在非營利組織之中，由於經理人與組織之利益不一致，因此在甄選新人的過程中可能產生代理人問題，負責甄選的主管可能因任用的標準及心目中的動機而影響聘審的結果。本研究即探討若非營利組織的聘審主管在心目中對應徵新人存有偏見或者考慮應徵新人未來對自身升遷的影響，並考慮應徵新人可採取遊說聘審主管活動下，討論聘審賽局均衡結果的情況。 / In the nonprofit organization, because benefit between the manager and the organization is different, there would be the agent problem in the process of selecting new employees. The manager being responsible for employment may consider his criterion and motive to change the selecting conclusion. In our study, we discuss if the manager has prejudice against applicant or he consider if the new employee will affect his promotion in the future. Moreover, we assume the applicant can lobby the manager. How will it affect the selection conclusion? We will construct a lobbying game theory model to do research and we hope could recommend the improving directions for the employ system in the nonprofit organization.

在這多元化社會，資訊及科技的高度發展除了帶給全民便利以及更充足完整的資訊外，卻也帶來了侵權與犯罪。本文根據王智賢與楊敦雅 (2008) 一文做進一步的延伸，採用 Grossman and Helpman (1994) 的菜單式拍賣模型，探討當智慧財產權等無形資產為外國正版商所擁有時，外國正版廠商、國內仿冒商，以及國內部份消費者所組成的團體，三者的利益分配相互衝突時，本國政府將如何制定國內的仿冒查緝率。此外，我們將模型設定了外生變數查緝率下限以盼能更貼近現實社會，透過本研究我們可以發現在增加查緝率下限後，雙方共同遊說之下均衡查緝率可能由原先的零大幅提高至仿冒商品剛好可以生存的門檻，並且在均衡時只會有一方願意提供給本國政府政治獻金。 / In this multiple society, although highly developing information and technology not only make all the people more convenient but also earn more sufficient information, it has brought the tort and crime as well. In this essay, we extend the essay written by Jue-Shyan Wang & Tun-Ya Yang (2008) and adapt a simple framework based on the Menu-auction Model of Grossman and Helpman (1994). Discussing about how a domestic government decides optimal enforcement rate of counterfeit when intellectual property is held by a foreign company and foreign company、domestic consumers and domestic illegally copied company had a conflict between their benefit distribution. Furthermore, we are going to add a lower bound of enforcement rate as an external variable to close reality. After this study, we found that under the lobby of both foreign company and domestic consumers, the equilibrium of enforcement rate may change from zero to the entry barrier; what’s more, only one of the sides will be willing to pay political contributions to domestic government under equilibrium.

Esta dissertação analisa a ação política dos grupos de interesse ao longo do processo de regulação da propaganda de alimentos desencadeado pela Agência Nacional de Vigilância Sanitária (Anvisa) em 2005. Ao descrever as estratégias e articulações políticas dos grupos de interesse público e dos grupos de interesse empresariais, atenção especial foi dada ao lobby do empresariado, de modo a aferir se sua ação foi bem-sucedida no sentido de minimizar ou anular a polêmica e conflituosa regulação proposta por aquela agência, cujos efeitos incidiam diretamente sobre as atividades do setor privado. O estudo compreendeu um acompanhamento detalhado de cada etapa do processo decisório, buscando observar quais arenas políticas são acionadas por esses grupos para a consecução de seus objetivos. Para a condução desta pesquisa, amparamo-nos no exame exaustivo de documentos relacionados à regulação proposta, oriundos dos três Poderes bem como dos grupos de interesse, e em entrevistas aprofundadas com os principais atores políticos envolvidos com a temática. A análise evidenciou que os grupos de interesse da sociedade civil e do empresariado possuem diferentes estratégias de ação, as quais refletem seus distintos recursos e acesso desigual aos principais canais de poder político. Da mesma forma, pudemos observar que, a despeito do poder econômico incontrastável dos dois setores afetados, indústria de alimento e de publicidade, sua ação política não foi capaz de impedir a Anvisa de prosseguir com o regulamento proposto, o que nos sugere importante autonomia política da agência. Não obstante, encontramos evidências de que a pressão do empresariado foi capaz de mitigar em grande medida a regulação da Anvisa, pois a norma foi alterada consideravelmente entre a consulta pública de 2006 e sua promulgação em 2010. Além disso, alterações organizacionais e no comando da Anvisa em 2012, alinhadas aos interesses dos grupos empresariais, dão conta de mudanças mais profundas na agência, as quais parecem ter redefinido as próprias bases do relacionamento com o empresariado. Sob essa ótica, o lobby do empresariado, embora não totalmente bem-sucedido na regulação aqui estudada, teria sido eficaz na reestruturação das relações com a Anvisa de agora em diante. / This dissertation analyzes the political action of interest groups throughout the process of food propaganda regulation triggered by the National Health Surveillance Agency (Anvisa) in 2005. By describing the strategies and political articulations of the public interest groups and the business interest groups, special attention has been given to the business lobbying, in order to assess whether its action has been successful in minimizing or overturning the controversial and conflicting regulation proposed by the agency, which effects would affect directly private sector activities. The study enclosed a detailed follow-up of each stage of the decision-making process, seeking to observe which political arenas are activated by these groups in order to accomplish its goals. For the conduction of this research, we have done a comprehensive examination of the documents related to the proposed regulation, which were produced by the three branches of government and the interest groups, and in-depth interviews with the main political players involved in this issue. The analysis made clear that civil society and business groups have different action strategies, which reflect their distinct resources and unequal access to the main political power channels. Likewise, we were able to observe that, despite the irresistible economic power of the two affected sectors, food and advertising industry, its political action was not able to prevent Anvisa from carrying on the proposed regulation, which shows us the important political autonomy of the agency. Nevertheless, we found evidences that the pressure exerted by business groups was able to mitigate, to a large extent, Anvisas regulation, as the rule was considerably altered from the public comment period in 2006 until its promulgation in 2010. Besides, alterations in the structure and in the command of Anvisa in 2012, which are aligned with business interests, indicate deeper changes in the agency, which seem to have redefined the very bases of the relationship with businessmen. Under this point of view, business lobbying, although not entirely successful in the regulation herein studied, would have been effective in restructuring the relations with Anvisa from now on.

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-06-09T19:49:14Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Cristina Werle Reguly.pdf: 2250088 bytes, checksum: 7ce555929140da16d2e4da02acf720f7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-09T19:49:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Cristina Werle Reguly.pdf: 2250088 bytes, checksum: 7ce555929140da16d2e4da02acf720f7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-25 / Nenhuma / A participação das empresas na elaboração de regulamentos de produtos é uma prática existente há mais de 30 anos na Europa e nos Estados Unidos. Porém, a interação entre governo e indústria na América do Sul possui singularidades quando comparado ao dos Estados Unidos e ao da União Europeia decorrentes, principalmente das divergências sociopolíticas culturais e econômicas. O foco central desta dissertação é a apresentação de uma forma de organizar a defesa dos interesses das empresas de um setor da indústria quando da elaboração do conteúdo de regulamentos de produtos emitidos pelos países da América do Sul. Para atingir o objetivo iniciou-se pela análise dos fatores determinantes no processo de defesa de interesses de empresas sobre os regulamentos de produtos publicados pelos governos e órgãos reguladores na União Europeia e Estados Unidos. Posteriormente foram avaliadas a presença e a aplicabilidade destes no cenário sul-americano, mostrando que apesar da presença dos fatores a aplicabilidade requer adaptações. O uso do design research como método de pesquisa proporcionou, devido à sua abordagem prescritiva, uma interação entre teoria e pragmatismo. A validação qualitativa do proposto ocorreu através da avaliação por especialistas no assunto usando a técnica de entrevista semiestruturada em dois momentos distintos. Além disso, observação direta em reuniões e a participação em um grupo de foco sobre o assunto contribuíram para enriquecer o conhecimento acerca do tema. Como resultado é apresentado uma forma de organização e os principais fatores a serem observados nos processos de defesa de interesses de empresas fabricantes nas tratativas com os formuladores de leis e regulamentos dos países da América do Sul. Devido a limitação temporal deste Mestrado, falta o detalhamento da aplicação do proposto. / The participation of companies in the product regulation is a practice that exists for more than 30 years in Europe and United States. However, the interaction between government and industry in South America has singularities compared to the US and the European Union mainly due to socio-political and economic differences. The main focus of this work is the presentation of a framework with factors that guide the companies from a specific industrial sector to exert influence on the content of product regulations issued by the countries of South America. To achieve the goal it was started by the analysis of the determining factors on the business lobby regarding product regulations published by governments and regulators in the European Union and the USA. As next the presence and the applicability of these in the South American scenario were evaluated, showing that despite the presence of the factors the applicability requires adaptations. The use of design research as method provided, due to its prescriptive approach, an interaction between theory and praxis. The qualitative validation was performed through the evaluation by experts in the field using a semi-structured interview technique at two different times of the research. In addition, direct observation at meetings and participation in a workshop helped to highlight and enrich the knowledge on the subject. As a result a framework and the main factors to be observed in the influence process of firms when interacting with the policy makers of the South American countries is presented. This includes the establishment of an interest group. Due to time limitation of this Master program, the application of the propositions is not described.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edilson Montrose de Aguiar Junior.pdf: 1205352 bytes, checksum: 7a4b174f3861e06bff4ab9da85f55d30 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / From the state of the art of researches that say - using the theoretical framework developed by political scientist Nicos Poulantzas -, for the most part, the political hegemony within the power bloc in Brazil has been exercised by the banking and financial fraction. This hegemony, which began in the nineties, is maintained even during the Lula and Dilma governments. From this foundation, we sought to investigate how were appreciated in Congress (fundamentally the Chamber of Deputies, secondly in the Federal Senate) the interests of the banking and financial fraction. The choice of the examined interests was made from editions of the document Agenda of the Financial Sector , prepared by the National Confederation of Financial Institutions. We listed some topics and analyzed more than one hundred and twenty bills introduced during the period of Lula and Dilma governments (2003-2015). We also analyzed the speeches of deputies in which occurred keywords like financial system , bank profits , spread , tax wedge , Bradesco and Itaú . The obtained results show that the contrary projects were more than twice the favorable projects. However, the approval rates of projects (contrary or favorable) were low when presented by the Legislative and high when presented by the Executive. Regarding the speeches, there is a clear predominance of negative reviews about the banking and financial fraction. It was concluded then that, corroborating previous theories, the banking and financial fraction has difficulty to legitimize itself at the Legislative, where other classes and class fractions are present. The Executive gives it greater shelter. However, it is noticeable also that the banking and financial fraction has organized and mobilized itself in recent years to be legitimized at the Legislative too / O estado das artes das pesquisas que se utilizam do referencial teórico elaborado pelo cientista político Nicos Poulantzas, afirmam, em sua maioria, que a hegemonia política no interior do bloco no poder no Brasil tem sido exercida pela fração bancário-financeira. Esta hegemonia, iniciada nos anos noventa, mantém-se mesmo durante os governos Lula e Dilma. A partir deste embasamento buscou-se investigar como foram apreciados no Congresso Nacional (fundamentalmente na Câmara dos Deputados, secundariamente no Senado Federal) os interesses da fração bancário-financeira. A escolha dos interesses examinados se fez a partir das edições do documento Agenda Legislativa do Sistema Financeiro , elaborada pela Confederação Nacional das Instituições Financeiras. Elencamos alguns temas e analisamos mais de cento e vinte projetos de lei apresentados durante o período dos governos Lula e Dilma (2003-2015). Também analisamos os discursos de deputados nos quais constassem algumas palavras-chave como sistema financeiro , lucro dos bancos , spread , cunha fiscal , Bradesco e Itaú . Os resultados a que chegamos demonstram que, os projetos contrários foram mais que o dobro dos favoráveis. Contudo, as taxas de aprovação dos projetos (contrários ou favoráveis) foram baixas quando apresentados pelo Legislativo e altas quando apresentados pelo Executivo. Em relação aos discursos há um claro predomínio de avaliações negativas sobre a fração bancário-financeira. Concluiu-se então que, corroborando teses anteriores, a fração bancário-financeira tem dificuldades para se legitimar no Legislativo, local onde outras classes e frações de classes estão presentes. O Executivo lhe confere maior guarida. Entretanto, se verifica também que a fração bancário-financeira tem se organizado e mobilizado em anos recentes para também se legitimar no Legislativo

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:55:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edilson Montrose de Aguiar Junior.pdf: 1205352 bytes, checksum: 7a4b174f3861e06bff4ab9da85f55d30 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / From the state of the art of researches that say - using the theoretical framework developed by political scientist Nicos Poulantzas -, for the most part, the political hegemony within the power bloc in Brazil has been exercised by the banking and financial fraction. This hegemony, which began in the nineties, is maintained even during the Lula and Dilma governments. From this foundation, we sought to investigate how were appreciated in Congress (fundamentally the Chamber of Deputies, secondly in the Federal Senate) the interests of the banking and financial fraction. The choice of the examined interests was made from editions of the document Agenda of the Financial Sector , prepared by the National Confederation of Financial Institutions. We listed some topics and analyzed more than one hundred and twenty bills introduced during the period of Lula and Dilma governments (2003-2015). We also analyzed the speeches of deputies in which occurred keywords like financial system , bank profits , spread , tax wedge , Bradesco and Itaú . The obtained results show that the contrary projects were more than twice the favorable projects. However, the approval rates of projects (contrary or favorable) were low when presented by the Legislative and high when presented by the Executive. Regarding the speeches, there is a clear predominance of negative reviews about the banking and financial fraction. It was concluded then that, corroborating previous theories, the banking and financial fraction has difficulty to legitimize itself at the Legislative, where other classes and class fractions are present. The Executive gives it greater shelter. However, it is noticeable also that the banking and financial fraction has organized and mobilized itself in recent years to be legitimized at the Legislative too / O estado das artes das pesquisas que se utilizam do referencial teórico elaborado pelo cientista político Nicos Poulantzas, afirmam, em sua maioria, que a hegemonia política no interior do bloco no poder no Brasil tem sido exercida pela fração bancário-financeira. Esta hegemonia, iniciada nos anos noventa, mantém-se mesmo durante os governos Lula e Dilma. A partir deste embasamento buscou-se investigar como foram apreciados no Congresso Nacional (fundamentalmente na Câmara dos Deputados, secundariamente no Senado Federal) os interesses da fração bancário-financeira. A escolha dos interesses examinados se fez a partir das edições do documento Agenda Legislativa do Sistema Financeiro , elaborada pela Confederação Nacional das Instituições Financeiras. Elencamos alguns temas e analisamos mais de cento e vinte projetos de lei apresentados durante o período dos governos Lula e Dilma (2003-2015). Também analisamos os discursos de deputados nos quais constassem algumas palavras-chave como sistema financeiro , lucro dos bancos , spread , cunha fiscal , Bradesco e Itaú . Os resultados a que chegamos demonstram que, os projetos contrários foram mais que o dobro dos favoráveis. Contudo, as taxas de aprovação dos projetos (contrários ou favoráveis) foram baixas quando apresentados pelo Legislativo e altas quando apresentados pelo Executivo. Em relação aos discursos há um claro predomínio de avaliações negativas sobre a fração bancário-financeira. Concluiu-se então que, corroborando teses anteriores, a fração bancário-financeira tem dificuldades para se legitimar no Legislativo, local onde outras classes e frações de classes estão presentes. O Executivo lhe confere maior guarida. Entretanto, se verifica também que a fração bancário-financeira tem se organizado e mobilizado em anos recentes para também se legitimar no Legislativo

The US-Israel relations were based on the US political and strategic interests in the Middle East. The beginning of relations resulted from the Israel&rsquo / s strategic importance for United States to contain the Soviet sponsored-communism and its location to easy access oil reserves. The bilateral relation, especially after the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, was transformed into a special relation. However, following the election of George Bush as President of the US, the US-Israeli relations rose and reached its peak in the 8-year period of his Administration. For that reason, this thesis aims at analyzing the role of the Jewish lobbies, in the context of the US-Israeli relations from 1948 to 2008, particular focusing on the Bush Administration period. This study tries to answer the question of to what extent does the Jewish lobby influence foreign policy or to what extent does the Jewish lobby has the relative strength of influence than other ethnic groups or lobbies in the US foreign policy-making process is another aim of this study. This thesis argues that the Jewish lobby has been highly affectively to influence the US foreign policy-making process. In addition, it also argues that the US foreign policy is based on importance of presidency and therefore it is impossible to explain American foreign policy without highlighting the personality and belief system of Presidents.

Syfte & forskningsfrågor: Syftet med studien är att klargöra på vilka sätt hotell kan tillämpa sinnesorienterad marknadsföring i sin lobby för att förbättra sina gästers upplevelse och därmed stärka sin position på marknaden. Med syftet som bakgrund formulerades två forskningsfrågor: • Vilken betydelse har ett första intryck i en lobby och hur kan det påverkas av sinnesorienterad marknadsföring? • Hur kan en mer positiv kundupplevelse i lobbyn, via sinnesorienterad marknadsföring, vara stärkande för ett hotells varumärke? Metod: Studien är grundad i en kvalitativ forskningsmetod för att uppnå en djupare förståelse för ämnet. Forskningsansatsen började med deduktiva inslag för att sedan övergå till induktiv vid insamling av empiriskt material. Det empiriska materialet utgörs av åtta semistrukturerade intervjuer. Slutsatser: Resultatet i studien visar att ett första intryck av en hotellvistelse skapas i lobbyn. Därför har vi kommit fram till att det är viktigt att påverka gästens upplevelse i en positiv riktning i ett så tidigt skede som möjligt, då det första intrycket kommer prägla resten av vistelsen. För att kunna göra det är vår slutsats att hotell bör utforma en strategi för sinnesorienterad marknadsföring i sin lobby, för att förbättra gästens upplevelse och sin position på marknaden. / Purpose and research questions: The purpose of this study is to clarify how hotels can apply sensory marketing in their lobby to enhance their guest’s experience and thereby strengthen their position on the market. With the purpose as a background we formed two research questions: • What significance has a first impression in a lobby and how can it be influenced by sensory marketing? • How can a more positive customer experience in the lobby, through sensory marketing, be strengthening for a hotel brand? Method: The study is established in a qualitative research method to achieve a deeper understanding of the subject. The study is in the beginning based on a deductive character and are changing into a inductive character in the collecting of empirical material. The empirical material is collected from eight semi-structured interviews. Conclusion: The results of our study shows that a first impression of a stay at a hotel is created in the lobby. Therefor, we have come to the conclusion that it is important to affect the customer experience in a positive direction as early as possible, since the first impression will characterize the rest of the stay. In order to do that, our conclusion is that hotels need to implement a strategy of sensory marketing in the lobby, to enhance the guest experience and thereby their position on the market.

Esta dissertação analisa a ação política dos grupos de interesse ao longo do processo de regulação da propaganda de alimentos desencadeado pela Agência Nacional de Vigilância Sanitária (Anvisa) em 2005. Ao descrever as estratégias e articulações políticas dos grupos de interesse público e dos grupos de interesse empresariais, atenção especial foi dada ao lobby do empresariado, de modo a aferir se sua ação foi bem-sucedida no sentido de minimizar ou anular a polêmica e conflituosa regulação proposta por aquela agência, cujos efeitos incidiam diretamente sobre as atividades do setor privado. O estudo compreendeu um acompanhamento detalhado de cada etapa do processo decisório, buscando observar quais arenas políticas são acionadas por esses grupos para a consecução de seus objetivos. Para a condução desta pesquisa, amparamo-nos no exame exaustivo de documentos relacionados à regulação proposta, oriundos dos três Poderes bem como dos grupos de interesse, e em entrevistas aprofundadas com os principais atores políticos envolvidos com a temática. A análise evidenciou que os grupos de interesse da sociedade civil e do empresariado possuem diferentes estratégias de ação, as quais refletem seus distintos recursos e acesso desigual aos principais canais de poder político. Da mesma forma, pudemos observar que, a despeito do poder econômico incontrastável dos dois setores afetados, indústria de alimento e de publicidade, sua ação política não foi capaz de impedir a Anvisa de prosseguir com o regulamento proposto, o que nos sugere importante autonomia política da agência. Não obstante, encontramos evidências de que a pressão do empresariado foi capaz de mitigar em grande medida a regulação da Anvisa, pois a norma foi alterada consideravelmente entre a consulta pública de 2006 e sua promulgação em 2010. Além disso, alterações organizacionais e no comando da Anvisa em 2012, alinhadas aos interesses dos grupos empresariais, dão conta de mudanças mais profundas na agência, as quais parecem ter redefinido as próprias bases do relacionamento com o empresariado. Sob essa ótica, o lobby do empresariado, embora não totalmente bem-sucedido na regulação aqui estudada, teria sido eficaz na reestruturação das relações com a Anvisa de agora em diante. / This dissertation analyzes the political action of interest groups throughout the process of food propaganda regulation triggered by the National Health Surveillance Agency (Anvisa) in 2005. By describing the strategies and political articulations of the public interest groups and the business interest groups, special attention has been given to the business lobbying, in order to assess whether its action has been successful in minimizing or overturning the controversial and conflicting regulation proposed by the agency, which effects would affect directly private sector activities. The study enclosed a detailed follow-up of each stage of the decision-making process, seeking to observe which political arenas are activated by these groups in order to accomplish its goals. For the conduction of this research, we have done a comprehensive examination of the documents related to the proposed regulation, which were produced by the three branches of government and the interest groups, and in-depth interviews with the main political players involved in this issue. The analysis made clear that civil society and business groups have different action strategies, which reflect their distinct resources and unequal access to the main political power channels. Likewise, we were able to observe that, despite the irresistible economic power of the two affected sectors, food and advertising industry, its political action was not able to prevent Anvisa from carrying on the proposed regulation, which shows us the important political autonomy of the agency. Nevertheless, we found evidences that the pressure exerted by business groups was able to mitigate, to a large extent, Anvisas regulation, as the rule was considerably altered from the public comment period in 2006 until its promulgation in 2010. Besides, alterations in the structure and in the command of Anvisa in 2012, which are aligned with business interests, indicate deeper changes in the agency, which seem to have redefined the very bases of the relationship with businessmen. Under this point of view, business lobbying, although not entirely successful in the regulation herein studied, would have been effective in restructuring the relations with Anvisa from now on.

Diplomová práca Lobing a jeho uplatnenie v rámci komerčných komunikácií si kladie za cieľ analyzovať postavenie a vnímanie lobingu vo svete širokou aj odbornou verejnosťou. Práca je rozdelená na osem častí. Skladá sa z teoretickej časti doplnenej o analytické prvky a praktickej časti nasledovanej prípadovými štúdiami k danej problematike. Prvé kapitoly upresňujú odborové začlenenie lobingu do marketingových komunikácií a public relations. Ďalšia časť práce je venovaná špecifikám lobingu v Spojených štátoch a v Európskej únii. Nasledujú state venované pripravovanému zákonu o lobingu na Slovensku a prieskumu verejnej mienky v Českej republike. Posledné časti popisujú, ako sa lobing využíva v praxi. Praktickú časť dopĺňajú prípadové štúdie.