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61	Genèse et crise de la sociologie : étude sur l’épistémologie de Raymond Boudon Mohamed, Ali January 2011 (has links) La sociologie a proposé une multitude d’explications sur divers phénomènes sociaux. Cependant, plusieurs sociologues, dont Boudon se sont surtout intéressés à l’aspect scientifique de la sociologie. Les questions les plus souvent posées lorsqu’on entreprend de telles études se penchent essentiellement sur le caractère scientifique de la discipline sociologique. Quels sont les critères de scientificité de la sociologie ? Quel est son sens épistémologique dans la littérature scientifique ? Quel est son raisonnement existentiel dans la construction du savoir ? La sociologie pourrait-elle être traitée méthodologiquement parlant au même titre que les autres disciplines des sciences naturelles ou particulières ? Si oui, pourrait-elle expliquer les lois des phénomènes sociaux à partir des observations hypothético-déductives sur la nature de la réalité sociale ? Dans cette thèse, nous tenterons de répondre à ces questions en nous appuyant sur des concepts élaborés par les sociologues classiques et contemporains. Raymond Boudon neutralité axiologique individualisme méthodologique épistémologie sociologie post-modernisme sociologues classiques Homo sociologicus Les méthodes hypothético-déductives Auguste Comte Karl Marx Alexis de Tocqueville Emile Durkheim Max Weber
62	論托克維爾的政治思想─ 一個共和主義的詮釋韋洪武 Unknown Date (has links) 在托克維爾政治思想中，民主一直是核心的議題，也引發大西洋兩岸知識界熱烈的爭論。直到今天，政治、學術、新聞等各界仍經常引用他的觀點。本文即就托克維爾有關民主體制的思想進行研究，並發現可分梳為民主社會一般傾向、民主社會潛在的腐化危機，及民主體制存續之道三個面向進行討論。而這三個相關的部分，更可就其內在邏輯整合而成共和主義研究途徑。首先，在民主社會的特徵及其發展方面，托克維爾認為民主社會強調國民主權及身份平等，雖然使社會充滿活力；但也易於衝動，缺乏遠見，造成庸俗的中產階級政治。同時在資本主義及工業革命影響下，可能會形成個體主義，使得人際關係疏離，且對公共事務冷漠；也造成物質主義，只想追求物質享受。大多數勞工也會有異化現象，淪為工作的奴隸。不過，民主社會也會發展出諸如結社、地方自治等鍛鍊政治自由的機制，提供個體自主性及公民性格寬廣的公共領域。托克維爾並主張國家利用宗教、法律培養公民參與的熱情與美德。這種觀念下的國家對人生計劃並不中立，顯現共和主義多於自由主義的立場。其次，在民主體制潛藏的腐化危機方面，托克維爾指出三種可能形式。一是因身份平等可能切斷封建社會原有的社會紐帶，使得個體孤立無援，必須服從統治的多數，終而導致一種多數專制─以一種社會一致性窒息個體的思想。二是因公民追求物質主義過甚，竟而完全退出公共領域，並召喚一種保護性權力，在民主自由的形式下，溫柔親切地奴役人民。此亦即民主專制。三是在民主革命初期或資本主義發達之後，必將出現中央集權。國家為解決工業社會複雜的問題，因應人民龐雜的需求，在多數授權下集中所有權力，破壞了政治自由得以維繫的各種機制。第三，在民主體制的維繫方面，托克維爾的主張也充滿共和主義的色彩。例如，為使公民保持自由的技藝，他認為，公民應參與鄉鎮自治、結社（特別是政治結社）、陪審團。而在培養公共精神的美德方面，托克維爾強調宗教的重要性。藉由教條式信仰，宗教可培養公民認識「適當理解的自利原則」。而且，民主社會也有賴宗教提供一種道德與知識的權威。在這一方面，女性公民扮演了傳承與複製的重要角色，因而在托克維爾的民主思想中也占有一席之地。本文最後提出國民主權、身份平等、公私領域、社會共識等四方面的引申討論，進一步分析托克維爾共和主義式的民主思想，對當前主流民主理論所能提供的貢獻。此外，也依個人見解評論其不足之處。 / Democracy has always been a core concept and a controversial issue in Tocqueville’s political thought at both sides of the Atlantic Ocean. Politicians, scholars as well as journalists still quote Tocqueville’s points at the present time. This thesis studies Tocqueville’s democratic thought, and analyzed it in three aspects: the general tendency of democratic societies, the potential danger of corruption in democratic societies, and the maintenance of democratic system. With the interlock between these aspects, this thesis integrated them into an approach of republicanism to Tocqueville’s democratic thought. For the first aspect, Tocqueville believed that with the emphasis on popular sovereignty and equality of condition, democratic societies will bring themselves diversified vitality. However, the societies will also be passionate and myopic, as the characteristics of mediocre bourgeois politics. Influenced by capitalism and industrial revolution, the prevailing individualism in democratic societies results in social alienation, public apathy and overwhelming materialism. Most workers will degrade into slaves of their works. On the other hand, democracy will promote associations, local self-governments which provide public spheres to practice autonomy and citizenship through the art of political freedom. Furthermore, Tocqueville requested the states to cultivate the passion and virtue of civic participation by means of religion and law. States under this requirement is not neutral toward citizens’ life plans, and seems more republican than liberal. For the second aspect, Tocqueville pointed out three possible forms of corruption from democratic societies: majority tyranny, democratic tyranny and centralization. First, majority tyranny results in extreme exploitation of equality of condition which cut off the original social bonds in feudal societies, hence isolate the individuals and render them totally helpless but to obey the ruling majority. Majority tyranny stifles citizen’s originality with social conformity. Secondly, mainly on account of materialism, citizens would escape into private life and material happiness, and moreover give away thoroughly public affairs to a tutelage power to enslave people gently within the liberal democratic form. That is democratic tyranny. Thirdly, centralization will present itself definitely, either during the early stage of democratic revolution or after capital economy is delivered. In order to solve the complicated problems in industrial societies, respond to a lot of diverse demands, the state concentrate all the power under the delegation of the majority, and destroy all kinds of mechanism which sustaining the art of political freedom. For the third aspect, Tocqueville offered republican solution to the maintenance of democratic system. He thought that citizens should take part in township self-governance, associations (especially political associations) and the jury. He also emphasized the importance of religion in teaching the virtue of public spirit, as well as cultivating the knowledge of “the principle self-interest properly understood” by dogmatic belief. In the same way, religion affords ethical and intellectual authority to democratic societies. In this regard, the female citizens play so important part of sustaining and reproducing these ethical and intellectual lessons that Tocqueville had to illuminate the role of women in his democratic thought. In addition to these interpretations, this thesis presents four related concepts for further discourse: popular sovereignty, equality of condition, public and private sphere and social consensus. Based on these discourses, the thesis evaluates the merit and deficiency of Tocqueville’s thought of republican democracy. 共和主義托克維爾民主身份平等多數專制民主專制中央集權個體主義自由結社 republicanism Tocqueville democracy equality of condition majority tyranny democratic tyranny centralization individualism freedom association
63	Rum, Rome, and Rebellion: The Reform of Reform in the Political Fiction of the Gilded Age Fernandez, Matthew Joseph January 2022 (has links) "Rum, Rome, and Rebellion: The Reform of Reform in the Political Fiction of the Gilded Age" examines a collection of American political novelists who were active during the mid- to late-nineteenth century. These writers were not only active in politics, they also used their experience in politics to compose realist fiction that typically contained a great deal of humor and satire. Despite their different backgrounds, each of these writers challenged the literary and political conventions of Romanticism, championing ironic detachment and cosmopolitanism. Although fiction about quotidian political life rarely achieves canonical status, such literature has always enjoyed a large readership, both in the nineteenth-century and in our own time. This dissertation attempts to untangle why we find (or don’t find) literature about quotidian political life entertaining and/or instructive, while also providing insight into this transitional period in American history. Each chapter concentrates on the fifty-year period between 1848 and 1898 from a different location, forming what are essentially four cross-sectional samples. This serves two interconnected purposes. One, it reorients the periodization of American literature and history away from 1865 by highlighting cultural continuities between the periods before and after the Civil War And two, it serves to highlight the integration of American literature, culture, and politics, with the broader, nineteenth-century Atlantic world, where the year 1865 carries less cultural significance. The first chapter begins in the nation's capital and examines the anti-populist liberalism of Henry Adams and John Hay. From Washington, we move north to New England where we encounter Henry James’s Bostonians. With the exception of Lionel Trilling, few major critics have championed James’s "middle period," which provides quasi-ethnographic sketches of political movements on both sides of the Atlantic. I reveal James’s long-standing fascination and engagement with the political analyses of Alexis de Tocqueville, Nathaniel Hawthorne, and his friend, Henry Adams. I show how the novel anticipates George Santayana’s notion of "the genteel tradition" which dominated northern American culture during this period. After examining two canonical figures, I turn my attention in a more southerly direction, to two lesser known authors. The first is Maria Ruiz de Burton, a Mexican writer from the Southwestern Borderlands who immigrated to the U.S. after the Mexican-American War. Ruiz de Burton has primarily been read as a proto-Chicana/o author, but I view her as a cosmopolitan whose observations about American culture and politics resemble those of James and Santayana. My last chapter is set in Louisiana, where we encounter and recover an eccentric, Spanish-Creole politician and author named Charles Gayarré and his 1856 novel The School for Politics, a satire of local machine politics. Largely forgotten today, Gayarré was connected to intellectual circles in both Europe and Latin America, and was acquainted with American writers like Herman Melville and Henry Adams. I relate The School for Politics with his later political novels in which anti-imperialism and a pluralistic plea for the tolerance of ethnic minorities also implicitly serve as an apology for racial segregation in the Jim Crow South. American literature History Comparative literature Politics in literature Political satire, American American wit and humor Nineteenth century Melville, Herman, 1819-1891 Tocqueville, Alexis de, 1805-1859 James, Henry, 1843-1916 Adams, Henry, 1838-1918 Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 1804-1864 Santayana, George, 1863-1952 Ruiz de Burton, María Amparo, 1832-1895
64	Factors Influencing Indiana Residents' Level of Interest in Engaging with Purdue University Ashley E Rice (6615803) 15 May 2019 (has links) The land-grant university system was founded in the 19th century as a public means to help improve people’s everyday lives. A century and a half later, the challenges that the public faces to live a quality life are constantly changing, creating a need for the land-grant system to respond and adapt to continue to fulfill its mission. While the literature contains a wealth of conceptual papers addressing the role and mission of land-grant universities, relatively few papers could be found that reported empirical data or proposed and tested metrics for public engagement constructs. The current study sought to address this void in the literature through the investigation of factors influencing Indiana residents’ level of interest in engaging with Purdue University. Mail survey methods were used in which up to three contacts were made with adult members of 4,500 Indiana households identified through address-based sampling. Stratified random sampling was employed to ensure adequate rural household participation for other project purposes. Usable responses were received from 1,003 households representing 87 Indiana counties for a total response rate of 26%. <br><div><br> </div><div> A theoretical perspective was developed from Public Sphere Theory and the social science writings of Jurgen Habermas and Alexis de Tocqueville. Descriptive findings revealed some to moderate concerns about community and social issues such as affordable health care, violent crime, pollution and prescription drug abuse. Moderate levels of anomie, or perceived social disconnectedness, were also reported by respondents. Several items tapped respondents’ past levels of interaction with and current perceptions of Purdue University. Nearly a fifth of respondents reported interacting with Purdue University by having visited a website for news or information, followed by interacting with a Purdue University Extension professional. Regarding perceptions of Purdue University, the results of this study revealed relative consensus among respondents that Purdue University makes a positive contribution to the state of Indiana through its educational, research and outreach programs. For a majority of the perceptual items regarding Purdue University, more than one-third of the respondents neither agreed nor disagreed with the statement, suggesting some areas in which the university might improve its reputational standing with Indiana residents in the future. Nearly one-quarter to about half of the respondents indicated interest in topical areas addressed by Purdue Extension programs as well as an interest in engaging with the university. Respondents reported the highest levels of interest in free Extension programs in their local area, followed by the topics of science and technology, health and well-being, and gardening.</div><div><br> </div><div> A predictive model of respondent interest in engaging with Purdue University was developed and tested using binary logistic regression procedures. The model was shown to be of modest utility in accounting for variance in respondent interest in engaging with Purdue University, explaining 12% to 16% of total variance. Past interaction with Purdue University, perceived level of concern for social and community issues, and highest level of education were the strongest predictors in the model.</div><div><br> </div><div> The current research was completed in 2019 as Purdue University celebrated its 150th anniversary. Results and implications of this study provide important insight into current engagement levels, concerns and perceptions of residents within the state of Indiana, whom the university is mandated to serve. One of the study’s primary contributions is the establishment of baseline engagement data on current levels of Indiana residents’ interest in engaging with Purdue University on selected topics. Findings from this study could be of benefit to university administrators, faculty, staff and Extension professionals in assessing and improving future programming and setting strategic priorities. This study also adds to the conceptual and empirical body of literature, which may help inform future public engagement efforts at other land-grant universities. Periodic social science and public opinion research is needed to keep pace with the changing needs and perceptions of Indiana residents. Different data collection modes should be utilized to reach more audience segments and add to the growing knowledge base of public engagement.</div> Education Health Care Family Care Social and Community Psychology Decision Making Continuing and Community Education Higher Education Environment and Resource Economics Organisational Behaviour Marketing Communications Family and Household Studies Population Trends and Policies Education Policy Public Administration Social Policy Citizenship Farming Systems Research Consumption and Everyday Life Rural Sociology Sociology of Education Urban Sociology and Community Studies Education not elsewhere classified Communication Studies Social Change land grant colleges land grant institutions Morrill Land-Grant Acts public engagement with science Public Engagement with Research Public Perceptions public perceptions of science public perceptions of risk Past Interaction Past Behavior Higher Educational Institutions Colleges Universities Social Issues Community Issues Anomie hopelessness future behavior Rural Community Urban Cities Purdue University Indiana state-wide research Agricultural Sciences Health Sciences Sociology Psychology Public Sphere Tocqueville Habermas Classical Theories Democracy Citizenship United States Public Policy Issues Life-long learning Continuing Education Extension Cooperative Extension Purdue University Extension America Level of Concern

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