Cette thèse de doctorat porte sur les « nouveaux uniformes de la sécurité publique », formule générique utilisée par le ministère de l'Intérieur belge pour qualifier des figures de proximité qui assurent au niveau local et micro-local de petites missions de surveillance et de convivialité dans les lieux publics ou accessibles au public. Notre recherche a, de manière générale, deux objectifs. Le premier est d’offrir un regard le plus complet possible sur ces nouveaux uniformes dans la mesure où ceux-ci sont porteurs de nombreux enjeux en matière de sécurité publique. Notre deuxième objectif, lié au premier, est de tenter de comprendre et d’expliquer l’émergence et la multiplication de ces nouveaux uniformes, en inscrivant celles-ci dans un contexte qui dépasse celui des politiques locales de prévention de la délinquance pour s’inscrire dans un nouveau référentiel d’action publique qui émerge au début des années 90 : celui de l’Etat social actif. L’apparition des nouveaux uniformes de la sécurité publique trouve en effet son origine, au début des années 90, dans l’articulation établie entre la préoccupation pour la sécurité du citoyen et la politique de l’emploi. La première se concrétise principalement grâce à la création des contrats de sécurité en 1992. Conclus entre le pouvoir fédéral (principalement le ministère de l'Intérieur), les Régions bruxelloise et wallonne et un nombre de plus en plus important de villes et communes, ces contrats sont conçus au départ autour de deux volets, « préventif » et policier, et présentent trois caractéristiques : le partenariat, l’insertion locale et la prévention intégrée. Le lien entre politique de sécurité et politique de l’emploi se fait tout particulièrement au sein du Plan global pour l’emploi, la compétitivité et la sécurité sociale (1993) qui prône l’amélioration de l’« employabilité » des chômeurs et le développement d’« emplois de proximité » liés à l’amélioration de la qualité de la vie. Ces nouveaux emplois vont rapidement être reliés au thème de la sécurité du citoyen, notamment grâce à une extension des contrats sécurité. La volonté de faire de la sécurité un « gisement » d’emplois ne se dément pas dans les années qui suivent, lesquelles voient se multiplier les statuts d’insertion professionnelle, en particulier en ce qui concerne les intervenants civils « en uniforme ». Ces acteurs se situent donc à la croisée de deux domaines au départ distincts – ceux de l’emploi et de la sécurité publique – dont la rencontre nous semble déjà soulever un certains nombres d’enjeux. Mais l’émergence des nouveaux uniformes s’inscrit également dans une évolution de la fonction de police en Belgique, surtout au niveau local. Depuis vingt ans, on constate en effet un élargissement des missions de police qui se manifeste à la fois par la multiplication de tâches dues à la diversification des demandes et des attentes à l’égard de l’institution policière et dans le souhait exprimé, depuis quelques années, de développer au sein des polices locales des programmes de police de proximité. Cet élargissement va avoir pour conséquence, entre autres, un transfert vers d’autres intervenants de tâches qui ne sont plus jugées indispensables au « vrai » travail policier. Parmi ces intervenants, on trouve les nouveaux uniformes. C’est donc à la fois de cette rencontre entre emploi et sécurité publique, ainsi que des évolutions respectives de la fonction de police et de la fonction policière, que nous allons traiter ici par l’entremise des nouveaux uniformes. Notre hypothèse générale est que les nouveaux uniformes de la sécurité publique constituent un phénomène emblématique d’une transformation de l’action de l’Etat dans les deux champs qui les concernent directement, à savoir ceux de la sécurité publique et de l’emploi, transformation dont l’Etat social actif représente l’épigone.

This is an exploratory study of women’s childbearing decisions and outcomes in non-medically indicated cesarean section childbirths (CS). Focusing on the structure-agency dichotomy, the research is guided by Anthony Giddens’ theory of structuration used in the context of the medicalization framework in order to analyze elements of personal choice and medical jurisdiction in childbearing methods. Quantitative analysis of secondary data and a thematic content analysis of Internet forums are conducted in order to analyze women’s perceptions of autonomy and constraint in their childbearing decisions and outcomes. The findings suggest that the polarization between second- and third wave feminist critiques on medical intervention in childbirth, and between structure and agency, impede our understanding of the complex phenomenon. Applying structuration theory to the medicalization framework helps to work through this polarization, further lending support to third-way feminism.

The core support for social democratic parties has long rested in labour union members. That is no less true for the Swedish Social Democratic party (SAP) in relation to the main industrial labour union (LO). The support for SAP among LO-member has however faltered in recent years, and increasingly the core voters are lending their support to the Sweden Democrats (SD), a right-wing populist party. The purpose of this study was to identify possible explanations as to why the core voters have abandoned the party, with an emphasis on the party’s own actions and strategy. The method to achieve this were extensive interviews with experts at LO, through which both pre-existing as well as new modells of explanations were developed and presented. Crucially the factors and models intended to explain this occurrence is thus rooted in an union perspective, since the interviewees are expected to express the clearest analysis of the situation, as well as represent the interests of their members. The study has found a number of possible reasons for the core voter flight. 1) Underlying reasons, i.e changes in the socioeconomic structure, due to among other things urbanisation, increased employment and education opportunities – which has eroded working class consciousness and thus the degree of class voting. Furthermore SAP has exacerbated the situation, either 2) subconsciously by adopting new frames of references and changing the party’s class character, or 3) consciously by pursuing a supra-class strategy in order to maximize votes. Regardless of how or why the party currently lacks its former ability to appeal to its working class base. Furthermore it can in part be ascribed to a prioritizing of strategic aims above ideological ones. However, the party can reverse the trend of core voter flight by refocusing on classic social democratic policies of redistribution, welfare, and class politics.

The aim of this thesis is to place Slovak political party SMER in the political and party system of the Slovak Republic and attempt to analyse ideological and programmatic development of this party. The author devotes attention to development of SMER from the emergence in 1999 until last general elections in 2012. First chapter seeks to describe evolution of socialism and following ideologies including the concept of the Third way which was reflected by some Western European social democratic parties. The second chapter is dedicated to left-wing political parties in Czechoslovakia and lately in Slovak Republic. This chapter is divided into two sections. The first section is about parties existing before 1989 and the second one devotes attention to parties after Velvet Revolution in 1989. Next part of this work is focused on the SMER itself. Author describes three phases of development of this party including emergence in 1999, opposition activities between 2002 and 2006 and phase of hegemony following after 2006. The purpose of the last part of the thesis is to analyse ideological and programmatic development of SMER and highlight some problematic features of proclaimed social democratic orientation.

Atualmente, faz-se necessário pensar em uma nova forma de tutela de direitos supraindividuais, tão em evidência na denominada sociedade de risco. Isto pois o Direito Penal vem sendo utilizado de forma desarrazoada e desproporcional, como principal instrumento para a coibição de condutas que, nem sempre, mostram adequação e necessidade de sua intervenção. Um dos maiores exemplos deste equívoco é encontrado no Direito do Consumidor, em que muitas condutas que sequer protegem bem jurídico com dignidade e carência penais são tuteladas por meio da via penal. É certo que este modo de atuar do Direito Penal somente o transforma em instrumento meramente simbólico e sem poder coercitivo real, o que faz com que, na realidade, os consumidores restem desprotegidos. Além disso, a utilização do Direito Penal como vala comum de todas as condutas que se pretende proteger, mas não se sabe de que modo, culmina por desconfigurá-lo e enfraquecê-lo. Não se deve dar à via penal mais encargos do que aqueles para os quais ela fora criada. Neste sentido, ao invés de utilizar o Direito Penal, modo mais gravoso de atuação social, como prima ratio na proteção dos direitos consumeristas, mostra-se mais razoável e inteligente a reestruturação do Direito Administrativo Sancionador, inserido no sistema de atuação denominado Terceira Via. As deficiências da via administrativa devem ser sanadas, de modo a torná-la suficiente para a proteção de grande parte dos bens jurídicos consumeristas. Assim, o Direito Administrativo Sancionador, fortalecido e marcado por sua independência, em variadas vertentes, passaria a ser a prima ratio na proteção dos direitos do consumidor, sendo que a via penal, como tradicionalmente foi concebida, seria a ultima ratio, sendo utilizada de forma fragmentária e subsidiária. Neste sentido, haveria o funcionamento relativamente independente, entre os dois instrumentos de atuação. Somente lançar-se-ia mão da via penal em situações em que o bem jurídico atingido demonstrasse ser digno da tutela penal, bem como demonstrasse haver a carência de sanção penal, como nos casos de fraude a medicamentos e a alimentos. Deste modo, as relações de consumo restariam mais e melhor protegidas, bem como haveria a mantença da função e do papel do Direito Penal, bem como de seus princípios constitucionais basilares. / Currently, it is necessary to consider a new form of guardianship rights supraindividuais, so evident in so-called \"risk society\". This is because the criminal law has been used so unreasonable and disproportionately, as the main instrument for the deterrence of conduct that do not always show the appropriateness and need for its intervention. One of the greatest examples of this mistake is found in Consumer Law, in which even many behaviors that protect the legal rights of consumers without criminal dignity and lack are tutored through the criminal route. It is true that this way of doing make the criminal law becomes an instrument merely symbolic and not real coercive power, which means that, in fact, a lot of consumers become unprotected. In addition, the use of criminal law as a common grave of all ducts to be protected, but do not know how, culminates by unconfigure and weaken it. Should not be given to the criminal case over charges than those for which it was created. In this sense, instead of using the criminal Law, that is the more serious way of social action, as prima ratio in protecting the consumers rights, seems more reasonable and intelligent restructuring of Administrative Law sanctioned, inserted in the actuation system called the Third Way. The deficiencies must be remedied administratively in order to make it sufficient for the protection of consumers interests. Thus, the Administrative Law sanctioned, marked by strengthened and its independence in various aspects, would be the best instrument to the protection of consumer rights, and the criminal case, as has traditionally been conceived, would be a last resort and is used in a fragmentary and subsidiary way. In this sense, there would be relatively independent operation between the two instruments of action. Only release would hand the means of criminal law in situations where the legal reached proved to be worthy of criminal protection, as well as having demonstrated a lack of criminal sanction, as in cases of fraud of medicines and food. In this way, consumer relations would remain more and better protected, and there would be a maintenance function and the role of criminal law, as well as their basic constitutional principles

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:17:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Deliane.pdf: 857472 bytes, checksum: b43dea93d0410ec8a8f6a93a4df5060a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-04-09 / This research analysis the relationship between State and Civil Society after the nonstate- owned insertion was announced by Director Plan of State Machine Reform, in 1995. To show our objective, as the public, non-state-owned sector, we will discuss the administration reform of Brazilian's State, with regard to transferring to the non public sector, normal operations that were the State s obligation before. To comprehend the reasoning of the public non-state-owned sector, it is based on Bresser Pereira and Anthony Giddens; and, trys to identify the diffusion of a new relationship between State and Civil Society. We propose to demonstrate that the public non-state-owned sector is an experiment to support one social project, that wants to maintain the capitalist process development, from a new concept of Civil Society, and, therefore, from other intervention of social area. We intend to show evidence that the public non-state-owned sector defends it s necessity for the Civil Society to take out the rights conquered by social movement. To be a collaborator in the insertion of this social project by the active involvement of people who bet on democratic potential of social foundations and Non-State-Owned Organizations. This research pretends to get the attention of the public non-stated-owned sector, which is a representation of common people who want to transform the society, split in class, into one harmonic and integrated society that works to commons objectives. We try to present the objectives of Director Plan of State Machine Reform, with regard to the public non-state-owned sector, are related to third way presuppose, cause. Both want to broadcast a new relationship between State and Civil Society, with the Civil Society ceasing to fight for your benefits and rights, and to go work in a cooperating regime with State, ensuring the domination and the class exploration. / O presente estudo trata da análise da relação entre o Estado e a Sociedade Civil após a inserção do público não-estatal anunciado no Plano Diretor da Reforma do Aparelho do Estado, em 1995. Com o intuito de vislumbrar nosso objeto, o setor público não-estatal, discutimos a reforma administrativa do Estado brasileiro no que concerne a transferência para o setor privado das funções antes exclusivas do Estado. Buscamos compreender os argumentos que fundamentam o público nãoestatal, sobretudo, os defendidos por Bresser Pereira e Anthony Giddens; e procuramos identificar a difusão de uma nova relação entre o Estado e a Sociedade Civil. Nosso pressuposto consiste em demonstrar que o setor público não-estatal reside numa tentativa de sustentar um projeto societal que visa manter o processo de desenvolvimento capitalista, a partir de um novo conceito de Sociedade Civil e, portanto, a partir de outras formas de intervenção na área social. Temos evidenciado que para os defensores do setor público não-estatal é de fundamental importância que a sociedade civil não apenas deixe para trás a luta por seus direitos conquistados por meio dos movimentos sociais, mas que a mesma também possa colaborar na inserção desse projeto societal pelo envolvimento ativo de pessoas que de uma maneira ou de outra possam apostar no potencial democratizante das diversas fundações sociais e Organizações Não Governamentais (ONGs). O estudo pretende chamar a atenção para o papel do setor público não-estatal, que partindo de uma representação de bem comum, procura transformar a sociedade cindida em classes em um todo harmônico e integrado em prol de objetivos comuns. Buscamos apresentar também que os objetivos do Plano Diretor de Reforma do Aparelho do Estado, no que concerne ao setor público não-estatal, estão relacionados com os pressupostos da terceira via, pois ambos procuram difundir uma nova relação entre Estado e Sociedade Civil, por meio da qual, a Sociedade Civil deixa de lutar por benefícios e por direitos, e passa a atuar em regime de cooperação com o Estado, colaborando e assegurando a dominação e a exploração de classe.

社會福利的觀念與制度之產生，實肇因於近代資本主義發展後，產生的無數社會問題，為了延續資本主義制度，因而產生社會福利之合理性的辯論。因此，若要深刻了解社會福利的本質及問題，必不可缺少對於近代資本主義發展歷程的認識，包括社會經濟史和經濟思想史，故本文嘗試在經濟思想的脈絡下，透過經濟學家們在理論思想上的辯論，探討社會福利制度的正當性問題。 本文以約翰．斯圖亞特．彌爾（John Stuart Mill, 1806-1873）為思想類比的核心，並以馬克思（Karl Marx, 1818-1883）、海耶克（F. A. von Hayek, 1899-1992）與羅爾斯（John Rawls）作為辯論的對手，交織出一個以歷史為經，意識形態為緯的論述架構，尋思政府應採自由放任或管制的界限何在，其原則為何。 由於社會福利制度本質上實是自由主義與社會主義思想調和的具體呈現，因此，在思想上交糅著自由主義與社會主義的約翰．彌爾，其分配正義理論乃為社會福利制度的合理性提供了有力的辯護；並且，當代著名的「第三條路」（the Third Way）—此一非左非右的政治哲學，不過是彌爾折衷思想的舊理新敘，身處十九世紀的約翰．彌爾實為「第三條路」之先驅，故本文認為，倘若要深刻理解「第三條路」的哲學，實應返回彌爾的理論思想。 第一章　緒論 第一節 研究動機 第二節 思考的起點與論述架構 第二章 思想源流－十七至十九世紀之英國 第一節 社會經濟環境之變遷 壹.十七世紀至十八世紀末的英國 貳.十八世紀至十九世紀中葉的英國 第二節 政治經濟思潮之發展 壹.英國古典政治經濟學的發展 一.重商主義時代的告終 二.亞當斯密自由放任的思想 貳.邊沁的效用主義 第三章 彌爾的社會福利思想 第一節 社會福利理論 壹.彌爾的效用原則 貳.效用原則與分配正義 第二節 社會福利制度 壹.教育 貳.勞工 一.最低工資 二.工作時數 三.工會 參.窮人 第四章 對彌爾思想的檢討 第一節 馬克思的批評 第二節 海耶克的批評 第三節 羅爾斯的批評 第五章 結論

The arguments concerning the unviability of Social Democracy at the beginning of new century within the context of globalization, and the accusations for its shift towards the New Right/Neo-Liberalism in the case of the Third Way has been criticized in a historico-critical way in this thesis. It is claimed that the insufficiency of these arguments arises from their analysis of Social Democracy merely through policies, or party politics, which have displayed great variety in the evolution of Social Democracy. Their shortage also stems from misunderstandings concerning Social Democracy before 1980, such as that it was against the market economy, that it was a working class ideology, and that it neglected the individual. Against the arguments of unviability and the accusations directed to Social Democracy, the thesis will assert that the theorization of Social Democracy should be based on its principles, such as democracy, progressiveness (movement) and social justice. By focusing on social democratic conception of social justice, this thesis defends that there is continuity within the tradition of Social Democracy, even in the face of globalization and in its encounters with the developments after 1980.

This thesis seeks to make sense of the emergence of neoliberalism at the close of the twentieth century and the subsequent appearance of Third Way strategies of government in recent decades. In so doing it deals comparatively with the work of two very different, yet nevertheless both increasingly influential theorists of social change - Karl Polanyi and Nikolas Rose. In the middle decades of the twentieth century Karl Polanyi theorized what he held to be the inevitable shift from a market society to one in which the economy was embedded in a web of social relations. Some half century later in the 1990s, Nikolas Rose theorized the 'death of the social', the process by which the social logic that underpinned Western welfare states for much of the twentieth- century is giving way to a new formula for rule. Rose terms this new way of governing advanced liberalism. This thesis argues that an approach to neoliberalism and the third way that employs both Polanyi's analytical and critical tools as well as the insights gained from Nikolas Rose's governmentality studies can help to render neoliberalism both visible and contestable in new ways. Further such an approach might serve to illuminate potential paths forward.

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