This dissertation investigates the internal struggles within the labour movement in Dalarna at the beginning of the twentieth century. I investigate Social Democracy, Anarcho-Syndicalism and Communism, the three major factions of the working class. I study the relationship between these organisations and their supporters in the complex socio-economic area of Dalarna. I have based my study on the three party programs and their answer to two central questions of the time: Will the conflicts of society lead to revolution? and How should politics and production be organised in the non capitalist society to come? Generally, anarcho-syndicalists argue that state power must be transformed to local government, social democrats hope to make different social interests compromise into political consensus. Communists want a proletarian state through social revolution. How were those ideologies received in Dalarna? In the beginning, anarchists fought social democrats: The opposition excluded from social democracy 1917 was also more influenced by anarchism than by communism. The opposition founded a party, witch towards the 1920´s turned from anarchism into communism, and the small farmers, that erlier had been attracted by the anarchist influenced rural propaganda, left and more industrial workers joined. Simultaneously, anarchists reorganised from a political party to a syndicalistic trade union, gradually mowing from the industrialised south to northern Dalarna. Communists, mainly left in the industrialised south, were shaken by two splits in the 1920´s and they lost their ability to compete with the social democrats in democratic elections. In Dalarna, social democrats, confronting anti-parliamentary anarchy and totalitarian communism alike, won the contest within the labour movement: At the end of the period, they dominated the area.

La jeune génération de salariés est souvent accusée d’être moins militante, moins solidaire que les générations précédentes. L’objectif général de cette recherche est de démystifier les préjugés entourant l’engagement militant chez les jeunes syndiqués québécois d’aujourd’hui. Pour ce faire, divers concepts sont présentés, comme celui de jeunesse, de génération et d’engagement militant. Une synthèse de l’évolution historique de l’engagement militant ainsi que la situation particulière de la jeunesse contemporaine dans l’action syndicale permettent de dresser un portrait général. Notre cadre théorique repose sur les concepts d’individualisme et de conflit. L’approche qualitative et l’entrevue semi-dirigée ont été privilégiées. Le résultat de notre enquête menée auprès de dix-sept facteurs et factrices du Syndicat des travailleurs et travailleuses des postes nous révèle que l’engagement militant des jeunes est à la fois le reflet d’une distanciation et une manière différente de concevoir l’engagement militant. Les jeunes syndiqués ne sont pas plus individualistes que les autres générations, mais ils connaissent peu le syndicalisme. D’une part, les jeunes adoptent une position de recul afin de mieux s’approprier la chose syndicale. Il est possible d’affirmer que l’engagement militant n’est pas un phénomène statique, il évolue en acquérant l’expérience. D’autre part, faiblement socialisés au syndicalisme et fortement socialisés au droit, au dialogue et au respect, les jeunes syndiqués appréhendent les conduites violentes et les discours martiaux. Ces derniers ont une vision modérée sans être pour autant passive, car ils valorisent l’action collective et ont plus de facilités à déposer des griefs. / Younger generation workers are often accused of being less engaged and less united in militant activities than the previous generations. The general aim of this research is to demystify the prejudices surrounding the commitment towards union activities of today’s young Quebecois. To do it, diverse concepts are presented as that of youth, generation and militant commitment. An assessment on the historic evolution of the militating commitment as well as the particular situation of the contemporary youth in the industrial action allow to draw up a general portrait. Our theoretical frame rests on concepts of individualism and conflict. The qualitative approach and the semi-directed interview were retained. The result of our survey led with seventeen mailmen and mailwomen of the Canadian Union of Postal Workers (Montreal section) reveals that the militant commitment of the young people is at the same time the reflection of an alienation and a different way of conceiving militant commitment. The young people are not more individualistic than members of the other generations but they know little about the trade unionism. On one hand, the young union members take a step backwards to better appropriate the labor-union matter. It is possible to maintain that the militant commitment is not a static phenomenon, it evolves in contact of experience. On other hand, weakly socialized in the trade unionism and strongly socialized to law matters, to dialogue and to respect, they dread the violent driving and the warlike speeches. The later have softened vision without therefore passive, because they promote collective action and have more opportunities to deposit grievances.

La Seconde Guerre mondiale a profondément perturbé les sociétés européennes. À son issue, le champ est laissé libre à des dynamiques de recomposition passant par des rapprochements ou, au contraire, par des clivages puissants. Les populations françaises et allemandes ont été affectées au premier chef par ces évolutions. Or, comme les organisations syndicales de travailleurs constituent les principales organisations de masses, elles offrent un angle d’approche particulièrement intéressant pour appréhender le dialogue développé dans un contexte marqué par la partition de l’Allemagne, par la Guerre Froide, et par la construction européenne dont l’interpénétration des économies est un des principaux aspects. Cette thèse considère, à la croisée de la question de la réconciliation et de celle d’une coopération à venir, la mise en place des échanges syndicaux entre la France et les deux Allemagnes, examine la pratique des échanges et éclaire les phénomènes de convergence et de crispation. / The Second World War profoundly disrupted European societies. When the war came to an end, a dynamic of recomposition, based either on reconciliation or on sharp divisions, took hold of the continent. The French and German populations were the first to bear the brunt of these evolutions. Because of their numerous adherents, trade unions constituted the most important mass organizations of their time, and consequently offer a particularly interesting perspective on the Franco-German dialogue, especially against the backdrop of the division of Germany into two states, the Cold War, and the construction of Europe, of which economic interpenetration was a main aspect. This thesis considers, at the crossroads of a process of reconciliation and of future cooperation, the establishment and structuring of trade unions exchanges between France and Germany, examines exchange practices, and highlights adjoining convergence and tension phenomena.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-07-23T12:49:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Celso Bastos Navarro de Andrade.pdf: 1619486 bytes, checksum: 8b583b6ecc6fefca77014182b9d81299 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-23T12:49:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Celso Bastos Navarro de Andrade.pdf: 1619486 bytes, checksum: 8b583b6ecc6fefca77014182b9d81299 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-05-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation presents the results of a research about the historical trajectory of the Trade Union Studies Center (TUSC), educational institution that provides assistance aimed at strengthening the Trade Union syndicalism classist and timeframe of your foundation year, 1985, by the end of 1989. The research sought to understand, first, the process of constitution of the TUSC in the period of political opening, thinking about the meaning of the trade union development to which proposed to do courses, activities, curriculum, reflecting on what were the major collective experiences lived by Brazilian laborers and that are in the core of formation process of the center. What they understood by Union upbringing at that time? What were the steps taken for the drafting of the courses offered, the definition of the contents and curriculum? As hypothesis, confirmed by the end, we thought about the possibility of TUSC suit it’s curriculum over the years, first, approaching the main issues of that time, as a way of basing the process of upbringing of workers to concrete experiences of the working class, in that specific period of history. Later, as a way of organizing own trade union structure that were remodeling, changing their axes. Stands for "curriculum" operation of constitution of knowledge within the socio-historical processes presented in the understanding of the working class formation. As sources, were use documents gathered from TUSC archives, as minutes, reports, teaching programs, assessments, activity plans and interviews with directors. The analysis focused on the production of knowledge in the magazine Trade Union Debate, the main instrument of communication of the entity to identify whether the editorial line presented in the magazine stated that the same intentions that the educational activities / Essa dissertação apresenta os resultados de uma pesquisa que narra a trajetória histórica do Centro de Estudos Sindicais, CES, instituição de educação que presta assessoria sindical visando o fortalecimento do sindicalismo classista e tem como recorte temporal o ano de sua fundação, 1985, até o final de 1989. A pesquisa buscou compreender, em primeiro lugar, o processo de constituição do CES no período de abertura política, pensando o significado da formação sindical ao qual se propunha a fazer, seus cursos, suas atividades, seu currículo, pensando quais foram as grandes experiências coletivas vivenciadas pelo conjunto dos trabalhadores brasileiros e que estão no âmago do processo de formação sindical do centro em questão. O que entendiam por formação sindical naquele momento? Quais foram os passos dados para a elaboração da grade de cursos ofertados, a definição dos conteúdos e do currículo? Tomamos como hipótese, ao final confirmada, a possibilidade de o CES adequar seu currículo ao longo dos anos, primeiro, aproximando-o aos temas candentes de época, como forma de basear o processo de formação dos trabalhadores às experiências concretas da classe trabalhadora, naquele período específico da história; depois, como forma de organização da própria estrutura sindical que ora se remodelava, alterando os seus eixos de formação. Compreende-se por “currículo” a operação de constituição de saberes dentro dos processos sócio-históricos apresentados, no entendimento da formação da classe trabalhadora. Foram utilizados como fontes os documentos recolhidos nos arquivos da entidade, como atas, relatórios, programas de ensino, balanços e planejamentos de atividades, entrevistas com dirigentes. Privilegiou-se a análise da produção de saberes na revista Debate Sindical, principal instrumento de comunicação da entidade, para identificar se a linha editorial apresentada na revista consagrava as mesmas intenções que as atividades formativas

Cette thèse concerne la mise en mots et en action de l'idée socialiste en Roumanie, au tournant du 20e siècle. Elle s'ouvre sur la signature du traité de Berlin (1878), qui consacra l'indépendance de l'État-national roumain, et se reforme, la veille de l'entrée de la Roumanie dans la Grande Guerre (1916). La chronologie retenue se situe dans une période d'expérimentation accélérée de la modernité en Roumanie. Elle inclut par ailleurs le temps d'existence de la Seconde Internationale. La participation des socialistes roumains à cette Internationale depuis son Congrès fondateur inscrit le sujet dans une dynamique transnationale de circulations socialistes de part et d'autre de l'Europe avant la Grande Guerre. Les analyses générales de cette recherche se structurent autour d'une question historiographique transversale : les sources ainsi que les ouvrages secondaires disponibles sur le sujet du socialisme en Roumanie ont été irrémédiablement marqués par une griffe idéologique héritée de la période communiste. La mise en pratique d'une méthode d'approche de ces documents constitue l'un des enjeux majeurs. Sur cette question, les travaux amorcés par l'historien d’origine roumaine, Georges Haupt, ont présenté un apport considérable. Cette recherche en est l’héritière. / This thesis is about the articulation and enactment of the socialist idea in Romania, at the turn of the 20th century. It begins with the signing of the treaty of Berlin (1878) that stipulated the independence of the Romanian nation-state. It ends on the eve of Romania entering the First World War (1916). The chosen time frame captures Romania in a period of an accelerated experimentation of modernity and the formation of the Second International. Romanian socialist's participated al this International since its founding congress. The period covered in this thesis is marked with the transnational dynamic of socialists circulating around Europe prior to the Great War. The overarching analysis of this research is based on a transversal historiographical interrogation. Primary and secondary sources that deal with socialisms in Romania are irredeemably marked by an ideological scar inherited from the communist period. How to work with these documents constitutes one of the major issues at stake in this thesis. Georges Haupt, a historian of Romanian origin, began tackling this question and made a considerable contribution to the research that this thesis picks up on.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente estudo objetiva identificar e analisar as condições políticas e as motivações que resultaram na finalização das atividades do Sindicato dos Assistentes Sociais do Rio de Janeiro em 1990, tendo em vista os elementos estruturais, conjunturais e políticos envolvidos na trajetória sindical em geral e particularmente àqueles presentes na trajetória dos assistentes sociais. A investigação partiu da hipótese de que sobre o processo que resultou no fechamento do sindicato incidiram determinações que não poderiam ser explicadas apenas como o esgotamento de um movimento que teve ao longo dos anos 1980 ações de destaque na organização e aproximação da categoria com as lutas dos demais movimentos sociais em curso no país e particularmente no Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Os dados analisados foram coletados por meio de entrevistas, análise dos registros e documentos institucionais arquivados no Sindicato dos Assistentes Sociais do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (SASERJ), arquivos pessoais, acervo do Centro Brasileiro Cooperação Serviços Sociais (CBCISS), acervo do Conselho Regional de Serviço Social do Rio de Janeiro (CRESS), teses, dissertações, trabalhos de conclusão de curso e anais dos congressos da categoria. A reflexão sobre os dados foi referenciada por considerável bibliografia acerca da organização sindical brasileira e das transformações do Estado brasileiro no período abordado. / The present study aims at to identify and to analyze the political conditions and the motivations that resulted in the finalization of the activities of the Syndicate of the Social Workers of Rio de Janeiro in 1990, tends in view the elements structural, of the situation and politicians involved in the syndical path in general and particularly to those presents in the social workers path. The investigation began of the hypothesis that on the process that resulted in the closing of the union happened determinations that could not just be explained as the exhaustion of a movement that had along the years 1980 prominence actions in the organization and approach of the category with the fights of other social movements in course in the country and particularly in the State of Rio de Janeiro. The analyzed data were collected through interviews, analysis of the registrations and institutional documents filed in the Syndicate of the Social Works of the State of Rio de Janeiro (SASERJ), personal files, collection of Regional Council OF Social Service of Rio de Janeiro (CRESS), theories, dissertations, works of conclusions course and annals of the Congresses of the category. The reflection on data was established on for considerable bibliography concerning the Brazilian State in the approached period.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:19:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2008 - Ana Maria Motta Ribeiro.pdf: 1483676 bytes, checksum: f690f9b834362b5dbb0eb9c9597a9fbd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-02-29 / This paper tries to analyze, in a critical way, the syndicalism in the Polo Sindical do Subm?dio S?o Francisco, inserted in a region identified by the Press as the Hemp Polygon. It intends to understand, from the field work, the insertion of the subject of the hemp plantation (criminalized) in the agenda of the Polo Sindical do Subm?dio S?o Francisco. The study intends to understand this phenomenon through a historical retrospection and an analysis about the region understood as a social-political production of territorialities. Also, it develops an attempt of explanation of the crossing between illegal agriculture and the dynamic of syndical struggle for the recovery of the version which the entity produces and legitimates as its biography in order to understand how and by whom the justification of that crossing is built. In this process of sociological undoing of the Hemp Polygon, it is shown how, when and through which means the subject of the illegal cultivation enters the agenda of the entity. / Esta TESE tenta analisar de modo cr?tico o sindicalismo do P?lo Sindical do Subm?dio S?o Francisco inserido numa regi?o identificada pela M?dia como o Pol?gono da Maconha . Pretende compreender, a partir de pesquisa de campo, a entrada do tema do plantio de maconha (criminalizado) na agenda do P?lo Sindical do Subm?dio S?o Francisco. O estudo pretende entender esse fen?meno atrav?s de uma retrospectiva hist?rica e de uma an?lise sobre a regi?o entendida como uma produ??o s?cio pol?tica de territorialidades. Tamb?m desenvolve uma tentativa de explica??o do cruzamento entre agricultura il?cita e a din?mica da luta sindical, pela recupera??o da vers?o que a entidade produz e legitima como sua biografia para entender como ? elaborada e por quem, a justificativa desse cruzamento. Neste processo de desconstru??o sociol?gica do Pol?gono da Maconha, se destaca como, quando e atrav?s de que media??es o tema do cultivo il?cito entra na agenda da entidade.

La jeune génération de salariés est souvent accusée d’être moins militante, moins solidaire que les générations précédentes. L’objectif général de cette recherche est de démystifier les préjugés entourant l’engagement militant chez les jeunes syndiqués québécois d’aujourd’hui. Pour ce faire, divers concepts sont présentés, comme celui de jeunesse, de génération et d’engagement militant. Une synthèse de l’évolution historique de l’engagement militant ainsi que la situation particulière de la jeunesse contemporaine dans l’action syndicale permettent de dresser un portrait général. Notre cadre théorique repose sur les concepts d’individualisme et de conflit. L’approche qualitative et l’entrevue semi-dirigée ont été privilégiées. Le résultat de notre enquête menée auprès de dix-sept facteurs et factrices du Syndicat des travailleurs et travailleuses des postes nous révèle que l’engagement militant des jeunes est à la fois le reflet d’une distanciation et une manière différente de concevoir l’engagement militant. Les jeunes syndiqués ne sont pas plus individualistes que les autres générations, mais ils connaissent peu le syndicalisme. D’une part, les jeunes adoptent une position de recul afin de mieux s’approprier la chose syndicale. Il est possible d’affirmer que l’engagement militant n’est pas un phénomène statique, il évolue en acquérant l’expérience. D’autre part, faiblement socialisés au syndicalisme et fortement socialisés au droit, au dialogue et au respect, les jeunes syndiqués appréhendent les conduites violentes et les discours martiaux. Ces derniers ont une vision modérée sans être pour autant passive, car ils valorisent l’action collective et ont plus de facilités à déposer des griefs. / Younger generation workers are often accused of being less engaged and less united in militant activities than the previous generations. The general aim of this research is to demystify the prejudices surrounding the commitment towards union activities of today’s young Quebecois. To do it, diverse concepts are presented as that of youth, generation and militant commitment. An assessment on the historic evolution of the militating commitment as well as the particular situation of the contemporary youth in the industrial action allow to draw up a general portrait. Our theoretical frame rests on concepts of individualism and conflict. The qualitative approach and the semi-directed interview were retained. The result of our survey led with seventeen mailmen and mailwomen of the Canadian Union of Postal Workers (Montreal section) reveals that the militant commitment of the young people is at the same time the reflection of an alienation and a different way of conceiving militant commitment. The young people are not more individualistic than members of the other generations but they know little about the trade unionism. On one hand, the young union members take a step backwards to better appropriate the labor-union matter. It is possible to maintain that the militant commitment is not a static phenomenon, it evolves in contact of experience. On other hand, weakly socialized in the trade unionism and strongly socialized to law matters, to dialogue and to respect, they dread the violent driving and the warlike speeches. The later have softened vision without therefore passive, because they promote collective action and have more opportunities to deposit grievances.

A Escola Moderna n.1 (São Paulo), sob a direção do professor libertário João Penteado, ofereceu uma alternativa de formação para os filhos da classe trabalhadora, inspirando-se na Pedagogia Libertária que, desde os primeiros debates da Internacional dos Trabalhadores até as experiências educacionais de Paul Robin, inseriu a luta de classes no espaço da escola. Assim, promoveu a interface entre educação e revolução social com base nos conceitos de Demopedia e Instrução Integral, desenvolvidos respectivamente por Pierre-Joseph Proudhon e Mikhail Bakunin. O presente estudo pretende desvelar como o espaço da Escola Moderna se converteu em ação revolucionária dos sindicatos operários, colaborando para os objetivos dos anarquistas que elegeram o sindicalismo revolucionário como a tática mais adequada para o estabelecimento da sociedade livre com a qual sonharam. Deste modo, entre os anos de 1912 a 1919, quando foi sumariamente fechada pelo Departamento de Instrução Pública do Estado, a Escola Moderna promoveu a ação direta e o mutualismo entre seus estudantes, tanto para que contribuíssem com o futuro da classe trabalhadora, de acordo com suas necessidades e conforme suas condições, como também para que os organismos de classe ultrapassassem as lutas mais imediatas.

A Escola Moderna n.1 (São Paulo), sob a direção do professor libertário João Penteado, ofereceu uma alternativa de formação para os filhos da classe trabalhadora, inspirando-se na Pedagogia Libertária que, desde os primeiros debates da Internacional dos Trabalhadores até as experiências educacionais de Paul Robin, inseriu a luta de classes no espaço da escola. Assim, promoveu a interface entre educação e revolução social com base nos conceitos de Demopedia e Instrução Integral, desenvolvidos respectivamente por Pierre-Joseph Proudhon e Mikhail Bakunin. O presente estudo pretende desvelar como o espaço da Escola Moderna se converteu em ação revolucionária dos sindicatos operários, colaborando para os objetivos dos anarquistas que elegeram o sindicalismo revolucionário como a tática mais adequada para o estabelecimento da sociedade livre com a qual sonharam. Deste modo, entre os anos de 1912 a 1919, quando foi sumariamente fechada pelo Departamento de Instrução Pública do Estado, a Escola Moderna promoveu a ação direta e o mutualismo entre seus estudantes, tanto para que contribuíssem com o futuro da classe trabalhadora, de acordo com suas necessidades e conforme suas condições, como também para que os organismos de classe ultrapassassem as lutas mais imediatas.