Submitted by Celso Magalhaes (celsomagalhaes@ufrrj.br) on 2017-06-08T11:30:16Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Sebasti?o Cezar Ferreira.pdf: 4722531 bytes, checksum: dd1dd2c0278f6a131da66f7078f207ce (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-08T11:30:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Sebasti?o Cezar Ferreira.pdf: 4722531 bytes, checksum: dd1dd2c0278f6a131da66f7078f207ce (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-22 / This dissertation analyzed the conditions of creation of social protection policies to the excluded and marginalized, through the emergence of capitalist market economy, cause, if poverty existed before the arising of this specific type of market economy, it used to be resolved by domesticity, reciprocity and redistribution whithin the community. The emergence of pauperization and mendicancy led to an era of solutions for the excluded populations to have the "right to life". Among these there were families and women, in social conditions of extreme fragility. Against the "satanic mill" States created a Governmentality to intervene in the new situation imposed by the capitalist market economy that emerged. In the 20th Century, the Welfare State was the solution, granting benefits to workers, families and women, what means: the state will use part of its resources to protect those who were excluded from the new economy. Despite the criticism to this new role of state, such as being a "free lunch", that discouraged work and productivity, the Welfare State had triumphed given the multifunctional character of social protection policy of the state, that in one hand, removes the red danger, and on the other, imposes a social peace and prevent fractures in society, which has become essential for the accumulation of capital in this stage of capitalist development. In Brazil, the social protection system varied throughout the twentieth century in a model of underdevelopment and authoritarianism that excluded large portions of society to satisfy their basic needs. Hunger, unemployment, low wages were recurrent in the country. The arrival of the Workers' Party to power in 2002 reoriented the State Governmentality to remedy the gravity of the economic situation of the poor and created Bolsa Fam?lia Program that focuses on family, and especially women. At the city of Vi?osa, Minas Gerais, the Program was implemented with remarkable results, such as the National Program, confirmed in the present research project through interviews and questionnaires. / A presente disserta??o analisou as condi??es em que se gestou a prote??o social aos exclu?dos e marginalizados, atrav?s da emerg?ncia da economia de mercado capitalista, pois, se a pobreza existiu antes deste tipo espec?fico de economia de mercado surgir, ela era resolvida pela domesticidade, reciprocidade e redistribui??o na comunidade. O surgimento da pauperiza??o e da mendic?ncia implicou em uma era de solu??es para que os exclu?dos tivessem o ?direito ? vida?. Entre estes estavam fam?lias e mulheres, em condi??es de fragilidade social ainda mais profundas. Contra o ?moinho sat?nico? que se avizinhava os Estados criaram uma Governamentalidade, aparelhando-se para intervir na nova situa??o imposta pela economia de mercado capitalista que se desprendia da sociedade. No s?culo XX, o Estado do Bem Estar Social foi a solu??o para enfrentar esta novidade, concedendo benef?cios aos trabalhadores, fam?lias e mulheres, ou seja, o Estado passa utilizar parte dos seus recursos para proteger aqueles que foram exclu?dos pela nova economia. Apesar das cr?ticas a este novo papel do Estado, como por exemplo, de ser um ?almo?o gr?tis?, que desestimulava o trabalho e a produtividade, demonstrou-se que estas cr?ticas foram superadas dado o car?ter multifuncional da pol?tica de prote??o social do Estado, que por um lado, afasta o perigo vermelho, e por outro, imp?e uma paz social e evita fraturas na sociedade, o que se tornou essencial para a acumula??o de capitais nesta etapa do desenvolvimento capitalista. No Brasil, o sistema de prote??o social variou ao longo do s?culo XX dentro de um modelo de subdesenvolvimento e autoritarismo que excluiu grandes parcelas da sociedade de saciar suas necessidades b?sicas. A fome, o desemprego, os baixos sal?rios foram recorrentes no pa?s. A chegada do Partido dos Trabalhadores ao poder em 2002 reorientou a Governamentalidade Estatal para sanar a gravidade da situa??o econ?mica dos pobres e criou-se o Programa Bolsa Fam?lia que focaliza a fam?lia, e, especialmente, a mulher. No munic?pio de Vi?osa implantou-se o Programa com not?veis resultados, como os do Programa Nacional, atestados nesta pesquisa por meio de entrevistas e question?rios.

Market reforms have quite notably been used as a solution to increase the quality of public services and efficiency since the 1990s. Sweden has also introduced marketisation in the field of elderly care since 1992 to cope with increasing care needs while maintaining costs at a reasonable level. Yet, the introduction of a market mechanism in the welfare state is subject to increasing political and public debates. Many are sceptical about the purported benefits of a market, such as increased quality and reduced costs, as proposed by New Public Management. There have also been increasing critiques of the profit-making in care services in recent years. After two decades of marketisation, it is worthwhile to map out local politicians’ attitude patterns, namely, how they perceive the use of a market or quasi-market in a welfare state, where the market mechanism might challenge traditional principles such as universalism, solidarity, and equality. Complementary to studies on attitudes of public welfare, this research uses a unique survey dataset from 2014 to expand current understandings of politicians’ perspectives of marketisation. To be more specific, this study analyses three different aspects of marketisation: production, regulation, and financing. The results show that attitudinal differences between left- and right-wing politicians on private for-profit providers remain distinct. Political orientations of individuals, political majority in municipalities, and the privatisation level already achieved locally are identified as important factors in explaining local politicians’ willingness to privatise further. The preference differences continue to exist between the two blocs, and political ideology plays a major role in explaining these differences, more so than individual factors such as age, gender, or working position. Self-reported answers reveal that political ideology influences attitude formation. To a large extent, left- and right-wing politicians agree on welfare principles such as universalism, and they both recognise potential impacts that the market could have on society, such as inequality. It seems plausible that welfare state pluralism is the direction of the future. This case study serves as a solid example for examining the market development of public welfare in advanced welfare states and also contributes to the discussion of the potential role of political ideology in post-austerity welfare reforms. / Marknadsreformer har i ökande grad använts som en lösning för att öka effektiviteten och kvaliteten på offentliga tjänster sedan 1990-talet. I Sverige har också en gradvis marknadsanpassning ägt rum från tidigt 1990-tal med syfte att klara av ökade vårdbehov och för att upprätthålla kostnaderna på en rimlig nivå. Införandet av marknadsmekanismer i välfärdsstaten har blivit föremål för en livlig offentlig debatt. Många debattörer har varit klart skeptiska till de påstådda fördelarna med en marknadsanpassning, såsom förbättrad kvalitet och reducerade kostnader, som bland annat hävdats av New Public Managementskolans anhängare. Samtidigt har också skett en växande kritik av vinstuttagen och vinsttillväxten inom offentligfinansierad vård och omsorg de senaste åren. Efter två årtionden av marknadsanpassning är det motiverat att kartlägga lokalpolitikernas attityder, avseende hur de ser på den ökande marknadsanpassningen av den traditionella välfärdsstaten, där marknadsmekanismen kan utmana principer som universalism, solidaritet och jämställdhet. Förutom tidigare analyser av attityder beträffande offentlig välfärd är denna studie baserad på en unik enkätundersökning riktad till svenska kommunpolitiker genomförd 2014 i syfte att undersöka politikernas syn på de ökade marknadsinslagen inom offentlig äldreomsorg. Studien analyserar tre olika aspekter av marknadsanpassningen: produktion, reglering och finansiering. Resultatet visar att skillnaderna i attityder mellan vänster - och högerpolitiker avseende inslaget av privata vinstdrivande tjänsteleverantörer är mycket tydligt. Individernas politiska tillhörighet, politisk majoritet i kommunerna och privatiseringsnivån identifieras som viktiga faktorer för att förklara lokala politikernas villighet att öka privatiseringsgraden ytterligare. Det finns tydliga preferensskillnader mellan de två blocken och den politiska ideologin spelar en övergripande roll, medan individuella faktorer som ålder, kön eller politisk position spelar en klart mindre roll. Att ideologin är viktig konfirmeras även av politikernas självskattning avseende vilken betydelse olika faktorer har haft för deras attityder. I hög grad finns en samstämmighet mellan vänster- och högerpolitiker avseende välfärdsprinciper som universalism, och både blocken anser att marknaden kan bidra till ökad ojämlikhet i samhället. Det verkar troligt att välfärdsstatspluralismen är riktningen för framtiden. Denna fallstudie kan utgöra ett exempel för studier av marknadsanpassning i offentlig välfärd i avancerade välfärdsstater. Studien kan också bidra till diskussioner om den politiska ideologins potentiella roll för reformer av välfärdsstaten.

Bien qu’elles soient peu étudiées, les politiques provinciales de logement ont subi plusieurs changements fondamentaux depuis l’époque des Trente Glorieuses. Ces changements portent sur qui reçoit l’aide gouvernementale et comment cette aide est dépensée. Toutes ces modifications soulèvent des questions cruciales pour notre compréhension de l’État-providence. La thèse examine la similarité des politiques de logement destinées aux ménages à revenu modeste en Colombie-Britannique, en Alberta et au Québec. Cette ressemblance est particulièrement intéressante après le désengagement du gouvernement fédéral au milieu des années 1990. Elle s’articule autour de trois changements fondamentaux : 1) l’aide est surtout canalisée vers les ménages en situation vulnérable ; 2) les nouvelles unités de logement social/abordable se réalisent essentiellement à travers les organismes sans but lucratif du tiers secteur et non plus sur le modèle des habitations à loyer modique (HLM) appartenant à l’État ; 3) les mesures axées sur le marché locatif privé (allocation-logement et supplément au loyer) sont beaucoup utilisées. Comment et pourquoi les provinces ont-elles décidé de formuler des politiques de logement semblables ? Ces trois provinces sont pourtant connues pour avoir des approches distinctes en matière de politiques sociales. À partir du matériel obtenu dans les archives et à travers des entrevues avec des personnes clés, notre analyse démontre que les trois changements fondamentaux dans les provinces sont le résultat de l’interaction de deux processus. Le plus important est le processus de puzzling et ses deux mécanismes d’apprentissage (social et instrumental) qui permettent de comprendre qu’en contexte de resserrement budgétaire, les décideurs aient fait le choix difficile de cibler les personnes plus vulnérables selon le principe d’équité, puis de se détourner du modèle HLM appartenant à l’État pour des raisons d’efficience. Les administrateurs des trois provinces ont davantage financé le logement sans but lucratif possédé par les groupes du tiers secteur et misé sur les instruments axés sur le marché locatif privé pour les avantages économiques et non économiques de ces formules. Cependant, le processus de puzzling rencontre le processus de dépendance au sentier et ses deux mécanismes (rétroaction des politiques publiques et rendements croissants) dans la prise de décision. Ces deux mécanismes liés à la dépendance au sentier aident à comprendre pourquoi les subventions aux groupes du tiers secteur ainsi que le recours aux allocations-logement et suppléments au loyer, qui avaient débuté avant le repli fédéral, se sont poursuivis. Les changements fondamentaux à propos des instruments utilisés s’inscrivent donc dans une certaine continuité. Outre notre contribution empirique découlant de l’étude de la politique de logement dans trois grandes provinces des années 1970 aux années 2010, la thèse développe un cadre analytique autour de l’apprentissage et de la recherche permanente d’une meilleure utilisation des ressources limitées. Ce cadre d’analyse mécanistique permet de mieux comprendre la prise de décision des gouvernants, entre les forces d’innovation et de continuité, avec l’objectif de maximiser le bien-être au moindre coût possible pour l’État. Basé sur les prémisses de l’économie du bien-être, ce cadre analytique s’appuie sur l’évaluation coûts-bénéfices traditionnelle en lien avec l’efficience, en intégrant l’aspect normatif de l’équité. / Although understudied, low-income housing policy in Canadian provinces have experienced fundamental shifts since the welfare state’s expansion during the post-war era. These shifts relate to who benefits from public monies and how these are spent. Such changes raise important questions for our understanding of the welfare state. This dissertation examines the policy similarity of low-income housing policy in British Columbia, Alberta and Quebec. The resemblance is particularly interesting after the federal government’s disengagement from the low-income housing domain in the mid-1990s. The policy similarity focuses around three fundamental shifts: 1) targeting of vulnerable citizens; 2) construction of new social/affordable housing units through third sector providers rather than government-owned public housing projects; 3) stronger use of private market instruments (housing allowance and rent supplement). How and why did the provinces decide to design similar housing policies? Yet the three provinces are known to have different approaches with regard to social policy. Starting with empirical material collected in archives and through interviews with policy elites, the analysis demonstrates that the three fundamental shifts in each province result from the interaction of two processes. The most important one is the puzzling process with its two learning mechanisms (social and instrumental). They can help us to understand that in a context of cost-containment, decision-makers have made the difficult choice to target the most vulnerable citizens following an equity principle, and to move away from the traditional public housing model for efficiency reasons. Public administrators in the three provinces have mostly financed non-profit housing owned by non-profit groups in the third sector and supported private market instruments. However, the puzzling process meets with the path dependence process and its two mechanisms (policy feedback and increasing returns) in the decision-making phase. Both of these mechanisms are useful to understand why subsidies to third sector groups and the use of housing allowances as well as rent supplements, which have started before the federal withdrawal, were pursued. Therefore the fundamental shifts with regard to policy instruments exhibit a certain form of continuity. In addition to the empirical contribution resulting from the study of three major provinces from the 1970s to the 2010s, the thesis develops an analytical framework around policy learning and the permanent search for the best use of scarce resources. This mechanismic framework furthers our understanding of government decision-making, between innovation and continuity forces, with the objective to maximize social welfare at the lowest possible cost for government. Based on welfare economics premises, this analytical framework relies on traditional cost-benefit evaluation seeking efficiency, but also integrates the normative aspect of equity.

The thesis deals with the problem of welfare state. It focuses on a comprehensive analysis of the causes of the welfare state's problems, and, furthermore it outlines the risks that these problems bring. In the analytical part, these risks are calculated in three areas, which are financing system, family policy and population aging. The Czech Republic is compared in these indicators with countries that have been selected based on Esping-Andersen typology of welfare state: the UK, Germany, Denmark and the United States of America. The results of the analysis are evaluated in conclusion of the thesis. On this basis, ther are formulated recommendations for the Czech Republic, which has the biggest deficiencies in family policy in comparison with other selected countries. Denmark, a representative of the Scandinavian welfare state model, has relatively best results; on the other hand, the United States, with its emphasis on free market, individual freedom and own responsibility principles, face the challenge. The crisis of the welfare state does not have to necessarily result into the end; however, it is inevitable to imply certain unavoidable steps. These measures do not hold for the Czech Republic.

Orientador: Zula Garcia Giglio / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-07T21:23:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Antunes_DeniseCastanho_M.pdf: 3787418 bytes, checksum: db1419dd4b6f26a04ee7b9b8264a282b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Introdução: Pesquisas gerontológicas têm ressaltado a importância da reconstrução de memórias de pessoas mais velhas para favorecimento de reflexões acerca do sentido de vida e do estabelecimento de novas metas e formas de enfrentamento. Objetivos: Reconstruir a memória social de grupos comunitários de bairros populares que se envolveram ativamente nos processos de criação e manutenção de grupos comunitários como Mulheres da Periferia, Grupo Reviver, Cantinho da Nossa Senhora de Guadalupe e Giravida. Procuramos identificar a) os significados atribuídos pelos moradores à participação nos movimentos sociais; b) fatores que influenciaram no envolvimento inicial dos participantes e sua permanência nos grupos; c) a relação entre a sua participação social atual e passada e as características de sua rede de suporte social e d) a relação entre geratividade e a participação em grupos comunitários dos segmentos meia-idade, velhice e velhice avançada. Procedimentos: A pesquisa utilizou-se da metodologia da História Oral. Os depoimentos foram coletados através de entrevistas e um Inventário de Geratividade (Neri, 1998), em um grupo de 14 mulheres todas praticantes do catolicismo, e membros e/ou organizadoras grupos comunitários. Análise de dados: As histórias e outras informações foram analisadas dentro do paradigma fenomenológico, com vistas a favorecer a compreensão do envelhecimento através das informações sobre as trajetórias de vida dos atores sociais que fizeram - e ainda fazem - a história da região estudada. Resultados: Atitudes pessoais como religiosidade e envolvimento com novos projetos apareceram como favoráveis para a formações de valores de solidariedade e geratividade, ambos associados à dedicação ao outro. Esses fatores tem forte relação com melhoria da qualidade de vida e implementação de uma visão mais positiva do envelhecimento. A reconstrução da memória, a partir dos depoimentos orais, favoreceu o desenvolvimento da consciência das depoentes sobre sua função social pelo fato de serem detentoras de informações históricas que, uma vez divulgadas na comunidade, pode exercer importante papel agregador e educacional; além disso, descobriram-se como marcos da trajetória do engajamento feminino na região. Conclusões: O envolvimento em grupos comunitários foi favorável para o bem envelhecer das depoentes devido à ampliação na rede de suporte social através de redes solidárias, visão positiva sobre o envelhecimento e desejo de perpetuação dos grupos. A História Oral constituiu uma importante ferramenta, que permitiu reviver informações úteis a compressão das relações sociais; por outro lado, favoreceu aos idosos, que participaram como informantes, uma reconstrução de suas histórias, melhoria na auto ¿estima e valorização social / Abstract: Introduction: Researches in Gerontology have highlighted the importance of rebuilding the memories of older people to aid the awareness on the sense of life and the establishment of new goals and ways of coping. Objectives: To rebuild the social memory of community groups of popular suburbs which involved actively in the processes of creation and maintenance of community groups as Mulheres da Periferia, Grupo Reviver, Cantinho da Nossa Senhora de Guadalupe and Giravida. We tried to identify a) meanings to the participation in social movement assigned by the residents; b) factors which influenced the initial involvement and maintenance of participants in groups; c) the relation between the current and past social participation and the features of the social network support and, d) the relation between the generativity and the participation in community groups of middle-age, aging and advanced aging. Procedures: The research used the methodology of Oral History. The testimonies were collected through interviews and an inventory of Generativity (Neri, 1998), in a group of 14 women all catholic practicioners, and members and/or organizers of community groups. Data Analysis: The stories and other information were analysed according to phenomenological paradigm, aiming at aiding the understanding of aging through the information about the ways of life of social players who made - and still make ¿ the story of the region studied. Results: The themes related to personal attitudes, as religiosity and involvement in new projects, appear as favorable in the formation of solidarity values and generativity which both are associated to the dedication to the other. Those factors seemed to have strong relation with improvement of life quality and implementation of a more positive view of aging. The rebuilding of memory, from the oral testimonies, will have aided the development of the consciousness of the tellers by having a social function for the fact of having historical information, which once difused, the community can have an important aggregating and educational role and besides this, being markers of the way of female engagement in the region. Conclusions: The involvement in community groups was favorable for the well aging of the tellers due to the enlargement of the social network support through the solidarity networks, positive view about aging and will of perpetuation of the groups. Oral History is an important tool which allows, on one hand, to revive useful information for the understanding of social relations. On the other hand, it aids the elderly who participated as tellers, a rebuilding of their stories, improvement of self-steem and social valorization / Mestrado / Mestre em Gerontologia

This thesis examines the relationship between demographic ageing, as captured by temporal, within-country variation in the ratio of elderly to the working-age population – the dependency ratio – on citizens’ support for the welfare state. The research problem is vitally relevant considering the worsening demographic structure of advanced democracies, a process that is having considerable ramifications on the possibilities of financing comprehensive welfare states. Using a time-series cross-sectional design, and building on representative survey data from 13 advanced democracies, the thesis specifically assesses the relationship between the dependency ratio, and individual spending preferences towards 1) the welfare state as a whole, as captured by an additive index, 2) education policy, and 3) old-age benefits. It also assesses whether demographic ageing exacerbates attitude differences between age groups, thereby scrutinising some assumptions made previously on the issue of intergenerational cleavages. The thesis uncovers no significant relationship between the dependency ratio and general support for the welfare state. However, the dependency ratio is shown be positively correlated with citizens’ support for education policy, while being instead potentially negatively correlated with support for old-age benefits. The differences between these two policies, in terms of their enjoyed support, are important considering the presumed shift in welfare state priorities towards what is commonly called social investment. Indeed, they indicate that there may be popular support for the type of reform strategies whose purpose is to invest in tomorrow’s diminishing workforce, whereas the support for more compensatory old-age policies may instead be weakening. There are also signs that the positive effect on the support for education policy is lower among older individuals. This evidence is quite interesting considering the previous expectations of deepening intergenerational cleavages as a consequence of demographic ageing, but the weak indications of this development in previous empirical research.

Parental leave policies have been shown to play a significant role in enhancing gender equality. The European Union has recognised this and has issued a Directive to its Member States, in order to instigate parental leave policy reform. However, not all Member States have sought to implement this. This thesis addresses this problem and seeks to answer the following research question: Why have progressive parental leave policies failed to transfer across the European Union? In doing so, this study also aims to explore the limits of Europeanisation. The research question has been addressed through a qualitative comparative case study of four European Union Member States: Sweden, Denmark, Hungary and Greece. These states have been chosen on the basis of Most Different System Design. The thesis deploys a theoretical framework based upon concepts of Europeanisation and policy mobility and draws particularly on the work of Stone’s four core concepts of policy mobility: Diffusion, Transfer, Convergence, Translation (Stone, 2012). The key factors that have been identified in this study as restricting the potential of a policy to transfer are: institutional surroundings, shared beliefs and norms, internal political dynamics and a lack of force/action from the European Union. These differences have acted to constrain the transferability of progressive parental leave policy across the European Union and therefore the process of Europeanisation in this area.

The main aim of this thesis is to analyse the Czech family policy, compare it with the Swedish family policy and ascertain whether the Czech legislation advanced to the so-called Scandinavian welfare state model in years 1995-2012. The main research questions focus on the development of the Czech legislation on parental leave and parental allowances in years during the monitored period in terms of gender-sensitive welfare state typologies and comparison of the Czech and Swedish legislation.

In the long term the issue of the welfare state is one of the most debated political topics and it concerns almost all members of society. In the last few decades the advanced welfare state has been more frequently perceived as an obstacle for competitiveness in the globalized economy and issues of its economic sustainability and societal impact are widely debated. Sweden is generally considered to be a country with the most advanced model of welfare state, but it is also a country which suffered from a deep economic crisis in the early 1990s. Development of the Swedish model of welfare state in the context of the crisis presents a critical case for assessment of welfare state vitality. In this thesis, welfare state is defined as a multidimensional phenomenon that includes both social expenditures and institutions of social policy and power structures and legitimacy. For analyzing of transformations of the Swedish welfare state in all four dimensions is applied a theoretical perspective based on the power resources theory, the institutional approach, the transnational perspective, the dependency and the world-systems theory which whose complementarity is theoretically substantiated. The thesis with this approach should contribute to better understanding of the development of the welfare state in...

This thesis explores the representation of female vulnerability in three working-class novels bythe lesser-known Swedish author Inga Lena Larsson (1907–1987), against the historicalbackground of the emergent Swedish welfare state. Larsson’s career as an author started in the30’s when she got a short story published in a magazine. She wrote her first novel during thelast years of the Second World War. It was published in 1945 and was followed by six morenovels of which the last was released in 1959. This study is focused on the following threenovels from the early 50’s: Vattenpass (1950), Vide ung (1951) and Födelsenatt (1952). Thenovels depict working class women in their everyday struggle to make ends meet and femaleexperiences such as sex, rape, pregnancy, abortion, and childbirth are laid bare. The theoreticalbasis of the thesis is Sara Ahmed’s theory of emotions as actions, Toril Moi’s interpretation ofSimone de Beauvoir’s phenomenological understanding of what it means to be a woman, andBeverly Skeggs’ study of working-class women. Vulnerability is understood as relational andas corporal experiences that shape the depicted women’s understanding of themselves. Theanalyses are thematically structured and address vulnerability through experiences of poverty,sexuality, illness, and mothering. The thesis argues that the novels illustrate vulnerability as amotion that moves between the private and public sector. Vulnerability is depicted as limitedpossibilities and options but also as a source of agency. The women in the novels act, even inexposed situations such as illegal abortion. The novels demonstrate vulnerability as a state ofhelplessness and of productivity.