment. Although the FLQ and the FLNC contrasted greatly in terms of membership, ideology, organization and strategy, both groups attempted to extend radical space through the use of violent contention in these two very different nations. Ultimately, however, while the FLQ and the FLNC were able to extend or maintain radical space at times, yet they failed to sustain the extension of ideological radical space on the basis on their revolutionary manifestos.

This thesis explores the ways in which the environmental justice movement, which is in opposition to environmental racism, and the Black Lives Matter movement, which is in opposition to police brutality and other forms of racism, are part of the same struggle: a struggle against the neoliberal violence of the state. This struggle against neoliberal violence is at the same time a struggle for communities of color to achieve self-determination on a global scale, a monumental task which might be informed through a revolutionary intercommunalist framework of global grassroots solidarity. State oppression embodies violence in more forms that one, including co-optation—which entails the assimilation of people into a political framework that answers to the gatekeepers of transnational capital. This work includes input from environmental justice activists from Los Angeles County in its exploration of local grassroots struggles.

No description available.

[pt] Em 1921, Walter Benjamin publicou, com apenas 28 anos, seu controverso ensaio Da crítica da violência, representando um acerto com o modelo republicano de governança e desenvolvimento à luz da Primeira Guerra Mundial. Identificando uma relação intrínseca e necessária entre autoridade legal e violência física, Da crítica da violência tem se tornado um texto altamente influente para a discussão de violência na política, inspirando teóricos tão diferentes como Carl Schmitt, Herbert Marcuse, Jurgen Habermas, Jacques Derrida e Giorgio Agamben. Esta dissertação de mestrado propõe uma leitura do ensaio benjaminiano que o entende primeiramente como resposta à filosofia crítica e política de Immanuel Kant. Discutindo os conceitos de crítica, política vis-à-vis violência e história nas obras dos dois autores, essa dissertação visa esclarecer as divergências e também paralelas nos pensamentos dos dois autores, argumentando que ambos autores defendem uma visão que considera a violência como o único meio para alcançar a liberdade. / [en] In 1921, Walter Benjamin published, at the age of only 28, his controversial essay Critique of violence, representing an account on the republican model of governance and development in the light of the First World War. Identifying an intrinsic and necessary relationship between legal authority and physical violence, Critique of violence has become a highly influential text for the discussion on the role of violence in politics, inspiring theorists as different as Carl Schmitt, Herbert Marcuse, Jurgen Habermas, Jacques Derrida and Giorgio Agamben. This master thesis proposes a reading of Benjamin s essay which it comprehends primarily as an answer to the critical and political philosophy of Immanuel Kant. Discussing the concepts of critique, politics vis-à-vis violence, and history in the works of both authors, this master thesis has the goal to clarify the divergences but also the parallels within the thought of both authors, arguing that both authors defend a position which considers violence as the only means for achieving freedom.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Benedito Tadeu dos Santos.pdf: 2327713 bytes, checksum: c5cf54ac6be77e872d1daa3c1a74b91a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-02 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The brotherhood of Santa Cruz do Deserto was a community ceated in 1926 led by Beato José Lourenço, and initially composed of northeastern sertanejos who were devotees of Father Cícero Romão Batista. They went on a pilgrimage to Juazeiro do Norte in 1889, after the Eucharistic Miracle performed by Beata Maria de Araújo and along the course of 37 years, migrants from diferent Northeastern regions gathered in Cariri. This number increased substantially with the gradual arrival of the victims of the 1932 drought, which maximized the atavistic exploitation by the rural oligarchs, or so called colonels. At the Sítio Caldeirão, located in the municipality of Crato, in the State of Ceará, land of Father Cícero, José Lourenço and members of his community, grounded upon the inherited fraternal experiences of Father Ibiapina and common religious practices of the indigenous sertanejos, organized themselves according to the pillars which guaranteed their material survival and spiritual fulfilment: work, prayer and common sharing of all goods produced. This community structure was considered by the dominant social segments of Ceará, a threat to the established social order. By means of its hierarchy, committed to the romanization project and to the local agrarian oligarchy, the Roman Catholic Church dismissed such religious practices as fanaticism. Added to this, there was an intense dissemination of accusations of communist practices and dangerous grouping which helped form a public opinion favorable to its repression. A military campaign unleashed on September 11, 1936, formed by the military and the civilian police from the municipality, from the state of Ceará and with the help of federal forces, resulted in the dispersion of community members and the evacuation of the lands of the Caldeirão, finalizing, in May 1937, with a raid of these forces against the remaining members, who had taken refuge in the Mata dos Cavalos, in the Serra do Araripe. The Sítio Caldeirão, along with the movements of Canudos and Pau de Colher, expresses the violence of the State towards the organizational forms arising from that society. Their only sin was to fight poverty abiding by the norms and rules of their own culture as established by the State and the Catholic Church. The analysis of the present theme was based on several documents, such as periodicals, letters, police raid reports, the testament of Father Cícero, Dr. Floro Bartholomeu s speech in the Federal Chamber in 1923 and testimonials (from remnants and contemporaries of Beato José Lourenço) / A irmandade de Santa Cruz do deserto foi uma comunidade liderada pelo Beato José Lourenço, que surgiu em 1926, formada inicialmente por sertanejos nordestinos, devotos do Padre Cícero Romão Batista que, desde 1889, haviam seguido para Juazeiro do Norte em romaria, após o Milagre Eucarístico, protagonizado pela Beata Maria de Araújo. Ao longo desses 37 anos, retirantes de diversas regiões do Nordeste foram aglutinando-se na região do Cariri, mas esse contingente aumentou significativamente com a chegada gradativa de vitimados pela seca de 1932, a qual maximizou a atávica exploração dos oligarcas rurais, denominados coronéis. No Sítio Caldeirão, situado no munícipio do Crato, no Estado do Ceará, terras do Padre Cícero, José Lourenço e os membros de sua comunidade, calcados em experiências fraternas herdadas do Padre Ibiapina e práticas religiosas comuns aos sertanejos, organizaram-se a partir dos pilares que lhes garantiam a sobrevivência material e preenchiam suas necessidades espirituais: trabalho, oração e partilha dos bens produzidos. Tal estrutura comunitária foi considerada pelos segmentos dominantes cearenses uma ameaça à ordem social estabelecida. A Igreja Católica Romana, por meio de sua hierarquia, comprometida com o projeto de romanização e com as oligarquias agrárias, desprezou suas práticas religiosas, considerando-as expressão de fanatismo. A isso se somou uma intensa disseminação de acusações de práticas comunistas e agrupamento periculoso, o que ajudou a formar uma opinião pública favorável à sua repressão. A campanha militar, formada por policiais civis e militares, do município, do Estado e com a ajuda de forças federais, desencadeada em 11 de setembro de 1936, resultou na dispersão dos membros da comunidade e na desocupação das terras do Caldeirão, tendo como desfecho a campanha ocorrida em maio de 1937, com ataque dessas forças aos remanescentes, que se haviam refugiado na Mata dos Cavalos, na Serra do Araripe. O Sítio do Caldeirão, juntamente com o movimento de Canudos e Pau de Colher, expressa a violência do Estado para com essas formas organizacionais que emergem naquela sociedade, cujo único pecado foi o de lutar contra a miséria, respeitando, conforme sua cultura, as normas e regras estabelecidas pelo próprio Estado e pela Igreja Católica. A análise dessa temática pautou-se em documentos diversos, tais como: periódicos, cartas, relatório da invasão policial, testamento do Padre Cícero, discurso do deputado Dr. Floro Bartholomeu na Câmara Federal, em 1923, e depoimentos (de remanescentes e contemporâneos do Beato José Lourenço)

Despite the general academic consensus that liberal democracy has triumphed over communism, Marxist-inspired movements continue to thrive across the global south. This is a curious phenomenon in the post-Cold War era. This paper explores the recent growth of both The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia and the Naxalite-Maoist Insurgency in India, and compares the two groups. It analyzes the factors that have led to their resurgence, in particular, the political and economic dimensions. Specifically, it addresses the impact of two dominant factors in fomenting their resurgence: neo-liberalism and political exclusion. First, recent growth of both groups seems to correlate with the adoption of neo-liberal economic policies and progressively draconian structural adjustments, which aggravated existing poverty and inequality, in their respective countries. Second, recent growth of both groups seems to correlate with political exclusion of marginalized groups, an exclusion increasingly enforced by state violence. The survival and growth of Marxist-inspired armed movements across the globe also raises important questions about the future of liberal democracy. This paper asks whether the persistence of Marxist-inspired movements across the global south has given the lie to the "end of history" theory, and what their resurgence says, if anything, about the "clash of civilizations theory. It concludes that the success of these movements challenges the apparent triumph of liberal democracy in both Colombia and India, and perhaps in the post-Cold War era globally.

一個國家發生大規模國家暴力之後，檢討相關人員的責任，向來是重要的轉型正義議題，可是這個議題在台灣因為多種原因，長期被忽略。長達三十八年的戒嚴期間，上萬人因叛亂、匪諜嫌疑被捕、遭判重刑，至少八百人失去生命。在這種官僚式壓迫的體系中，檢討相關人員責任前，須先了解當初他們在暴力行動的參與中如何做出決定。本文藉由判決書檔案，探索並評析軍事法官如何針對政治案件進行判案，並且將人民判處死刑。從中發現幾項事實，可供未來檢討這些法官刑事與道德責任之基礎。法官的判決與論述中，除了曾經出現違法的情形外，亦不乏相同犯罪事實，判決標準不一致，以及違反人權精神等例證。另一方面，確實也曾經出現較為人道的判決。這些事實顯示當時法官擁有裁量權，選擇空間是存在無疑的。從而，部分選擇剝奪人民生命的法官，可能面臨道德上更大的非難。 / As massive state violence subsides, the issue of holding those who carried out such violence into account has always been an important concern. Yet due to numerous reasons, such issue has been long ignored in Taiwan. During the 38-year-long martial law period, tens of thousands of citizens were arrested and severely condemned on charges of subversion or espionage. In such bureaucratic oppressive regime, the decision-making process should be studied prior to the discussion of responsibility. By studying the verdicts, this thesis focuses on exploring and analyzing how death sentences were made by military judges. The results show that not only illegal verdicts have ever occurred, but also the inconsistencies between verdicts with similar criminal facts, as well as examples in violation of human rights spirit. On the other hand, there were indeed some cases where the judges ruled more humanely. In all, these facts demonstrate that the judges did have powers of dicretion, and room for choice undoubtedly existed. Hence, the acts of certain judges, who under the same circumstances chose nevertheless to deprive lives of certain citizens, may seem to be more morally reproachable.