SMOČR (Union of town and municipalities of the Czech republic) of is a non- governmental organization, founded as a interest group of corporate bodies, members of Union are municipalities and towns. Union is a partner for governmental and parliamental political representation and participates in preparation and creation of legislative projects in a suggestion proceeding in areas touching competences of municipalities and towns. Enforcing its interests Union seek accenting municipalities and towns interests and subsidiarity principle. Activity of Union is ground on mayors, chief magistrates and representatives, who dedicate common self-government problem as warrant members of Union. Proclaimed goal of Union is legitimate lobbying as well. Thesis also touch a cooperation of Union with similar partner-unions in other countries and its influence as a partner organization to EU institutions.

This is a study in information design with a focus on spatial design. The study examines how theories in wayfinding and wayshowing, can facilitate orientability in an environment with a multipurpose, and highlight the connection between the outside and inside of an entrance. The site under investigation is the entrance to Karlsgatan 2 Kulturhus in Västerås, which is in a development phase to renew its lobby. The primary target audience for the study is first-time visitors and the secondary target audience is staff and participants within a development group that works with the ongoing development work of the entrance and lobby. The purpose of the study is to facilitate orientability and make the entrance / lobby more accessible to the first-time visitor, as during the development work, ambiguities regarding the directions on the site have been noted. In the study, relevant theories for the area as well as methods such as site analysis, qualitative interviews, navigation tests and a workshop were used to produce a design proposal that is presented in a digital 3D model. The results of the work are summarized in a final discussion and clarifies, based on principles in wayfinding and wayshowing, how one can use color and form to create a navigation system that not only guides the visitor but also contributes to the expression and identity of the activities offered in the multipurpose environment. / Detta är ett examensarbete inom informationsdesign med inriktning rumslig gestaltning. Studien undersöker hur teorier inom wayfinding och wayshowing, kan underlätta orienterbarheten i en miljö där flera olika verksamheter verkar, samt belysa kopplingen mellan utsidan och insidan av en entré. Platsen som undersöks är entrén på Karlsgatan 2 Kulturhus i Västerås som befinner sig i en utvecklingsfas för att förnya sitt entrétorg. Den primära målgruppen för studien är förstagångsbesökare och den sekundära målgruppen är personal samt deltagare inom en fokus-/ utvecklingsgrupp som arbetar med det pågående utvecklingsarbetet av entrétorget. Syftet med examensarbetet är att underlätta orienterbarheten och göra entrén/entrétorget mer tillgängligt för förstagångsbesökaren, då det under utvecklingsarbetet uppmärksammats otydligheter gällande vägvisningen på platsen.  I studien har relevanta teorier för området samt metoder som platsanalys, kvalitativa intervjuer, navigeringstest och workshop ihop med fokusgrupp använts för att ta fram ett gestaltningsförslag som presenteras i form av en digital 3D-modell. Resultatet av arbetet sammanfattas i en slutdiskussion och påvisar hur man utifrån principer inom wayfinding och wayshowing kan använda sig av färg och form för att skapa ett navigeringssystem som inte bara vägleder besökaren utan också bidrar till verksamheternas uttryck och identitet.

The hint of this project was to find the way to transform the cultural buildings from 70`s and 80`s. Espaccialy its the group of buildings in the center of the sity Kopřivnice: cultural house, cinema and museum of technology, which are inapropriatte for its purpose. This transformation also shows new ways to change the whole central part of the city, which is in very insufficient conditions these days.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:25:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cristiane Avizu.pdf: 648662 bytes, checksum: c98695d281809a71d5f9299dd180270b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-08-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In this work we try to analyze the factor of the meeting of man in society and the organization of said society in a State, with the aim to establish the main reason of this meeting, the Common Good. Afterwards, we walk along the evolution of the constitutionalistic order, the factors that give us the power to enter the constitutionalistic thought, and promote the conjugation of the participation in the democratic process in an equal form, with the hypotheses of influence of the interest groups and press ion groups in the legislative elaboration when performing the Lobbying activity, including the contributions or damages arising out of this performance, as well as the normative aspects that characterize this actuation as it is or n the contrary, where we notice the principle of the basic isonomy, in order to preserve a participation in the Law preparation process, in equal conditions, without giving way to the economical power pressure and so we shall preserve the public interest and common good / Neste trabalho procuramos analisar o fator da reunião do homem em sociedade e a organização dessa sociedade em Estado, com o objetivo de situarmos a principal razão dessa reunião, o Bem Comum. Em seguida percorremos a evolução do pensamento constitucionalista, os fatores que outorgam o poder para adentrarmos no ordenamento constitucional e promovermos a conjugação da participação no processo democrático de forma igualitária, com as hipóteses de influência dos grupos de interesse e e grupos de pressão na elaboração legislativa ao exercerem a atividade do Lobbying, com as contribuições ou prejuízos decorrentes dessa atuação, bem como pelos aspectos normativos que caracterizam essa atuação conforme ou desconforme, donde constatamos ser o princípio da isonomia fundamental, a fim de preservar uma participação, no processo de criação da lei, em condições de igualdade, sem cedências à pressão do poder econômico, e com isso termos preservado o interesse público e o bem comum

Lobbying - Economic and Legal aspects Abstract The diploma thesis deals with lobbying and its economic and legal aspects. The aim of the thesis is to present lobbying from a broad perspective in the context of other regulations by using descriptive, comparative and analytical methods and to provide a comprehensive overview of the development of efforts to regulate lobbying in the Czech Republic. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the last governmental regulatory initiative where I am testing a hypothesis of whether the underway regulation is systemically correct in light of examples in other countries. I also conducted two surveys aimed at finding out the attitudes of members of the law academia and members of the lower house of the Parliament of the Czech Republic to the regulation of lobbying in the Czech Republic. The data serve both to (i) illustrate the interpretation of lobbying across the work, (ii) but also because of the specific proposed variant of lobbying within the framework of the approved substantive intent of the lobbying law (the deadline for submitting a paragraph to the government is set to end 2018), and (iii) I believe that they can be useful even when finalizing the bill, or other later proposed measures under the de lege ferenda considerations on lobbying. The thesis is...

Les modèles économiques de la « filière semence » sont pluriels. Mais la réglementation ne prend en compte que l'un d'entre eux. Ses règles techniques sont dirigistes, répondent à la spécificité des variétés commerciales conçues pour la seule agriculture productiviste et entravent les pratiques caractéristiques des modèles économiques parallèles. <br />Cette thèse a pour objet d'aider à la compréhension de cette réglementation mal connue, de son élaboration, de sa mise en œuvre, de ses contraintes et de ses conséquences, ce qui clarifie le contexte juridique de la filière. D'autre part, elle montre que toutes les règles envisagées ou élaborées par le pouvoir réglementaire sont façonnées par les acteurs économiques et institutionnels du modèle dominant selon leurs intérêts propres et portent préjudice aux autres modèles. Or, il est possible qu'une autre réglementation puisse être élaborée, qui garantisse la pluralité, la viabilité et la spécificité de chacun des modèles concurrents.

一國之國會運作可謂民主進步的原動力，其運作之良善更有賴社會大眾有力之監督，利益團體在遊說時出現盲點，甚至抓不到遊說程序的重點，就會陷入「事倍功半」的窘境，很難期待行政官員或立法委員能夠支持，甚至願意挺身而出為政策執行或立法盡一份心力。 本研究自文獻參考中整理出一「台灣利益團體遊說」研究模型，然後自1993年-2005年十三年間，從中挑選了二十個案例，以具體交叉分析該等利益團體在遊說過程時所須注意或引用之各項因素，透過質化分析，探討利益團體其策略運作情形及優缺點；並且套用策略管理學上所常用的SWOT分析模式，試圖找出利益團體遊說之台灣經驗模式。 研究發現，遊說不管是公益性組織或私利性組織，清楚知道本身的遊說目的、遊說的方法固然重要，亦必須考慮遊說的外在環境以及遊說主體本身的性質問題，若太過偏重於遊說行動策略的單向思考，而忽視外在環境的現實問題以及操作主體實力的優劣勢分析，易於產生僵化式的遊說策略模式。 所以有心進行遊說之組織均應洞悉和操作方式，但操作之前亦必須先充分掌握遊說之外在環境和操作主體的優劣勢後，再視輕重緩急、量力而為，並適時做調整，以達到截長補短、前景預測的最佳狀態，以利遊說目的圓滿成功。 關鍵詞：利益團體、遊說、倡議、國會運作、策略、SWOT / The Congress operation functions as the driving force for a country to progress towards democracy. The operational performance of the Congress depends upon powerful supervision by the general public. Sometimes the interest groups may fall into the “fruitlessness” dilemma in the event that they run into a blind spot, or even when they fail to hit the nail on the head. In turn, they can hardly win support from government officers or congressmen. They will come forward to defend the executive or legislative performance. Through literature review, this research designs a model and applies it to analyze the performance of 20 interest groups in Taiwan selected between 1993 and 2005. In particular, this model analyzes the pros and cons of different strategies employed by these interest groups. In addition, this model also uses the SWOT analysis developed from strategic management to generalize the behavior patterns of selected interest groups. This research finds out that the external environment and the nature of issues are also important factors affecting the lobbying results. If an interest group focuses only on the lobbying strategies but ignores the external environment or relative strength between the subject and others, it may generalize rigid lobbying strategies. Therefore, the success of lobbying depends on an interest group’s assessment of external environment and relative strength before operation, as well as the lobbying strategies and adjustments during operation. Key words: Interest groups, Lobby, Advocacy, Congressional operation, strategies, SWOT

Made available in DSpace on 2010-04-20T20:53:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 3 136543.pdf.jpg: 18690 bytes, checksum: 1f921037caf7eddb1b56cb39a3025d34 (MD5) 136543.pdf: 1265692 bytes, checksum: 3061e649f5c7c9226859799f7d80d964 (MD5) 136543.pdf.txt: 529825 bytes, checksum: 56dc3c73d944a8dcce0d5ebdb200a516 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-04-16T00:00:00Z / Civil society organizations and their roles are gaining importance in society and in academic researches. One of the roles that is standing out is the one of influencing public policies, also known as advocacy, public policy advocacy and lobbying, depending on the context and country of analysis. What does advocacy mean and how this phenomenon is systematized is the focus of this study that through literature review, in depth interviews and case studies, seeks to compare the performance of three civil society organizations: Independent Sector in the United States, the Group of Institutes, Foundations and Companies (GIFE) and the Brazilian Association of Non Governmental Organizations in Brazil. These organizations are characterized for being associations that represent other civil society organizations and that accomplish public policy advocacy as part of their strategy. This study analyses how this organizations advocate and the significance of this role through the scope of deliberative democracy that presumes the discussion and deliberation of citizens in the public sphere of matters of their interest, as for example, the elaboration, the put into practice and monitoring of public policies. / As organizações da sociedade civil e suas formas de atuação têm ganhado importância tanto na sociedade como nos estudos acadêmicos. Uma das suas formas de atuação que vem se destacando é o papel de influenciar políticas públicas, também conhecido por advocacy, advocacy em políticas públicas e lobbying, dependendo do contexto e país de análise. O significado de advocacy e como esse fenômeno se manifesta constituem o foco deste estudo exploratório que busca, por meio de revisão da literatura, de entrevistas em profundidade e estudos de casos, comparar a atuação de três organizações da sociedade civil: o Independent Sector nos Estados Unidos, o Grupo de Institutos, Fundações e Empresas (GIFE) e a Associação Brasileira de Organizações não Governamentais (ABONG) no Brasil. Essas organizações se caracterizam por ser associações que representam outras organizações da sociedade civil e fazem advocacy em políticas públicas como parte de sua estratégia. É analisado como ocorre esse advocacy e qual o papel dessa forma de atuação dentro de um contexto de democracia deliberativa que pressupõe a discussão, a deliberação por parte dos cidadãos na esfera pública, de assuntos de seu interesse, como a elaboração, a execução e o monitoramento de políticas públicas.

xiv, 162 p. / In my dissertation I argue that the invasion of Iraq was a part of a larger project by Vice President Dick Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld to reestablish the unconstrained use of U.S. military power after the defeat of Vietnam. The study presents the best evidence against the alternative explanations that the invasion of Iraq was the result of an overreaction to 9/11, the threat of Weapons of Mass Destruction, a plan to spread democracy in the Middle East, a desire to protect Israel or a plan to profit from Iraqi oil. The study also challenges the leading explanation among academics that emphasizes the role of the neoconservatives in the decision to invade. These academics argue that neoconservatives, such as Paul Wolfowitz and Richard Perle, successfully persuaded the American President, George W. Bush, and his Vice President, Dick Cheney, of the necessity to eliminate Saddam Hussein by winning an internal policy battle over realists, such as Secretary of State Colin Powell. With their narrow focus on neoconservatives and realists, scholars have largely overlooked a third group of hawkish policy makers, the primacists. This latter group, centered on Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and Vice President Cheney, had a long standing goal of strengthening the U.S. military and presidential powers in order to pursue U.S. primacy. This goal manifests itself in the invasion of Iraq, a country in the heart of the geopolitically important, oil-rich region of the Persian Gulf. I demonstrate that it was the primacists, not the neoconservatives, who persuaded the President to go to war with Iraq. Through historical process tracing, especially through a close look at the careers of the major policy actors involved and their public statements as well as declassified documents, I provide strong evidence that these leaders wanted to pursue regime change in Iraq upon taking office. The invasion of Iraq would extend the War on Terror, providing an opportunity to pursue their long-held policy of strengthening the power of the presidency and transforming the military into a high-tech and well-funded force. / Committee in charge: Jane Kellet Cramer, Chairperson/Advisor; Lars S. Skålnes, Member; Daniel J. Tichenor, Member; Val Burris, Outside Member

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:15:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5486.pdf: 5511988 bytes, checksum: 5a272535a306378275685ae205dd2234 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-07 / Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais / The goal of this dissertation is to analyze the performance of the Department of Inter Parliamentary Advisory (Departamento Intersindical de Assessoria Parlamentar) (DIAP) in the constituent process of 1987-88. The organization was able to unify the consensual demands of the working class, uniting in a single project for the Constituent Assembly, the unions of the period, that were divided politically. With this, the DIAP changed the trade union agenda at that time, one of the reasons that explain the success of the "lobby" of working class in the National Constituent Assembly (NCA). In research, we divide the dissertation into two phases of the organization, before and during the Constituent Assembly. Previously, since 1983, when it was created, we analyze the formation process of consensual project, which involved the preparation of technical studies and negotiations with union leaders. When working in the NCA, we analyze the influential "lobby" practiced by DIAP, showing political conflicts faced by the organization at every stage of this process. We understand that DIAP was a central actor in defending the interests of workers, managing to convince the unions of workers, leftist political parties and progressive constituents to act according its design. It was a delicate pact, which was only possible by the peculiarities of the constituent process. The Constituent Assembly has provided the opportunity of "lobbies" to seek important achievements, in approving their interests in constitutional standarts. The DIAP is one of the most important products of this political reality. The support given to the organization to act on behalf of a class is explained by its institutional design, which has adapted to the lack of organization and preparation ahead of the unions of the importance of the constitutional process. / O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar a atuação do Departamento Intersindical de Assessoria Parlamentar (DIAP) no processo constituinte de 1987-88. A organização foi capaz de unificar as demandas consensuais da classe trabalhadora, unindo em um projeto único para a Constituinte, as entidades sindicais do período, que estavam divididas politicamente. Com isso, o DIAP mudou a agenda sindical da época, um dos motivos que explicam o sucesso do lobby dos trabalhadores na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (ANC). Na pesquisa, dividimos em dois momentos a atuação da organização, antes e durante a Constituinte. Antes, desde 1983, quando foi criada, analisamos o processo de formação do projeto consensual, que envolveu a elaboração de estudos técnicos e negociações com lideranças sindicais. Durante os trabalhos na ANC, analisamos o influente lobby praticado pelo DIAP, mostrando os conflitos políticos enfrentados pela organização em cada fase do processo. Entendemos que o DIAP foi ator central na defesa dos interesses dos trabalhadores, conseguindo convencer as entidades sindicais de trabalhadores, partidos políticos de esquerda e constituintes progressistas a atuarem de acordo com seu projeto. Trata-se de um pacto delicado, que só foi possível pelas particularidades do processo constituinte. A Constituinte forneceu a oportunidade dos lobbies buscarem conquistas importantes, aprovando seus interesses em normas constitucionais. O DIAP é um dos mais importantes produtos desta realidade política. O respaldo dado à organização para atuar em nome de uma classe, se explica pelo seu desenho institucional, que se adaptou a falta de organização e preparo das entidades sindicais frente a importância do processo constituinte.