This work narrates a qualitative sociological exploration with auto-ethnographic underpinnings. It deals with the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (SATRC) as a contextual case among others. The thesis seeks to answer the question of whether countries following a TRC route did better than those that did not use TRCs, when it comes to establishing civil control over the military. The author's exposure and involvement in the process as participant, participant observer, observer participant and observer inform the study. With the SATRC as one cornerstone other cases reflected upon include Argentina and Chile (Latin America), Spain and Portugal (Southern Europe), Namibia, Nigeria and Rwanda (Africa). / Sociology / D.Litt. et. Phil. (Sociology)

This study focused on the schools of KwaDabeka Township in KwaZulu-Natal. This project explored the underlying reasons for and types of violence, as well as initiatives for violence prevention. This is a qualitative study; therefore it is located within the interpretive paradigm. A case study strategy was employed in which qualitative methods such as interviews, observations, document reviews, and journals were used to collect data. The findings suggest that besides ill-discipline and uncooperativeness by learners, criminals and thugs from outside schools pose a threat to the stability of schools. The findings also suggest that girls and young boys are victims of violence in schools. The research findings suggest that violence production in schools is shaped by socio-economic status of community where the school is in, as well as gender and masculinity. / Educational Leadership and Management / M. Ed. (Education Management)

Submitted by Valuza Maria Saraiva (valuzasaraiva@hotmail.com) on 2018-08-01T16:28:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Doutorado GRÁFICA.pdf: 10253420 bytes, checksum: 2b610031a8b12db904e99caea56876b4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Miria Moreira (anamiriamoreira@hotmail.com) on 2018-08-02T15:25:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Doutorado GRÁFICA.pdf: 10253420 bytes, checksum: 2b610031a8b12db904e99caea56876b4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-02T15:25:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Doutorado GRÁFICA.pdf: 10253420 bytes, checksum: 2b610031a8b12db904e99caea56876b4 (MD5) / Capes / A Constituição Federal de 1988 e a Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional de 1996, no seu Artigo 26 A, significam um aporte legal que possibilita novas perspectivas de reconhecimento das comunidades indígenas na educação formal para as unidades educacionais do país. Por isto, faz-se necessário contribuir com a formação de profissionais da educação para que estes reconstruam conhecimentos sobre indígenas, diante da equivocada formação na trajetória educacional. Esta é uma pesquisa de abordagem qualitativa, de perspectiva multirreferencial, que tem como natureza uma pesquisa aplicada, na qual se apresentam elementos etnográficos. Foi realizado estudo de dados/informações, através de levantamento bibliográfico e documental no Arquivo Público do Estado, além de observações em diferentes espaços, entrevistas, registros fotográficos e questionários. Os conceitos fundamentados foram articulados aos resultados de todo o material pesquisado. Os capítulos foram desenvolvidos mediante a necessidade de desconstruir o indígena do passado, que não mais existe, ou seja, exóticos, amantes da natureza, que vivem nus, caçando, pescando e que os originais ficaram na Amazônia. Esta tese objetiva auxiliar na atuação de profissionais da educação (não-indígenas), possibilitando práticas que contribuam para a formação social e política de estudantes. Assim, com a intenção de contribuir ao que preconiza a Lei 11.645/2008, o resultado da trajetória de pesquisa possibilitou algumas considerações: a necessidade de reconhecer indígenas de outros países, do Brasil e do Estado da Bahia, observando o que hoje se ensina e a ampliação dessas temáticas a partir do rigor no estudo sobre indígenas do passado e do presente; a instituição de projetos políticos pedagógicos que considerem a temática indígena; a necessária disseminação dos conhecimentos já pesquisados e o fomento às pesquisas ainda inexistentes; a implementação de política de formação de professores que tenha como princípio a discussão das práticas pedagógicas na própria unidade escolar; o necessário enfrentamento ao racismo dentro e fora das instituições. Portanto, evidenciar indígenas da atualidade nas suas variadas dimensões do viver com lutas hoje existentes, considerando-as como espaços multirreferenciais de aprendizagem, sem perder de vista a revisão do indígena do passado. / ABSTRACT With the Federal Constitution of 1988 and the Law of Guidelines and Bases of National Education of 1996 in its Article 26A, we have a legal contribution that allows new perspectives of recognition of the indigenous communities in the formal education for the educational units of the country. Therefore, it is necessary to contribute to the training of education professionals so that they reconstruct knowledge about indigenous people, given the mistaken formation in the educational trajectory. It is a research of qualitative approach, with a multireferential approach that has the nature of an applied research in which ethnographic elements are presented. For this purpose, data collection, bibliographic survey, documentary research in the Public Archives of the State, observations in different spaces, interviews, photographic records, applied questionnaires and well-founded concepts allied to the results of all the researched material were carried out. The chapters are developed in the face of the need to deconstruct ideas such as that of the indigenous of the past, who no longer exist, exotic, nature lovers, who live naked hunting and fishing and who originated in the Amazon city, so the thesis intend to assist the professionals of education (non-indigenous), through the history of struggles to exist and resist the ethnicities from Bahia and thus, highlight elements for the curriculum, enabling practices that contribute to the social and political student’s formation. Thus, intending to contribute to the Law number 11.645 / 2008, the result of the research trajectory made possible some considerations: the need to recognize indigenous people from other countries, from Brazil and Bahia State, observing what is being taught today and the extension of these themes from the rigor in the study of indigenous past and present; the institution of political pedagogical projects that consider the indigenous theme; the necessary dissemination of the knowledge already researched and the promotion of research that is still non-existent; the implementation of a policy of teacher training that has as principle the discussion of pedagogical practices in the school unit itself; the necessary confrontation of racism inside and outside institutions. That is, to present indigenous people from today in their varied dimensions of living with struggles today, considering them as multireferential spaces of learning, without losing sight of the need to review the indigenous of the past. / RESUMEN La Constitución Federal de 1988, la Ley de Directrices y Bases de la Educación Nacional de 1996 en su Artículo 26A, significa un aporte legal que posibilita nuevas perspectivas de reconocimiento de las comunidades indígenas en la educación formal para las unidades educativas del país. Es por eso que se hace necesario contribuir con la formación de profesionales de la educación, para que éstos reconstruyan los conocimientos sobre los indígenas, ante la equivocada formación en la trayectoria educativa. Esta es una investigación de abordaje cualitativo, con un enfoque multirreferencial que tiene como naturaleza una investigación aplicada en que se presentan elementos etnográficos. Se realizó una colecta de datos, levantamiento bibliográfico, investigación documental en el Archivo Público del Estado, observaciones en diferentes espacios, entrevistas, registros fotográficos, aplicación de cuestionarios y fundamentados conceptos aliados a los resultados de todo el material investigado. Los capítulos se desarrollan ante la necesidad de deconstruir las del indígena del pasado que ya no existe, exóticos, amantes de la naturaleza, viviendo desnudos cazando y pescando, que originalmente quedaron en el Amazona, pues la tesis objetiva auxiliar en la actuación de profesionales de la educación (no indígenas), considerando las luchas históricas realizadas por las etnias de Bahía para existir y resistir. De esta manera, dar destaque a elementos para el currículo, posibilitando prácticas que contribuyan a la formación social y política de los estudiantes. Es con la intención de contribuir a lo que preconiza la Ley 11.645 / 2008, que la trayectoria de investigación posibilitó realizar algunas consideraciones: la necesidad de reconocer indígenas de otros países, así como los de Brasil y el Estado de Bahía, observando lo que hoy se enseña y la ampliación de estas temáticas a partir del rigor en el estudio sobre indígenas del pasado y del presente; La institución de proyectos políticos pedagógicos que consideren la temática indígena; la necesaria diseminación de los conocimientos ya investigados y el fomento a las investigaciones aún inexistentes; la implementación de política de formación de profesores que tenga como principio la discusión de las prácticas pedagógicas en la propia unidad escolar y el necesario enfrentamiento al racismo dentro y fuera de las instituciones. Es decir, evidenciar a los indígenas de la actualidad en sus variadas dimensiones del vivir, con sus luchas actuales, considerándolas como espacios multirreferenciales de aprendizaje, sin perder de vista la revisión del indígena del pasado.

Angle-Mort de la construction nationale péruvienne, le Haut Marañón est habité par les populations indigènes awajún et wampís, et décrété terre de mission chrétienne au milieu du XXème siècle. Ce territoire amazonien, situé au nord-Est du pays sur une zone frontalière disputée avec l’Équateur depuis les débuts de l’ère républicaine, fait l’objet d’un projet d'intégration à la sphère étatique et nationale. Colonisation interne par des populations paysannes métisses, exploration du sous-Sol préalable à l’élaboration de plans d'extraction minière, pénétration des pratiques narcotrafiquantes, institutionnalisation des œuvres scolaire et médicale: de confin relégué à un statut d’invisibilité, le Haut Marañón devient alors un front de progression de la "société englobante”, nationale puis internationale. Cette recherche retrace l'histoire de la "rencontre" entre deux sphères culturelles, indigène et englobante, dont le Haut Marañón est le théâtre, de l’arrivée des jésuites en 1946 à 2009, date du Baguazo, un conflit sanglant survenu dans la ville de Bagua entre indigènes et forces de police. La thèse montre que loin de se limiter à une simple absorption du marginal par le national, cette rencontre a suscité l'intérêt d'une société civile encore en gestation, et précipité une remise en question partielle du paradigme historique de construction nationale, jusqu'alors sous-Tendu par des logiques socio-Raciales discriminantes et inégalitaires. / As an overlooked piece of Peru’s nation building process, the High Marañón region was mainly populated by indigenous, Awajún and Wampís populations until it was designated a Christian mission land in the middle of the XXth century. This Amazonian territory, located on the northeastern part of the country on the border with Ecuador, has been in diplomatic dispute since the early republican era. As a result, it became the focus of projects whose aim was to integrate the High Marañón into the nation and whose outcome was a number of new phenomena such as a process of “internal colonization” by peasants of mixed race, a series of subsoil explorations for mining extraction, and the institutionalization of activities related to education and health. From a forlorn land made invisible by the limitations of peruvian state apparatus, the High Marañón region became a battleground in the progression of global dynamics. This research aims to narrate the history of the “encounter” of two cultural areas, the indigenous one and the global one, from the arrival of the Jesuit mission in 1946 to the Baguazo event, so-Named after a bloody conflict between indigenous activists and police forces in the city of Bagua which took place in 2009. This research demonstrates that far from limiting itself to a mere absorption of a margin by a nation, this encounter has aroused the interest of Peruvian civil society, and partially called into question the historical nation-Building paradigm, in which socio-Racially biased logics have thusfar prevailed.

En 1944, le Conseil national de la Résistance décide de reconstruire un Etat social dans la continuité du Front populaire, avant que le second conflit ne l’interrompe. Les syndicats ouvriers réunifiés dans la CGT (sauf la CFTC) décident de soutenir ce programme. Les syndicats de fonctionnaires de Seine-Maritime s’organisent pour participer à cette reconstruction qu’ils attendaient. Quels sont leurs revendications ? Sur quoi s’appuient-ils pour les mettre en avant ? Quels sont les valeurs qu’ils défendent ? Attendent-ils tout de l’Etat social ? Quelle est leur conception de cet Etat social ? Enfin, quels moyens utilisent-ils pour le défendre et le faire progresser ? Obtenant la reconnaissance de leur liberté syndicale qui comprend le droit de grève, ils acceptent un statut qui se révèle fort protecteur vis-à-vis de l’administration et de sa hiérarchie. Ils obtiennent aussi la gestion de la Sécurité sociale par leurs mutuelles qui les entraînent, en Seine-Maritime, à construire une mutualité départementale unifiée et puissante. Toutefois, la division du monde en deux blocs, un libéral et un communiste, traverse ces syndicats et aboutit à la scission de 1947. Cela n’empêche pas la participation aux grèves de 1953 qui leur permet de sauver leur retraite. S’ils soutiennent le général de Gaulle (1890-1970) dans sa politique de décolonisation et contre les généraux factieux, ils l’affrontent sur sa politique institutionnelle, économique et sociale. La grève de 1968 en est l’aboutissement, par-delà les remises en cause. Mais pour rétablir l’Etat social qu’ils souhaitent, il leur faut soutenir les campagnes électorales de 1974 et 1981 du candidat de la gauche, François Mitterrand (1916-1996), qui l’emporte en 1981, en dépit de leurs divergences et grâce à la volonté unitaire de leurs militants. / In 1944, the National Council of Resistance decides to rebuild a welfare state, in continuation of the Popular Front, that the second World War stops it. The trade unions reunified, in CGT (except CFTC) decide to sustain this program. The trade unions of civil servants from Seine-Maritime organize themselves to take part in this rebuild that they waited for it. What are their demands ? On What do they lean themselves to put them before ? What are their values for which they fight? Do they wait all from the state ? What is their idea of this welfare state ? At least, what means do they use to fight for it and bring it to progress ? Getting the recognition of their freedom union laws, which includes right striking, they agree civil servant status which turn out very protective against their adminstration and its hierarchy. They get too the management of Health Security by their mutual insurances which lead them, in Seine-Maritme, to build a powerful departemental mutual insurance. However, the division of world in two blocks, one liberal and one communist, goes through these trade unions and leads to the break away of 1947 That does not prevent the participation to strikes of 1953 wich they are be able to save their retirement. If they sustain general De Gaulle in his decolonization policy and ag ainst seditious generals, they clash him on his institutional, économic and social policy. The strike of 1968 is the culmination of it, throuhgout adjournements. But in order to restore the welfare state that they hope, they must sustain lefts’ candidate, François Mitterrand, in their electoral compaigns of 1974 and 1981, who wins in this last year, in spite of their differences and thanks to the Will of unity of their activists.

No description available.

[pt] O recente processo de paz na Colômbia (2012-2016) figura entre um dos principais acontecimentos contemporâneos nas agendas de paz e segurança na América Latina. Em linhas gerais, as negociações e o Acordo Final delas resultante foram considerados uma história de sucesso na narrativa internacional. De um lado, resultaram no término do conflito civil de mais de cinco décadas entre o Estado colombiano e as FARC-EP. De outro, fizeram isso de acordo com as melhores práticas internacionais em resolução de conflitos e construção da paz, principalmente em termos de adereçamento das raízes estruturais do conflito e de inclusão de atores da sociedade civil local. Nosso objetivo, nessa dissertação, é colocar em xeque essa narrativa de idoneidade e sucesso em torno do processo de paz na Colômbia. Fazemos isso partindo de um ponto de referência distinto do geralmente utilizado nas abordagens acadêmicas a esse conflito, priorizando sujeitos negligenciados por essas abordagens. Nos perguntamos, então: de que maneira as lutas indígenas em torno do processo de paz na Colômbia contribuem para pensar criticamente esse processo de paz? Em nossa argumentação, um primeiro elemento ressaltado pelas lutas indígenas em torno do processo de paz colombiano é que a paz é um conceito inerentemente político, em disputa por diversos atores sociais e suas agendas. Daí, avançamos uma conceitualização da paz como peça no tabuleiro político da Colômbia, demonstrando como foi mobilizada por importantes atores da cena política do país. Um segundo elemento que, em nossa avaliação, fica evidente a partir das lutas indígenas em torno do processo de paz na Colômbia é o que aqui chamamos de Colonialidade da Paz. Trata-se da reprodução, no processo de paz, das relações de poder e hierarquias sociais da matriz colonial de poder estabelecida no sistema-mundo moderno/colonial, notadamente a partir das dimensões da colonialidade do poder, do saber e do ser. A partir dessa percepção, propomos três estratégias analíticas – o resgate do legado colonial, o desvelamento de lógicas coloniais e a abertura de espaço para as vozes, manifestações e lutas subalternas – para pensar na colonialidade da paz na Colômbia. Ao utilizá-las para abordas as lutas indígenas em torno do processo de paz, notamos narrativas de complexificação de discursos sobre a violência; limitações nos modelos de participação no processo de paz e mobilizações sociais para contrarrestar essas limitações. Notamos, então, elementos que pensamos ser providenciais para desvelar a colonialidade presente no processo de paz na Colômbia, e apontar para possíveis horizontes decoloniais em torno da paz. / [en] The recent peace process in Colombia (2012-2016) is an important event in contemporary peace and security agendas in Latin America. The negotiations and the Acuerdo de Paz in the country were celebrated in the international narrative as a success story. On the one hand, it has ended more than five decades of conflict between the Colombian state and the FARC-EP. On the other hand, they were able to do it with detailed guidelines and with a large share of the Colombian civilian population. Our objective, in this work, is to test this optimistic narrative around the peace process in Colombia. We asked how do the profits of indigenous organizations face the peace process that contributed to (re) thinking critically about this phenomenon? So, we argue, from reflections on indigenous profits, that peace is a concept in political dispute over its scope and definition. We also argue that the peace processes - notably Colombia - often reproduce speeches and practices of power and racial hierarchy proper to the coloniality of power, to know and to be. Faced with this, we have outlined three analytical strategies - the rescue of colonial historical legacies; the unveiling of colonial logics and the opening of spaces for you and subordinate agencies - which, we think, help us to understand the coloniality of peace and indigenous profits around the recent peace process in Colombia. / [es] El reciente proceso de paz en Colombia (2012-2016) es un acontecimiento importante en las agendas contemporáneas de paz y seguridad en América Latina. Las negociaciones y el Acuerdo de Paz en el país fueran celebrados en la narrativa internacional como un caso de suceso. De un lado, punieron fin a más de cinco décadas de conflicto entre el Estado colombiano y las FARC-EP. De otro, lograron hacerlo con pautas osadas y con grande participación de la población civil colombiana. Nuestro objetivo, en ese trabajo, es cuestionar esa narrativa optimista entorno del proceso de paz en Colombia. Indagamos de qué manera las luchas de organizaciones indígenas frente al proceso de paz contribuyen para (re) pensar críticamente en ese fenómeno? Así, argumentamos, a partir de reflexiones acerca de las luchas indígenas, que la paz es un concepto en disputa política acerca de su alcance y definición. Argumentamos, también, que los procesos de paz – notablemente el de Colombia – muchas veces reproducen discursos y prácticas de poder y jerarquización racial propias de la colonialidad del poder, der saber e del ser. Frente a eso, delineamos tres estrategias analíticas – el rescate de los legados históricos coloniales; el desvelamiento de lógicas coloniales y la apertura de espacios para las voces y agencias subalternas – que, pensamos, nos ayudan a comprender la colonialidad de la paz y las luchas indígenas en torno del reciente proceso de paz en Colombia.

The purpose of this study was to examine the perceptions of working women when they announce their pregnancies, take maternity leave, transition back to work, and utilize flexible work policies. Using a qualitative methodology, transcripts of in-depth interviews were analyzed utilizing a life history approach. Key findings of the study are that women perceive more negative responses to the announcement of their pregnancies than positive ones. In terms of maternity and parental leave policies, all the participants had access to these benefits. Women found issues with financial adequacy, administration, and duration of these policies. Mothers found that financial support from the Canadian government was inadequate to allow them to take the full duration of the 52-week maternity and parental leave for which they were eligible. In addition, employer “top-up” payments were limited and administrative details of maternity leave were often not discussed fully with pregnant workers. When women returned to work, they found that workplaces did not offer resources such as a phased-in return to work or personnel to help them re-engage with their prior work projects. Women discussed the challenges of managing their dual roles of worker and mother and found that managers and coworkers put them in a mommy mould which lessened the quality of their assignments. New mothers found that they had difficultly juggling their work and home responsibilities, finding time for themselves, and receiving increased domestic support from their spouses. While some workplaces offered women flexible workplace policies, not all mothers chose to access them as they found these policies often negatively impacted their career progression. Other issues were a lack of flexible workplace policy transparency, inconsistent manager support, and difficulty maintaining a flexible schedule. Findings have major implications for an improved response from managers upon pregnancy announcement, improved dialogue among employers about increasing “top up” maternity leave pay to new mothers, developing a formal transition plan for new mothers returning to the workplace, and expanding the use of flexible workplace policies.

The purpose of this study was to examine the perceptions of working women when they announce their pregnancies, take maternity leave, transition back to work, and utilize flexible work policies. Using a qualitative methodology, transcripts of in-depth interviews were analyzed utilizing a life history approach. Key findings of the study are that women perceive more negative responses to the announcement of their pregnancies than positive ones. In terms of maternity and parental leave policies, all the participants had access to these benefits. Women found issues with financial adequacy, administration, and duration of these policies. Mothers found that financial support from the Canadian government was inadequate to allow them to take the full duration of the 52-week maternity and parental leave for which they were eligible. In addition, employer “top-up” payments were limited and administrative details of maternity leave were often not discussed fully with pregnant workers. When women returned to work, they found that workplaces did not offer resources such as a phased-in return to work or personnel to help them re-engage with their prior work projects. Women discussed the challenges of managing their dual roles of worker and mother and found that managers and coworkers put them in a mommy mould which lessened the quality of their assignments. New mothers found that they had difficultly juggling their work and home responsibilities, finding time for themselves, and receiving increased domestic support from their spouses. While some workplaces offered women flexible workplace policies, not all mothers chose to access them as they found these policies often negatively impacted their career progression. Other issues were a lack of flexible workplace policy transparency, inconsistent manager support, and difficulty maintaining a flexible schedule. Findings have major implications for an improved response from managers upon pregnancy announcement, improved dialogue among employers about increasing “top up” maternity leave pay to new mothers, developing a formal transition plan for new mothers returning to the workplace, and expanding the use of flexible workplace policies.

This disseration addresses a historical-education analysis of events that contributed to the deterioration of a culture of learning from 1652-1998 among Black South Africans. Black education was purported to be inferior and unjust. The previous government spent less on Black education and applied stringent measures to solve problems besetting Black education. Dissatisfaction among Blacks led to rioting that unsettled the culture of learning, especially during 1970-1990. It was only during the 1990's that the Nationalist government under F.W. de Klerk, acknowledged the legitimacy of the demands by Blacks for an equitable and just education. After Nelson Mandela had been elected as the first Black president of South Africa, a single education system was formed. Control and administration of education was assigned to the nine newly established provinces. The provinces adopted the motto : Re a soma - We are working in our schools, for the development of a culture of learning, especially in Black communities. / Educational Studies / M.Ed.(History of Education)