Abstract: The purpose with this study is to analyse the political debate about freedom of speech in Sweden and Denmark, after the caricatures of the Islamic Prophet Mohammed that the Danish newspaper Jyllandsposten published in September 2005. For this debate four political parties have been chosen. These are: Socialdemokratiska Partiet and Moderata Samlingspartiet in Sweden and Socialdemokraterne and Venstre in Denmark. An idea analysis has been chosen as method, and dimensions as an analysing tool. The overall result of the analysis is that right- and left political parties in Sweden and Denmark are more alike, than different in their political debate about free speech. They all wish for total freedom of speech, and see that as the foundation of the democratic society. The difference between the parties is that left parties put more weight on personal responsibility and minorities, than right parties that mostly debate about the meaning of democracy and why freedom of speech should not be restricted.

Syftet med detta arbete är att undersöka socialdemokraternas organisering av medelklassen och tjänstemännen i Karlstad under mitten av 1900-talet och varför det startades en socialdemokratisk tjänstemannaförening i Karlstad. Grunden till arbetet baseras på källmaterial i form av mötesprotokoll, samt års och verksamhetsberättelser från Karlstads socialdemokratiska tjänstemannaförening. Karlstad arbetarekommun och Karlstads kvinnoklubb. Detta källmaterial har granskats kvalitativt för att presentera majoriteten av resultatet men även en kvantitativ analys har genomförts för att presentera medlemsutvecklingen inom tjänstemannaföreningen. Tjänstemännen var den grupp i samhället som växte mest under mitten av 1900-talet vilket förklarar den snabbt växande socialdemokratiska tjänstemannaföreningen. Efter en snabb medlemstillväxt följdes en liten minskning av medlemmar vilket sedan stabiliseras och skiftar fram till slutet av 60-talet då en snabb nedgång får organisationen på fall och resulterar i upplösning år 1972. Eftersom kvinnliga tjänstemän också ökade i antal under 1900-talet kommer detta arbete även att analysera hur de kvinnliga medlemmarna visar sig. Medlemmarna inom tjänstemannaföreningen har granskats ur ett manligt, homosocialt perspektiv för att förstå bristen på kvinnliga medlemmar i den socialdemokratiska tjänstemannaföreningen. Tjänstemännen har även analyserats med hjälp av tre teorier om tjänstemännens klasstillhörighet för att undersöka vilken förklaringsmodell som bäst passar in på källmaterialet och för att förklara varför tjänstemännen inom socialdemokraternas föreningar startar en egen socialdemokratisk tjänstemannaförening år 1948. Arbetet undersöker också varför organisationen hade en snabbt växande medlemsutveckling. / The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the social democrat’s organization of the middle class and the working official’s in Karlstad during the mid-2000 century and to analyze the female participation within the working official’s social democratic organization. The foundations of this work are based on meeting minutes, protocols, annual reports and business stories from the working official’s social democratic organization, the social democratic women club and from the social democratic working municipality. These sources have been analyzed qualitatively to provide most of the results, but the members have been analyzed with a quantitative method to explain the member development within the working official’s social democratic organization. The working officials was the group of people in society that grew the most during the mid-2000 century which explains the rapid growth of the working official’s organization within the social democrats. After a rapid growth the organization has a small decline in members but stabilizes until a rapid decline in members during the late sixties which results in the fall of the organization 1972. Since females within the working-officials also rose in numbers during the 2000 century this thesis will also describe the women roles within the working official’s social democratic organization. The members of the working official’s organization have been analyzed with a male homosocial view to understand the shortage of women in the organization. The working officials have also been observed with three different theories about the working official’s class affiliation to help explain which model of explanation fits to the source materials and help explain why the working officials within the social democrats parts from the main party to create their own organization in 1948. This Thesis also examines why the organization had such a rapid membership growth.

The Swedish Social Democratic Party (SAP) was in power for decades by successfullyimplementing a “third way” policy based on Marxist ideology. This policy was unique since itsimultaneously spurred economic growth, welfare, and equality between classes. Therefore,this study examined why the party lost the election 1976, despite implementing this “thirdway” policy. By scrutinizing scientific books, articles, and a dissertation on the subject, fourtheories were identified. These four theories were tested against three books that identify whySAP lost the election 1976. The results show that SAP lost primarily by going against theSAP voters’ opinion by supporting the use of nuclear energy. In addition, a weak economyand unemployment hampered the party’s ability to continue implementing welfare reforms.The conclusion is that SAP lost the election 1976 due to supporting nuclear energy use wheneconomic growth declined and voters had little trust in the party’s ability to stimulate welfare.

Crisis management as a concept is newly arrived in Sweden but well researched in other parts of the world. Sweden in recent years has been affected by everything from forest fires to a terrorist attack and now a pandemic. During the ongoing pandemic both crisis management and risk management has undergone a major change in the eyes of the Swedish population. The pandemic has shown an unreliable crisis management from politicians and their parties.  This study therefore aims to explore the ideologies behind the two biggest parties, the moderates and their ideology liberal conservatism and the social democrats and their ideology democratic socialism. The purpose is to find out how the ideologies affect the crisis management policy. The case study is limited to liberal conservatism and democratic socialism with the respective party, the social democrats and the moderates. Throughout the analysis of the parties crisis management policy and its connection to the ideologies the results showed that crisis management is highly affected by the different parties ideologies.

<p>The thesis concentrates on Hofors and a local trade union environment between 1917 and 1946, where important parts of the trade union’s power were held by parties to the left of the social democrats. The overall aim is to problemize and discuss the issue of what characterised and made possible this deviation from the usual picture of a trade union movement dominated by social democracy. What characterised the conditions in such a local trade union environment and to what extent can local norms and political culture be linked to the conditions and the development in the trade union movement in Hofors?</p><p>The factors behind the radicalism in Hofors can be found in the local union and political context. The investigation points out the following main reasons: the left-wing local council of the Social Democratic Party and its successors’ organisational lead, the local labour council’s working method being close to what has been considered “social democratic”, their representatives being highly trusted in the local community, and the growth of a local radical tradition.</p><p>The political culture and the norms that gradually developed were based on a left-wing social democratic tradition. The local council of the Social Democratic Party that left the party in 1917 to join the left-wing social democratic faction was the same local council, despite their names and change of parties in the 1920s and 1930s. It became the local labour movement’s bearer of traditions and represented the continuity in the local trade union environment, which contributed to the leftwing socialist project being long-lived in Hofors. The central aspects were the trade union work and the practical-concrete tradition that developed.</p><p>Primarily through successful trade union work, the local labour council and its trade union representatives gained strong and long-term support from a large proportion of the local trade union movement’s members and the population of Hofors.</p><p>Against this background it may be stated that, even though it was often impossible for the parties to the left of social democracy to maintain a local trade union and political power position that was stronger than that of the social democrats for a lengthy period of time, it was not entirely impossible. It may also be stated that for the trade union member as such, a communist or socialist party affiliation was not a real obstacle in the election of shop stewards. Their focus was primarily put on the would-be representatives’ personal qualities and ability to live up to the demands and expectations placed on them by the members, and not so much on their ideological persuasion.</p>

The thesis concentrates on Hofors and a local trade union environment between 1917 and 1946, where important parts of the trade union’s power were held by parties to the left of the social democrats. The overall aim is to problemize and discuss the issue of what characterised and made possible this deviation from the usual picture of a trade union movement dominated by social democracy. What characterised the conditions in such a local trade union environment and to what extent can local norms and political culture be linked to the conditions and the development in the trade union movement in Hofors? The factors behind the radicalism in Hofors can be found in the local union and political context. The investigation points out the following main reasons: the left-wing local council of the Social Democratic Party and its successors’ organisational lead, the local labour council’s working method being close to what has been considered “social democratic”, their representatives being highly trusted in the local community, and the growth of a local radical tradition. The political culture and the norms that gradually developed were based on a left-wing social democratic tradition. The local council of the Social Democratic Party that left the party in 1917 to join the left-wing social democratic faction was the same local council, despite their names and change of parties in the 1920s and 1930s. It became the local labour movement’s bearer of traditions and represented the continuity in the local trade union environment, which contributed to the leftwing socialist project being long-lived in Hofors. The central aspects were the trade union work and the practical-concrete tradition that developed. Primarily through successful trade union work, the local labour council and its trade union representatives gained strong and long-term support from a large proportion of the local trade union movement’s members and the population of Hofors. Against this background it may be stated that, even though it was often impossible for the parties to the left of social democracy to maintain a local trade union and political power position that was stronger than that of the social democrats for a lengthy period of time, it was not entirely impossible. It may also be stated that for the trade union member as such, a communist or socialist party affiliation was not a real obstacle in the election of shop stewards. Their focus was primarily put on the would-be representatives’ personal qualities and ability to live up to the demands and expectations placed on them by the members, and not so much on their ideological persuasion.

The thesis "Political image of emerging politicians and media they use to build their image" examines the reationship of young aspiring politicians to the topic of political image. The main objective of this thesis is to examine the relationship of young aspiring politicians to political image and whether they are actively seeking to build their own political image. Young aspiring politicians are defined for purposes of this thesis as members of youth political organizations Young Social Democrats and Young Conservatives over 18 years old. The first part of this thesis summarizes theoretical findings on the issue of political image in terms of political marketing and political communication and defines political youth organizations and describes their function in relation to society and political parties. The second part of this thesis examines the relationship of young aspiring politicians to political image through qualitative research using semi-structured interviews as research tool.

In 2005 the Swedish social democratic government settled a defense treaty with Saudi Arabia. Ten years later, a new Social democratic government ends the treaty. This thesis will study the Social democratic party’s motives behind their actions regarding the treaty. Kjell Goldmanns theory regarding the three fields of interest concerning state’s foreign policy, security policy, economy and international values, will serve as the theory and operationalization of this thesis. The thesis will operate an analysis of motives to study the main motives of the party’s actions during four events. After examining the actions of the Social democrats in media and the parliament, the thesis found that the party had changed their main motives between 2005 and 2015. Their main motives in 2005 were economical and in 2015 were their main motives international values, which reaches the conclusion that the Social democrats have changed their motives regarding the treaty.

The thesis deals with the relation of social policy and budget policy of the Czech Republic in the period of 2000 - 2010. In the theoretical part there are explored principles,characteristics, functions, subjects and instruments of implementation of social policy. The concept of welfare state, its potentiality and limitations, including contemporary critical reflections, are discussed. As a theoretical background, in context of public choice theory, there is treated the question of political cycle influence on social policy. Attention is also focused on public budget system, particularly on the role of state budget. In the empirical part, aimed to deeper assessment of social dimension of the budget policy, are analysed data from the three electoral periods when different governments of social or civic democrats were enforcing different social policy. For electoral periods were collected and evaluated data regarding the four parameters: results of elections and govenrment profile, legislation acts of social policy, macroeconomic limitations, and expenditures of the state budget on social policy. With the help of the SWOT method were compared separate periods and were presented answers to the hypotheses H1 and H2, validating that the government of social democrats did not prefer more strongly social...

This essay intends to discover how a qualitative discourse of right-wing populismcan be seen within the Swedish parliament, by exploring how politicians in theparliament are using the "us against them" and if a scapegoat is created by doing so.The essay's key questions are going to examine the differences and similaritiesbetween the Social democratic government from 2020-2022 and the current centerright government compared to the opposition parties, between social democrats andcenter-right government on right-wing populist discourse, and what the media isnotifying about the political debate within the government. By doing so, we can find out important explanatory factors on why the shift inpolitics in Sweden has gone to more right-wing populist rhetoric, to understand whythis has been occurring in the Swedish government. By looking at the factors of whya rise of right-wing populism has occurred within different types of governmentparties and the type of similarities and differences they have on different parties’discourse about the framing of anti-immigration rhetoric.