Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / In Portugal and in Spain, for a very long time a belief was cultivated about the Jews, that when being expelled from the Iberian Peninsula, at the beginning of the Modern Age, hid in certain places treasures to be rescued in posterity. Despite this account being cloaked in an atmosphere of mystery and distorted by imagination, in the hope that many nurture of finding riches in gold and jewels, there is evidence that these hidden riches consisted of censored books since, fleeing to other christian countries, they couldn’t take it with them. So in 1992, to corroborate this account, when in the modest Spanish village of Barracota a house was being remodeled, a “kept treasure”, hid by screens in a space between walls, was found. It was a heterogeneous set of 10 prints, a manuscript and a nômina. From those surprising finding its unveiled by extremeño Professor Fernando Serrano Mangas, that the set of clandestine books was hidden around 1557 by Crypto-jew Doctor Francisco Peñaranda. Therefore, this dissertation seeks to illustrate, starting from the analysis of the works “Alborayque” and “A muito devota oração da emparedada”, the mystic crypto-jewish universe and its paths in the 16th century’s contour. Working in this perspective according to the evidentiary method, proposed by Carlo Ginzburg, to highlight fundamental elements from the world vision of this minority that was the object of persecution by the Modern Inquisition. / Durante muito tempo, em Portugal e na Espanha, se cultivou a crença de que os judeus ao serem expulsos da Península Ibérica, no início da Idade Moderna, esconderam tesouros em determinados locais para serem resgatados na posteridade. Apesar desse relato está envolto em um clima de mistérios e também ser distorcido pela imaginação popular, na esperança que muitos acariciam de encontrar riquezas em joias e metais preciosos, existem indícios de que essas riquezas encobertas eram constituídas por livros censurados uma vez que, em sua fuga para outros países cristãos, eles não poderiam levá-los consigo. Assim, para corroborar com esse relato, em 1992 quando era realizada a reforma de uma secular residência na pacata vila de Barcarrota, na Espanha, foi encontrado um “tesouro oculto” escondido por tapumes num espaço vazio existente entre as paredes. Tratava-se de um conjunto heterogêneo de dez impressos, um manuscrito e uma nômina. A partir dessa surpreendente descoberta é desvelado, pelo historiador e professor extremeño Fernando Serrano Mangas, que esse conjunto de livros clandestinos foi ocultado pelo médico criptojudeu Francisco de Peñaranda, por volta de 1557. Portanto, essa dissertação procura ilustrar, a partir da análise das obras “Alborayque” e “A muito devota oração da emparedada”, o universo místico criptojudaico e seus meandros no contorno do século XVI. Nessa perspectiva, trabalhamos segundo o método indiciário, proposto por Carlo Ginzburg, para destacar elementos fundamentais da cosmovisão dessa minoria que foi objeto de perseguição pela Inquisição Moderna. / São Cristóvão, SE

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Le droit pour tous les fidèles d’accéder directement aux textes fondateurs du christianisme dans leur idiome maternel fut au nombre des principales réclamations des réformateurs. La Réforme française ne fait exception à ce chapitre. Henri Estienne, dans son Apologie pour Hérodote, signale l’existence de toute une littérature de complainte publiée au début des années 1540. Ces écrits, précise-t-il, parurent «sans le nom des auteurs». C’est en dressant une liste aussi complète que possible de ces opuscules que notre attention fut attirée par deux petits écrits très rares et pratiquement ignorés des bibliographes. Il s’agit des titres suivants : 1) TRAICTE AUQUEL / est deduict s’il est loisible de / lire la saincte Escriture en / langue Vulgaire, & / du fruict qui en peult sortir. (s.l.n.d. , 8⁰, italique, 94 p., signé a-f8, marginales, titres courants, 2 initiales ornées (a 2r⁰; 3v⁰). 2) TRAITE, / QU’IL EST NECESSAIRE / QUE TOUTES GENS DE QUEL- / que qualité, sexe, ou aage, qu’ils / soient, lisent les Saintes Escri- / tures : Et du moyen qu’on / y peut tenir. (s.l., s.n., 1561, avec une marque aux palmes du martyr couronnées), 8o, italique, 36 ff., signé A-D8, E4, marginales, titres courants, 1 initiale (Aii ro). Ces deux livrets sont de sensibilité nettement réformée. Les nombreuses citations bibliques, littéraires et patristiques, surtout dans le traité de 1561, montrent que ces textes émanent de la plume de maîtres et non de disciples. Plusieurs candidatures à la paternité ont été considérées. De tous les réformateurs, les écrits de Pierre Viret sont ceux qui offrent le plus de ressemblances avec ces deux opuscules. Les observations accumulées jusqu’ici nous ont convaincu que le premier traité, publié en 1544 et signalé pour la première fois dans l’Index prohibitif de l’Université de Paris en 1549 avec la date 1543, constitue l’édition princeps d’un écrit inédit de Pierre Viret, qui sera réédité fort vraisemblablement à Paris sous une forme profondément remaniée avec nouveau titre en 1561. Cette attribution sera prouvée à l’aide de citations, de rapprochement textuels et d’autres arguments fondés sur la critique interne et externe des sources. Nous résumons ici les grandes lignes de notre démonstration. L’analyse du premier traité (le T1) révèle une étroite parenté de style et d’idées avec les œuvres de Pierre Viret publiées entre 1542 et 1545. Les parallèles et les correspondances se constatent jusque dans le détail. Parmi les textes évoqués, il faut signaler plusieurs emprunts à De la difference qui est entre les superstitions et idolatries des anciens gentilz et payens … (Genève, 1542), un ouvrage important que Viret a souvent réutilisé dans ses écrits postérieurs. Nous avons également retrouvé un bref extrait du T1 dans les Dialogues du desordre qui est a present au monde (Genève, 1545) et dans la Métamorphose chrestienne (1561), ce qui prouve un usage ultérieur de cette source par Viret. Une lecture attentive du T1 révèle aussi un emprunt important à Marie Dentière (Epistre tresutile, 1539) et à Calvin (Epistre monstrant comment Christ est la fin de la loi, 1543). Nos observations nous ont également permis d’avancer des hypothèses plausibles et instructives qu’il restera à valider sur les circonstances de composition du premier traité. On notera un point important : le T1 paraît au moment où la Bible, le Psautier et le Nouveau Testament commencent à être imprimés régulièrement et largement à Genève et à Lyon, deux centres d’édition biblique où s’affirment des discours éristiques très similaires à travers lesquels se discernent, toutefois, une polarisation des enjeux théologiques en matière d’ecclésiologie. Nos recherches sur le T1 connurent un prolongement avec la découverte du traité de 1561 (le T2). La collation des deux opuscules suggère que le T2 est une réédition profondément remaniée du T1. Ce rapprochement est signalé ici pour la première fois. Les habitudes de travail de Viret, surtout depuis le milieu des années 1550, s’accordent avec cette hypothèse. Il nous fallait toutefois entreprendre un travail minutieux de comparaison entre le T2 et les publications contemporaines de Pierre Viret avant de pouvoir tirer des conclusions sur la paternité du deuxième livret. Les résultats se sont avérés éloquents : le T2 se recoupe avec la plupart de ses écrits publiés entre 1559 et 1565 (parenté très étroite d’idées et de style, reprises textuelles, paraphrases). Le T2 reprend notamment un passage de De la difference qui est entre les supersitions (1542), un ouvrage dont nous avons souligné, à la suite d’autres historiens, l’importance dans le répertoire bibliographique virétien. Nos observations peuvent donc se résumer de la manière suivante : le T1 emprunte à Viret, Viret emprunte au T1 et au T2, et le T2 emprunte au T1 et à Viret. Viret a sans doute composé le T2 après son départ de Genève (fin septembre 1561) pour la France. Nîmes est le lieu le plus probable de rédaction. Des indications internes, auxquelles s’ajoutent des témoignages externes donnent à penser que Viret a rédigé ce court traité dans le but de rallier le roi de Navarre et sa cour à la cause réformée à un moment où les Huguenots devenaient toujours plus nombreux dans le royaume, en particulier dans le Midi où les familles de haute naissance et les milieux intellectuels adhéraient avec enthousiasme aux thèses réformées. C’est ainsi qu’au début des années 1560, les réformés constituaient une véritable force politique capable d’infléchir la destinée du royaume dans son centre le plus névralgique : la monarchie. Le T2 est plus précisément contemporain du colloque de Poissy, un événement de grande importance qui se tint à Paris entre le 9 septembre et le 14 octobre 1561. Il y a tout lieu de croire que ce deuxième traité de Viret fut diffusé largement dans la capitale au cours de cette période, puisque le matériel typographique du T2 correspond à celui employé par Nicolas Edoard et Charles Pesnot, deux éditeurs protestants actifs au moment du colloque. À la différence du T1, le T2 paraît donc à un moment où la confessionnalisation des discours religieux a mis en évidence, depuis des années, deux ecclésiologies conflictuelles et irréconciliables. Le T2 paraît également à un moment où s’amorce très nettement la politisation des controverses religieuses dans le contexte gravissime du déclin des Valois et de la montée des Bourbons. Par son immense production littéraire, à laquelle notre thèse ajoute deux nouvelles sources (qu’on pourra lire ici intégralement avec une annotation scientifique), et par son intense activité sur le terrain - tant dans le milieu genevois-romand qu’en France, depuis le début des années 1560 et jusqu’à sa mort en 1571, juste avant le massacre de la Saint-Barthélemy - Pierre Viret aura non seulement été le témoin, mais également un acteur essentiel du débat entourant la démocratisation de la Bible en langue vulgaire et de l’évolution théologique qui a accompagné cette controverse de premier plan au siècle des Réformes. / A direct access to the foundational texts of the Christian faith in vernacular languages was part of the basic demands of the Protestant Reformation in the 16th century. The French linguistic domaine was no exception in this regard. Henri Estienne, in his Apologie pour Hérodote, alludes to a specific anonymous literature dedicated to this question in response to biblical censorship in the 1540’s. Our investigations in these primary sources lead our attention on two pamphlets which have remained almost unknown to most bibliographers: 1) TRAICTE AUQUEL / est deduict s’il est loisible de / lire la saincte Escriture en / langue Vulgaire, & / du fruict qui en peult sortir. (s.l.n.d. , 80, italique, 94 p., signé a-f8, marginales, titres courants, 2 initiales ornées (a 2r0; 3v0). 2) TRAITE, / QU’IL EST NECESSAIRE / QUE TOUTES GENS DE QUEL- / que qualité, sexe, ou aage, qu’ils / soient, lisent les Saintes Escri- / tures : Et du moyen qu’on / y peut tenir. (s.l., s.n., 1561, avec une marque aux palmes du martyr couronnées), 80, italique, 36 ff., signé A-D8, E4, marginales, titres courants, 1 initiale (Aii ro). These two treatises clearly disclose a protestant and reformed content. Moreover, the numerous biblical, literary and patristic quotations they contain, more specificaly the 1561 edition, show that they where penned by master’s and not by disciples. Many candidates to their authorship have been considered and among these it is the religious work of Pierre Viret that offers the most ressemblances with the two pamphlets. The observations summed up to this day have convinced us that the first booklet, published in 1544 and mentioned for the first time in 1549 in the Parisian catalogue of prohibited books (Index de Paris, with the notice 1543) forms the editio princeps of an unprecedented work of the Swiss Reformer. It is part of our thesis that this booklet was later completely rewritten by Pierre Viret and published in Paris in 1561 under a new title. The Viretian paternity of these two tracts will be proven in the present research with the help of quotations, textual connections and other arguments based on the internal and external criticism of primary sources. Here follows a brief summary of our demonstration. The analysis of the first booklet (henceforth: T1) reveals a tight relationship with the style and ideas of Pierre Viret as can be seen in his works printed between 1542 and 1555. Among the reminiscent passages, one must point out many borrowings from De la difference qui est entre les superstitions et idolatries des anciens gentilz et payens… (Geneva, 1542), an important work which Viret has often reused in his subsequent writings. We also found a brief extract of T1 in the Dialogues du desordre qui est a present au monde (Geneva, 1545) and in the Métamorphose chrestienne (1561), which prove a later reuse of this source by Viret. A carefull reading of T1 also reveals an import from Marie Dentière’s Epistre tresutile (1539) and Calvin’s Epistre monstrant comment Christ est la fin de la loi (1543). Our findings have also allowed us to put forward plausible and instructive suggestions, which still need to be validated, regarding the immediate editorial context of T1. On this matter, one will note that T1 was released when editions of the Bible, the Psalter and the New Testament were regularly and largely printed both in Geneva and Lyon. These geographical area were two biblical publishing centers following very similar patterns of eristic and religious discourses. Several issues were parts of confessional polarization on both sides. Our research on T1 was extended with the discovery of the 1561 treatise mentioned earlier (henceforth: T2). A carefull comparison of the two treatises suggests that latter is a profoundly reviewed reedition of the former. We are the first to have made this connexion. Viret’s well known literary habits, specially since the mid 1550’s, confirm this hypothesis. However a meticulous comparative study between T2 and Viret’s contemporary writings had to be undertaken before drawing any conclusion. The results of the inquiry are eloquent: T2 overlaps with most of his books published between 1559 and 1565 (strict textual kinship of ideas and style, verbatim recoveries, paraphrases). T2 even picks up a short extract from an important work De la difference qui est entre les supersitions (1542), a book we have underscored, with other historians, the value in Viret's bibliographical and literary repertoire. In short, our findings can be summarized as follows: T1 borrows from Viret, Viret borrows from T1 and T2, and the latter draws from T1 and Viret. Viret probably composed T2 shortly after he left Geneva for France (at the end of September 1561). Nîmes is the most likely location where he wrote this tract. Internal indications, to which external testimonies can be added, lead us to think that Viret wrote this short pamphlet with the intention of rallying the King of Navarre, his court and the nobility to the Reformed faith that is at a key moment when the Huguenots where largely increasing in numbers accross the kingdom, especially in the Southern cities where highly ranked families and many intellectuals enthousiastically clinged to the protestant theses. Hence, in the beginning of the 1560’s, Hugenots where forming a genuine political strength capable to inflect the Kingdom’s destiny in its most sensitive center: the monarchy. T2's context falls in line with the colloque de Poissy, an important event that took place in Paris between September 9 and October 14, 1561. There are reasons to believe that Viret's second treatise was largely disseminated in the French capital city since the printed typographical characters match those used by Nicolas Edoard and Charles Pesnot, namely two protestant printers active at the time of the Poissy colloquium. Differing on this particular point from T1, T2 was thus produced at a time when the process of "confession-building" of religious discourses was making it all the more evident that two conflictual and irreconcilable ecclesiologies were at stake within the same kingdom. In short, the religious debates where now deploying under a political spin. Hence, T2 appeared at a very critical moment when religious debates revolved around the political implications of the decline of the Catholic Valois and the rise of the Protestant Bourbons. Less than a year after the publishing of T2, on 2 April 1562, Condé and his Protestant followers seized the city of Orléans. Their example was soon followed by Protestant groups across the realm. The same year saw the outbreak of the first of the eight religious wars that would plague the kingdom during the rest of the century. By his immense literary input, to which our thesis now adds two new primary sources (which the reader will find herein with scientific annotations), and by his intensive fieldwork as a reformer – both in the Genevan-Swiss milieu and in France since the early 1560’s up until his death in 1571 (one year before the St. Bartholomew's Day massacre) – Pierre Viret will have not only been an important witness but a leading protagonist of the debate over the democratization of the Bible in the vernacular and the theological evolution surrounding this major controversy of the Reformation and post-Reformation era.

This essay is firstly a study of the early modern period in Sweden regarding questions of religion. Secondly the essay intents to interpret these religious questions with the help of theories surrounding Norbert Elias civilizing process. The main purpose of this essay is to examine the religious transformation-event that took place in Sweden during the the late 16th century where the archbishop of Uppsala Abraham Angermannus through an inquisitional inspection journey – or so called “räfst” – sought to punish the sinners of the kingdom. Furthermore the aim is to analyze and discuss this religious happening through what has been said in the Swedish historical field of research. The source material of the study is the court journal that compiles almost every case of the inspection journey in some some detail. Here demarcations are made where the study tend to focus on cases pertaining religious questions, Catholicism, magic and witchcraft. In conclusion I here argue that the purpose of the inspection journey, that was instigated on the behest of duke Charles, was the cessation of the apocalypse. Therfore all crimes that had any connection with Catholicism and non-Lutheran creeds, manners and faiths were looked upon with harshness and were further on bundled together and labled as witchcraft or black art. From the civilizing perspective I moreover claim that the inspection journey sometimes could have had the support of the people and that it was not only a project designed by and for the authorities needs. Therfore the study tend to lean more against a supporting of the development theory rather than that of the intervention theory. This in spite of the later criticism that was aimed against the archbishop and his inspection journey.

Tableau d’honneur de la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales, 2010-2011 / Ce mémoire s'applique à analyser les descriptions de rites des « bons hommes » languedociens au sein de la dynamique du discours inquisitorial de deux registres albigeois (lat. 11847 de la BnF, procédure de 1299-1300; lat. 12856 de la BnF, procédure de 1286-1287), tant dans leur mise en forme écrite que dans leur contenu. Il s'appuie sur le renouvellement des études sur ce sujet au cours des dernières décennies, privilégiant une approche déconstructionniste des sources. On y expose en premier lieu comment toute une mise en forme des manuscrits met en évidence certains rites, notamment par des annotations tant au sein des tables construisant une image graphique de la communauté de la dissidence religieuse que dans la mise en page des dépositions. La répartition de ces dernières annotations marginales semblent créer l'image type de l'hérétique autour des pratiques rapportées par les déposants-clefs de chaque procès. Est ensuite expliqué comment la répartition des descriptions dans les registres propose que les rites hérétiques étaient les principales preuves d'hérésie au sein de ces procédures, l'évolution de ces dernières étant tributaire du nombre et du type de ces rituels au sein de chaque témoignage. En dernier lieu, l'analyse du contenu des descriptions suggère que les rites sont décrits dans ces documents à partir du vocabulaire et de referents propres à l'orthodoxie chrétienne, projetant sur les pratiques dissidentes une image de dépravation fondée sur des balises catholiques. Les caractéristiques de ces rites propres à la dissidence sont ainsi difficilement décelables, mais semblent sous-tendues par un ritualisme et une hiérarchie moins rigides que ceux de l'Église romaine, se rapprochant de caractéristiques propres aux confréries laïques de l'époque.

The master's thesis Witchcraft and Inquisition in literal and historical context of "El Crótalon" offers a look at displays od the Witchcraft in the literature of first half of the 16th century with special attention on classical Greek and Roman literal models. Furthermore, the thesis analyzes the influence of Erasmus'work and impact of the Reformation movement on intelectual panorama as well as on the popular opinion; it concentrates on the evolution of Witchcraft and its growing influence over the social life. It also studies how the changing caracter of the Witchcraft reflected in the literal activity of its times. Second part of the thesis is dedicated to religious aspects of the Witchcraft, its connection with heretical movements and persecutions by the Inquisition.

Padre Manoel Lopes de Carvalho nasceu na Bahia no final do século XVII. Foi aluno da Companhia de Jesus, ordenado sacerdote em 1707. Grande admirador do Padre Antônio Vieira, deixou a Colônia em direção ao Reino, onde apresentando-se como um 2o Profeta Jonas, escreveu um \"Memorial à Sua Majestade\" El Rey D. João V. Prognostifica uma reforma da Igreja à luz de idéias vieirianas. Encontrou no judeu-cristianismo um referencial teológico que pudesse unir a Igreja à Sinagoga. Filosemita convicto, combateu com veemência a Inquisição e a perseguição aos cristãos-novos. Após acreditar que o Messias viria do Brasil, depois de sua prisão nos cárceres do Santo Ofício da Inquisição, iniciou um processo psicológico, onde acabaria por declarar-se Messias. Por fim, combinou uma série de complexos cruzamentos teológicos, sintetizando elementos judaicos, cristãos e gnósticos. Foi condenado à morte em Lisboa como \"afirmativo, profitente da Lei de Moisés\" no Auto de Fé de 1726. / Priest Manoel Lopes de Carvalho was born in Bahia in the end of the 17th century. He was student of Jesus\' Company, ordered priest in 1707. Great admirer of Priest Antônio Vieira, he left the Colony towards the Kingdom, where presenting himself as a 2nd Prophet Jonas, he wrote a \"Memorial à Sua Majestade\" El Rey D. João V. He prognosticates a reform of the Church to the light of Priest Antônio Vieira\'s ideas. He found in the Jew-Christianity a theological referencial that could join the Church to the Synagogue. Convict philosemitic, he combatted with vehemence the Inquisition and the persecution to the newChristian. After believing that the Messiah would come from Brazil, after his prison in the jails of Saint Service of the Inquisition, he began a psychological process, where he would end for declaring himself Messiah. Finally, he combined a series of complex theological crossings, synthesizing Jewish, Christians and Gnostics elements. He was condemned to the death in Lisbon as \"affirmative, professed of the Moses\' Law\" in the Act of Faith of 1726.

An examination of Teresa of Avila and John of the Cross, applying modern theories of gender and sexuality to the textual analysis of a selection of primary written works and biographical works, in order to determine the roles that they play, not only in the case of these two saints of the Catholic Church, but also within the mystical tradition as a whole.

Orientador: Leandro Karnal / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T20:33:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Goulart_Saulo_M.pdf: 847056 bytes, checksum: e8311d51418e1b1933383fef2547c125 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Investiga-se de que maneira o caso de don Carlos Ometochtzin, cacique de Texcoco (Proceso Inquisitorial del Cacique de Tetzcoco 1539), se relacionou com os primeiros anos de conquista espanhola no Vale do México. O objetivo é olhar para os recortes suscitados pela leitura do processo, pois isso auxilia tanto a inteligibilidade do processo quanto o desvio do olhar em sentidos que apenas a fonte em particular pode fornecer. Do mesmo modo, está posta a tentativa de entender o processo enquanto acontecimento, já que se pergunta sobre o processo segundo suas regras de fabricação dentro da instituição inquisitorial, evocando suas conexões institucionais de forma mais direta. Para tanto, interroga-se como operaram os primeiros juízos inquisitoriais estabelecidos na Nova Espanha no período anterior ao ano de 1571 - data oficial do estabelecimento do Tribunal do Santo Ofício na Nova Espanha, mais especificamente no período de nomeação do primeiro arcebispo do México e inquisidor episcopal Juan de Zumárraga. Observa-se ainda, por meio do Processo Inquisitorial do cacique de Texcoco e demais fontes de pesquisa, aspectos do comportamento da antiga elite indígena do vale do México frente à imposição do cristianismo e à dominação política espanhola / Abstract: It investigates how the case of don Carlos Ometochtzin, cacique of Texcoco (Proceso Inquisitorial del Cacique de Tetzcoco 1539), was related to the early years of Spanish conquest in the Valley of Mexico. The goal is to look at the clippings raised by the reading process, establishing a two-way dialogue, because this can help the intelligibility of the process and averts the eyes in ways that only a particular source can provide. As the same manner, this work understands the process as an event, since it wonders about the process according to its manufacturing rules inside the inquisitorial institution, evoking its institutional connections more directly. For this, it asks how to operated the first inquisitorial courts established in New Spain in the period preceding the year of 1571 - official date of establishment of the Court of the Inquisition in New Spain, more specifically in the period of appointment of first archbishop of Mexico and inquisitor bishop Juan de Zumárraga. It can shows also, through the inquisitorial process of the chief of Texcoco and other research sources, aspects of the behavior of ancient indigenous elite of the valley of Mexico against the imposition of Christianity and political domination of Spain / Mestrado / Historia Cultural / Mestre em História

This thesis addresses the epistolary work by Novo-Hispanic writer Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz to place it in the literary and discursive context of the end of the 17th Century. I will take as theoretical background the concepts of dialogism and the carnivalesque by Mikhail Bakhtin, as well as Michel De Certeau’s reflections on what he calls the practice of everyday life. Other aspects of my theoretical approach will be drawn from Michel Foucault’s concepts in The Archaeology of Knowledge; his ideas about power, knowledge and social control, which will be useful for contextually addressing Sor Juana’s work and that of her intellectual contemporaries. Particularly, I will analyse the circumstances in which these Novo-Hispanic discourses were produced. This contextualization will allow me to incorporate not only the cultural (everyday life) practices that surround the production of these texts, but also other less notable or unpublished documents written by some of Sor Juana’s contemporaries. My aim is to widen the discursive spectrum of authors and critics of the prose of this author, and to this end I make use of documents from the 17th Century as primary source. This thesis is divided into three chapters. In the first, I will place into context the Novo-Hispanic discourse and the generic forms of the time: sermon, satire, libel, letter and inquisitorial censure, and the function of ideological control exerted by the Novo-Hispanic Holy Office. In the second chapter I will make a textual and contextual revision of three epistolary documents by Sor Juana: Carta al Padre Nuñez (Letter to Father Nuñez, 1682), Carta Atenagórica (Letter Worthy of Athena, 1690) and Respuesta a Sor Filotea de la Cruz (Reply to Sor Filotea of the Cross, 1690); as well as the antecedents, development and the result of the critical-theological conflict caused by these private letters, their replies and other collateral documents, namely, Carta de Serafina de Cristo, and Carta de Filotea de la Cruz (1690). Both drafts of these letters, found in Puebla in 2010, will also be refered in this revision. In addition to this I will study Defensa del Sermón del Mandato (1691) and Discurso Apologético contra la Fe de Erratas de un Soldado Castellano (1691), documents found in Lima in 2002 and published in Mexico in 2004. The third chapter consists of the study of three contemporary preachers of Sor Juana: Francisco Xavier Palavicino Villarrasa, Pedro Muñoz de Castro and Pedro de Avendaño Suárez de Sousa, whose theological and literary activities were denounced by the Holy Office. My aim is to show the reach of inquisitorial control and its consequence on the writing and literary activities of the contemporary intellectuals of Sor Juana, to contextualize Sor Juana’s epistolary work and confront the possible isolation and singularization that may place her life and work apart from the kernel of the intellectual scene in the New Spain at the close of the 17th Century.