Dans un contexte général caractérisé à la fois par la dépopulation et une forte mortalité infantile, la IIIe République manifeste dès ses débuts une volonté politique sans précédent envers la protection de l’enfance. Entre 1874 et 1923, environ 800 enfants sont admis à l’Assistance publique dans les Basses-Alpes, un effectif restreint lié principalement à la faiblesse démographique de ce département rural et montagneux du sud-est de la France. Il s’agit le plus souvent de nouveau-nés abandonnés par leur mère célibataire, victime de l’opprobre social, mais on admet également des orphelins pauvres et des enfants légitimes négligés ou maltraités. Dès leur admission, les enfants sont placés dans des familles nourricières. Vers treize ans, garçons et filles sont en général placés à gages en domesticité. Si la situation globale des pupilles s’améliore indéniablement au cours de la IIIe République, la stigmatisation dont ils sont l’objet apparait flagrante, et un certain nombre d’entre eux demeurent taraudés par le désir de percer le secret de leur histoire. / ABSTRACT: In a context characterized by depopulation and high infant mortality, the Third Republic shows its early political desire to protect children which makes this period particularly relevant to observe from the point of view of the vulnerable population of assisted children: as wards of the State, they are likely to benefit more than other children from the new legislation in favour of health, education and work.. Between 1874 and 1923, about 800 children are admitted to Public Care in the Basses-Alpes, the small number reflecting the sparse population of this rural and mountainous department of the south east of France. It is most often new born babies who are admitted, abandoned by their single mother, victims of social stigma, but also orphans and legitimate children who are neglected or abused. Upon admission, children are placed in foster families who raise and educate them with varying degrees of commitment, but always under the control of the Inspector of Public Assistance. Until the age of thirteen, these young wards live pretty much like most children living in the countryside, that is, working on the family farm as well as going to school (which becomes compulsory in 1882.) Subsequently, both boys and girls are generally placed in domestic service on the farms or less often as servants in the city. During these challenging times, as with all young people, they experience friendship, love, and adventure. However, if the overall situation of the wards is undeniably improving during the Third Republic, nevertheless they continue to suffer from a pervasive social stigma, which drives some of them to search for the truth behind their story.

Cette thèse porte sur l'étude d'un réseau composé d'élus du Vaucluse de 1870 à 1898, autour de la figure d'Alfred Naquet et de ses amis politiques. On s'attachera à montrer comment ce réseau s'est peu à peu constitué et implanté à partir de 1870 grâce aux victoires électorales, et structuré par des fidélités personnelles, des échanges d'influence, et l'utilisation d'un vocabulaire de l'amitié. Cela avant d'être progressivement détruit et écarté de la scène politique locale durant les années 1888 à 1897, remis en cause par l'engagement d'une partie de ses membres dans le boulangisme, puis par leur implication dans le scandale de Panama. Au travers de l'étude de ce réseau, on cherche à appréhender les relations de clientèle et de fidélité entre ces élus du Vaucluse, leur relais locaux et de simples citoyens, dans la cadre de la politique des patronages, grâce à l'étude de la correspondance de ces élus et des fonds publics. Le deuxième évènement qui cause la fin du réseau Naquet est le scandale de Panama, plus précisément "l'affaire Arton". Accusés d'avoir reçu de l'argent pour leur vote lors d'une loi favorable à la compagnie universelle du canal interocéanique du Panama, certains membres du réseau sont poursuivis en justice. Par ailleurs, le scandale révèle des liens entre les puissances de l'argent et le monde politique, notamment au travers de la société centrale de la dynamite, et pose la question de l'existence d'un groupe de pression composé d'hommes politiques et d'hommes d'affaires à la chambre. De la même manière, les stratégies de défense des élus face à l'accusation de corruption, les déviances et les débats normatifs autour de cette thématique seront étudiées en ce qui concerne ce réseau. / This thesis deals with the study of a network composed with MPs of Vaucluse from 1870 to 1898, gathered around Alfred Naquet and his political friends.We will try to show how this network works, how it was built and got rooted from 1870 thanks to electoral victories, then structured by personal loyalties, exchanges of influence and the use of friendship vocabulary.This was before it got progressively destroyed and isolated from the local political scene from 1888 to 1898, questionned first by the engagement from one part of its membersin the boulangisme, then by their implication in the Panama scandal. Throught the study of this network, we search to apprehend the relation of clientelism and loyalty between the MPs of Vaucluse, their local relay and simple citizens. The second event that caused the end of Naquet's network is the Panama scandal, more precisely the "Arton Affaire". Being accused of receiving money for their vote when a law in favour of the Panama company is voted,some members of the network are being prosecuted. The scandal also reveals links between businessmen and political men, especially throw the société centrale de la dynamite, created by Alfred Nobel, and raise the question of the existence of a group of pressure composed by politcal and business men. In the same way, the defence strategies of the electives facing corruption accusation, the deviances and normative debates around this theme will be studied regarding this network.

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<p>How did Georges Sorel's philosophy of violence emerge from the moderate, reformist, and liberal philosophy of the French Third Republic? This dissertation answers the question through a contextual intellectual history of Sorel's writings from the 1880s until 1908. Drawing on a variety of archives and printed sources, this dissertation situates Sorel in terms of the intellectual field of the early Third Republic. I locate the roots of Sorel's problematic at once in a broadly European late 19th century philosophy of science and in the liberal values and the political culture of the French 1870s. Sorel's engagement with Karl Marx, but also Émile Durkheim, Giambattista Vico, and other social theorists, is traced in order to explain why, despite his Marxism, Sorel confronted the twin fin-de-siècle crises of the Dreyfus Affair and Revisionism as a political liberal. I show how his syndicalism became radical, scissionistic, and anti-Statist in the post-Dreyfus context of anticlericalism leading up to the separation of Church and State in 1905. Sorel drew on figures such as Alexis de Tocqueville and Benedetto Croce to elaborate his Reflections on Violence in 1906-1908, finally transforming his political theory of institutions into an ethics of myth and individual engagement. </p><p>Sorel has been best known as an icon of radicalism as such--in shorthand, an inspiration for both Lenin and Mussolini. This political polarization has occluded Sorel's profound engagement with the foundational thinkers of the Third Republic. Against the backdrop of a systematic misunderstanding of the philosophical issues at stake, Sorel's political ideas and interventions have also been misunderstood. Not only his insights about the limits and potentials of the intellectual framework of the French Third Republic, but also their most significant contemporary resonances, have been lost. I show how and why this has been so by studying the reception of Sorel's work in the Anglophone world from the immediate postwar years until the early 1970s. Finally, I investigate resonances between Sorel's work as I have reconstructed it, and some currents in contemporary post-Marxist political thought. </p><p>Sorel is a revelatory figure in the entangled history of late 19th century liberalism and republicanism. He was profoundly engaged in the intellectual life of the French Third Republic and this, as much as his Marxism although less overtly, has shaped the meaning of his work. To return him to this context gives us a new understanding of the stakes of the philosophy of the period and the limits of its liberalism.</p> / Dissertation

Du début de la Troisième République au lendemain de la Grande Guerre, environ 3 000 enfants sont abandonnés chaque année à Paris et recueillis par l’Assistance publique. Dans la très grande majorité des cas, les parents qui se séparent de leur progéniture sont des femmes seules. Délaissées du père de l’enfant, soucieuses de cacher leur faute à leurs propres parents ou sommées par ceux-ci de réparer le déshonneur que leur maternité hors-mariage inflige à la famille, les filles-mères sont les abandonneuses emblématiques. Leur histoire est celle de la misère féminine et de l’opprobre social qui s’abat sur la maternité solitaire. À la Belle Époque, l’Assistance publique de Paris s’efforce de faciliter les abandons et d’en garantir l’anonymat, afin de dissuader les femmes désireuses de dissimuler une grossesse honteuse de recourir à des pratiques criminelles, avortement ou infanticide. Quant aux rejetons de la misère, l’administration parisienne les accueille volontiers, avec l’ambition de les arracher définitivement au milieu corrupteur qui les a vu naître, et rêve de les régénérer moralement et physiquement. Si elle ne peut que blâmer les parents qui abdiquent leurs devoirs, elle comprend pourtant de mieux en mieux leur détresse matérielle, notamment à la faveur de la grande dépression économique de la fin du XIXe siècle, et, soutenue par l’État providence naissant, elle diversifie ses politiques de prévention du délaissement d’enfants. Si, à l’aube des années 1920, elle parvient ainsi à contenir tant bien que mal les abandons de la misère, elle peine en revanche à juguler les abandons de la faute. / From the beginning of the Third Republic to the days following the Great War, about 3,000 children were abandoned each year in Paris and taken in by the public care services (Assistance publique). In the vast majority of cases, the parents who gave up their off-spring were single mothers. Forsaken by the father of their child, they were keen on hiding their shame from their own parents or sternly ordered to redeem the dishonour their out-of-wedlock pregnancies had visited on their own families; unmarried mothers epitomized abandonment. Their stories are those of feminine misery and the social infamy attached to single motherhood. Throughout the Belle Epoque (1870-1914), the Assistance publique services strove to facilitate abandonments and to guarantee their anonymity in order to keep the women willing to hide their shameful pregnancies to resort to criminal practices (abortion or infanticide). As for the progeny of misery, the Parisian child welfare authorithy willingly took them in as a means to the avowed goal of removing them from the corrupting milieu where they were born; and with the express dream of regenerating them both morally and physically. The Assistance publique services could not but blame the parents who shirked their duties, still they took into better account their dire straits – especially during the great economic depression of the end of the 19th century – and, supported by the budding welfare state, they varied their policies towards the prevention of child-abandonment. If, at the dawn of the 1920s, they more or less managed to contain the numbers of misery-induced abandonments, they failed to curb those induced by guilt

Lydie Wilson-de Ricard (1850-1880) (alias Lydie de Ricard, Na Dulciorella, Lidia Colonia) est une des premières femmes membre du Félibrige. Née et morte à Paris, elle était d'origines écossaise et flamande. Avec son mari, Louis-Xavier marquis, co- fondateur du Parnasse Contemporain et communard et Auguste Fourès, poète, ils fondent La Lauseta , almanach républicain. Entre Juin 1876 et Octobre 1877, Lydie correspond librement avec Fourès. Nous publions ses lettres conservées au Collège d'Occitanie à Toulouse ainsi que les extraits, adressés à d'autres correspondant(e)s publiés dans le journal Le Montpellier Républicain. Ses écrits sont l'écho de son apprentissage du dialecte de Montpellier, de ses créations poétiques et de sa participation au Félibrige rouge. Elle publiera dans la Revue des Langues Romanes, sera primée aux Fêtes Latines de Montpellier en 1878. L'Époque est elle de la troisième République balbutiante. Dans les lettres nous en retrouvons les enjeux : l'amnistie des Communards, d'égalité femme/homme, avec la question du mariage et du divorce, de la laïcité avec les enterrements civils ainsi que son intérêt pour la politique, le Fédéralisme, dont son mari est un des théoriciens. Leur arrivée dans le Midi n'est pas due aux seules conditions politiques, mais à l'amour de celui-ci pour la langue du Midi et Mistral, amour prouvé dès son premier ouvrage en 1862. Le Parnasse a été une des écoles de Lydie, son esprit favorise la découverte de la nature qu'elle parcourt avec sa soeur Jeanne, peintre. La mort de celle-ci, à vingt-cinq ans de tuberculose signera la fin de cette correspondance. Nous y voyons naître l'amour partagé de Jeanne et Fourès. / Lydie Wilson de Ricard (alias Lydie de Ricard, Na Dulciorella, Lidia Colonia) is one of the _rst female member of Felibrige. Born and dead in Paris, her origins were scottish and _emish. Together with her husband Louis-Xavier de Ricard, a Marquis, Commune- militant and co-initiator of Parnasse Contemporain, and Auguste Fourès, a poet, they founded the Lauseta, a republican almanach. Between june 1876 and october 1877, Lydie exchanges freely letters with Fourès. We here publish these letters -from College d'Occitanie's collections in Toulouse, as well as extracts directed to others correspondents, published in Montpellier Républicain, a local newspaper. Her writings re_ect her learning of Monpellier's occitan dialect, her poetical creations, and her part in Felibrige Rouge's action. She will publish in Revue des Langues Romanes, will receive a price at Montpellier's Latin Feasts in 1878. During the uneasy beginnings of Third Republic, various problems are at stake : amnisty for _ communards _, men/women egality, marriage and divorce problems, laicity, with civil buryings : such are the topics of her letters, with politics and federalism, object of her husband's theorical work. Their arrival in _ Midi _is due not only to political conditions, but to the latter's love for occitan language and Mistral. Parnasse was partof Lydie's poetical formation, her mind favours the discovery of nature, in which she uses to wander with her sister Jeanne, a painter, before her death at 25, which marks the end of this correspondence where appears the mutual love that links Jeanne and Fourès.

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The diploma thesis "Youth press in 1945 - 1948" focuses on the historical context of the time period after the WWII, the political parties of the National front and a brief description of press focusing on the youth organizations within political parties and the SČM (Union of Czech youth) titles. After the WWII young people have spontaneously created SČM, which was meant to be non-partisan base for all young people, regardless of political or religious beliefs. But SČM was often the cause of conflicts between the political parties of the National front. Young people were an important group of voters for all parties and thus, with the exception of the Communists, who liked the idea of a one united association, sooner or later all the political parties started to fight for their own youth unions. An important role in this struggle played their youth press: Mladý socialista (social democratic youth), Mladé proudy (national socialistic youth), Vývoj (Christian democratic youth) and as the opposite Mladá fronta (journal of the Union of Czech youth). In the individual titles can be watched ideological struggle and escalating rivalry not only between parties, but especially between the parties and the SČM, which was slowly becoming the organization in the hands of the Communists.

Entre 1919-1939/40, la France était prise dans un jeu délicat à l'égard de l'Albanie : elle reconnaissait la primauté des intérêts politiques et économiques italiens en Albanie mais, en même temps, la France était consciente que tout cela risquait de mettre en péril l'indépendance albanaise. L'intérêt de la France en Albanie était le maintien de l'indépendance de ce pays afin qu'il ne devient une arrière base de l'Italie contre la Yougoslavie. II y avait aussi un autre intérêt français, une volonté de «présence» en Albanie qui était générée par le statut de la France de grande puissance. C'est en vertu de cet aspect que la France entend être « présente » en Albanie par deux institutions visibles, un lycée et une mission archéologique, qui compensent assez bien le développement limité des relations politiques et économiques. De ce fait, malgré la proximité géographique et l'intensité des échanges politiques et économiques, l'Italie n'arrive pas s'imposer en Albanie comme puissance culturelle dominante. Dans l'entre-deux-guerres, la France et l'Albanie se redécouvrent réciproquement. C'est dans cet intervalle qu'on assiste à l'établissement des premières relations institutionnelles bilatérales et c'est à cette époque qu'on signe les premiers documents juridiques bilatéraux. C'est entre les deux guerres que se constitue une communauté d'albanais en France et que les premiers groupes organisés de touristes français arrivent en Albanie, que se nouent les premières relations économiques bilatérales. / Between 1919-1939/40, France was caught in a tricky game towards Albania: it recognized the primacy of the Italian political and economic interests in Albania but, at the same time, France was aware that ail this might endanger the Albanian independence. The interest of France in Albania was the maintenance of the independence of this country to prevent it becoming a rear base of the Italy against Yugoslavia. There was also another French interest, a willingness of "présence" in Albania, generated by the France's great power status. It was under this aspect that France intends to be "présente" in Albania by two visible institutions, a high school and an archaeological mission, that offset for pretty much the limited development of political and economic relations. Thus, despite the geographical proximity and the intensity of the political and economic exchanges, Italy can't win in Albania as a dominant cultural power. .In the interwar period, France and Albania rediscover each other. It is in this interval that we are witnessing the establishment of the first bilateral institutional relations and it was at this lime that we sign the first bilateral treaties. lt is between the two wars that born a community of Albanians in France and the first organized groups of French tourists arrive in Albania, that bind the first bilateral economic relations.

This project explores two main lines of inquiry concerning representations of ruins in Paris. I first identify a turning point in the evolution of the ruin leitmotif beyond Romanticism in its transfer into a new context: modern Paris. The analysis demonstrates the correlation between this leitmotif and urban environment in transformation, and their influence on aesthetics, leading to the renewal of modes of representation in literary and visual discourse. Unconventional ruins, recently created by demolition during Haussmannisation (1853-70) or war (1870-71) challenge conceptions about space (inside/outside, up/down, visible/invisible), time, and the individual in relation to the city. In view of tracing the transformation of the ruin ethos in relation to modern sensibilities towards the city and its modes of representation, a chronological approach concentrates on two main periods divided into four chapters. The first interval extends from 1848 throughout the Second Empire and the second spans the 1870-1871 conflagration and the Third Republic. An interdisciplinary and dialogic approach reveals the exchanges between different media (literature, journalism, painting, photography) aiming to convey the paradoxes of Paris's modern ruins. Moreover, close reading and comparisons of authors' and artists' depictions across media and genres nuance, correct or disprove critical appraisals, re-establishing artistic authority (e.g. photographers Charles Marville and Bruno Braquehais). The second line of inquiry posits that representations of ruins reflect on the relationship of Parisians with their city during systematisation and wartime destruction. Research reveals that individual initiatives of representing urban ruins attest to a new sensibility towards the city, preceding the Second Empire's (1853-1870) apparatus of historical and topographic documentation to preserve the appearance of spaces before intervention. Thus, during Paris's systematisation, private and artistically-minded projects become the tools of patrimonial preservation. By comparison, aesthetic approaches to ruins in 1871 mark a new appreciation of modern architecture, while engaging with war trauma.