本論文試圖探討哈林頓共和思想中，如何由神學意涵的「天啟」如何導向共和主義意涵的「自由」，也就是由神學的角度證成共和主義之過程。由《大洋國》來看，哈林頓追求的是由上帝的啟示而來的共和國。因為這個共和國基於上帝的啟示，與自身對於上帝啟示的尊崇和信奉而得以永久存在。從這點可以延伸出哈林頓的政治神學概念------透過福音化的共和主義建立起天啟與自由的共和國。再者，哈林頓經由對當時英國政治、經濟、歷史的觀察，期望透過縝密的制度來維持共和國長久穩定。故哈林頓在《大洋國》中提出得以兼顧「理性」與「利益」，由「均分」與「選擇」組成的「共和國原則」，體現於人民大會、元老院。

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(人間・環境学) / 甲第18372号 / 人博第685号 / 新制||人||164(附属図書館) / 25||人博||685(吉田南総合図書館) / 31230 / 京都大学大学院人間・環境学研究科共生文明学専攻 / (主査)教授 佐伯 啓思, 准教授 大黒 弘慈, 准教授 那須 耕介, 教授 富永 茂樹 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Human and Environmental Studies / Kyoto University / DGAM

博士(政治学) / Doctor of Political Science / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

對於馬基維利（Niccolò Machiavelli, 1469-1527）政治思想的理解與詮釋解，向來是西方政治思想中爭論的課題。本論文即從個別行動者的角度出發，探討當他們有機會讀了《君王論》和《史論》，對於現實中的政治生活，有什麼體悟？對於自身的政治行動，起了什麼指導作用？針對這個問題，筆者歸納出三個主要的面向，試圖對馬基維利的政治思想，做一較為全面性的敘述。 　　首先，做為一個政治行動者，不論是一城之主，或者是伺機而起的臣民，馬基維利是否為他設下了行為的終極目標？ 　　筆者所欲提出的一個詮釋是，馬基維利在《君王論》中，雖然主要探討君主如何保障其統治地位，但他在一些段落文句中，對於祖國的繁榮昌盛、對於共善，透露出和《史論》一書相同的關懷。他認為理想的政治行動者最終應該為祖國、共善而奉獻。不過他也了解人類的本性是自利的，極容易為了追求財富、名望等個人私欲而忽視公共利益。那麼，要如何讓自私自利的人願意為國家共善服務呢？馬基維利並不採取改變人性的作法，而是藉著重新定義人們所追求的目標──「榮耀」──來解決這個困境。馬基維利主張政治行動的目的在追求榮耀，而惟有振興祖國、完成對公眾有益的壯舉，才能贏得永恆的榮耀。換句話說，政治行動者追求榮耀乃是基於個人欲望的滿足，但在這過程中，國家的共善亦獲得實現與促進。這個「榮耀」論述，正可以將個人私利與祖國共善連結起來。 　　接下來兩個面向則屬於實踐的層次。馬基維利政治思想的第二個面向，即在鋪陳行動者本身應具備哪些條件與特質，才能在權力的舞台上展露頭角、脫穎而出，進而促進共善、光大祖國，獲得榮耀。他運用德行與機運這一組古典的概念來分析政治行動者的崛起與敗亡，其論點存在傳承與具有革命性格之處。 　　第三個面向關注的焦點是，當政治行動者面對創建、改革政治社會等現實課題。關於城邦中政治制度的選擇，在王政與共和之間，馬基維利從效益的角度，認為共和體制最能夠達成與促進國家的共善，使祖國能夠在短時間內成長擴張，達到偉大的地位。然而在共和國中，自由生活有被野心人士腐化的危機，為了防止腐化的發生，必須在制度安排上去節制、疏導人們的野心，並且需要有德行的政治行動者將這些制度落實。要是當行動者身處的城邦已經腐化不堪，馬基維利認為此時惟有採行王政式的權力，也是就是以「一人支配」的形態，以血腥暴力等極端的手段，剷除原先的既得利益者，自由的生活才有可能重新建立。

這本論文是有關約翰．彌爾頓的共和思想研究。研究所用的主要文本是「王室缺位時期」（Interregnum，1649- 1660）彌爾頓為英格蘭共和國辯護的文章、《失樂園》、《力士參孫》、《復樂園》與《基督教要義》。本文將上述彌爾頓的著作視為真實的歷史事件，意圖展現以下五點。第一，1649年以後，彌爾頓的寫作是對英格蘭共和國重要事件的批判性省思，這些事件分別是：創建英格蘭共和國的正當性、海外軍事勝利對英格蘭共和國的影響、克倫威爾接受護國公稱號並解散殘餘議會、司徒亞特王朝復辟的威脅與復辟。第二，在這些著作中，「自由」與「共和國」是核心的概念。第三，王室缺位時期，彌爾頓從1649年傾向「平民主義」（populism）轉變為1660年支持永久議會。對於彌爾頓的共和思想而言，前述的轉變其實是立場一致。第四，本文將三大史詩視為彌爾頓對共和國崩解的省思，分析三大史詩中的「自由」與「共和國」思想。第五，本文將《基督教要義》視為彌爾頓闡述其基督教神學的最重要著作，並分析彌爾頓對「自由」、「共和國」概念的理解立基於彌爾頓對《聖經》的詮釋。 / This thesis is a study about John Milton’s republican thought. It focuses on Milton’s pamphlets which were written to defend the legitimacy of the Commonwealth of England during the Interregnum: Paradise Lost, Paradise Regain, Samson Agonistes and Christian Doctrine. In this thesis, I take these John Milton’s writings as historical events and intend to elaborate five points. First, Milton’s writings were critical reflection on great events of the Commonwealth of England. These events in turn were the building of the Commonwealth of England, the influences of overseas military triumph on Commonwealth of England, the fact that Oliver Cromwell accepted the title of Protectorate and that he dissolved the Rump parliament. Secondly, liberty and commonwealth were the most important values in Milton’s writings. Thirdly, Milton’s writings were consistent with his political faith during the period from 1649 to 1660. The fourth point is that Milton’s three epics were the reflection on the decline and fall of the Commonwealth of England. Finally, Christian Doctrine was Milton’s most important Christian theology. Milton’s conception of liberty and commonwealth were rested on his interpretation of the Bible in Christian Doctrine.

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在托克維爾政治思想中，民主一直是核心的議題，也引發大西洋兩岸知識界熱烈的爭論。直到今天，政治、學術、新聞等各界仍經常引用他的觀點。本文即就托克維爾有關民主體制的思想進行研究，並發現可分梳為民主社會一般傾向、民主社會潛在的腐化危機，及民主體制存續之道三個面向進行討論。而這三個相關的部分，更可就其內在邏輯整合而成共和主義研究途徑。 首先，在民主社會的特徵及其發展方面，托克維爾認為民主社會強調國民主權及身份平等，雖然使社會充滿活力；但也易於衝動，缺乏遠見，造成庸俗的中產階級政治。同時在資本主義及工業革命影響下，可能會形成個體主義，使得人際關係疏離，且對公共事務冷漠；也造成物質主義，只想追求物質享受。大多數勞工也會有異化現象，淪為工作的奴隸。不過，民主社會也會發展出諸如結社、地方自治等鍛鍊政治自由的機制，提供個體自主性及公民性格寬廣的公共領域。托克維爾並主張國家利用宗教、法律培養公民參與的熱情與美德。這種觀念下的國家對人生計劃並不中立，顯現共和主義多於自由主義的立場。 其次，在民主體制潛藏的腐化危機方面，托克維爾指出三種可能形式。一是因身份平等可能切斷封建社會原有的社會紐帶，使得個體孤立無援，必須服從統治的多數，終而導致一種多數專制─以一種社會一致性窒息個體的思想。二是因公民追求物質主義過甚，竟而完全退出公共領域，並召喚一種保護性權力，在民主自由的形式下，溫柔親切地奴役人民。此亦即民主專制。三是在民主革命初期或資本主義發達之後，必將出現中央集權。國家為解決工業社會複雜的問題，因應人民龐雜的需求，在多數授權下集中所有權力，破壞了政治自由得以維繫的各種機制。 第三，在民主體制的維繫方面，托克維爾的主張也充滿共和主義的色彩。例如，為使公民保持自由的技藝，他認為，公民應參與鄉鎮自治、結社（特別是政治結社）、陪審團。而在培養公共精神的美德方面，托克維爾強調宗教的重要性。藉由教條式信仰，宗教可培養公民認識「適當理解的自利原則」。而且，民主社會也有賴宗教提供一種道德與知識的權威。在這一方面，女性公民扮演了傳承與複製的重要角色，因而在托克維爾的民主思想中也占有一席之地。 本文最後提出國民主權、身份平等、公私領域、社會共識等四方面的引申討論，進一步分析托克維爾共和主義式的民主思想，對當前主流民主理論所能提供的貢獻。此外，也依個人見解評論其不足之處。 / Democracy has always been a core concept and a controversial issue in Tocqueville’s political thought at both sides of the Atlantic Ocean. Politicians, scholars as well as journalists still quote Tocqueville’s points at the present time. This thesis studies Tocqueville’s democratic thought, and analyzed it in three aspects: the general tendency of democratic societies, the potential danger of corruption in democratic societies, and the maintenance of democratic system. With the interlock between these aspects, this thesis integrated them into an approach of republicanism to Tocqueville’s democratic thought. For the first aspect, Tocqueville believed that with the emphasis on popular sovereignty and equality of condition, democratic societies will bring themselves diversified vitality. However, the societies will also be passionate and myopic, as the characteristics of mediocre bourgeois politics. Influenced by capitalism and industrial revolution, the prevailing individualism in democratic societies results in social alienation, public apathy and overwhelming materialism. Most workers will degrade into slaves of their works. On the other hand, democracy will promote associations, local self-governments which provide public spheres to practice autonomy and citizenship through the art of political freedom. Furthermore, Tocqueville requested the states to cultivate the passion and virtue of civic participation by means of religion and law. States under this requirement is not neutral toward citizens’ life plans, and seems more republican than liberal. For the second aspect, Tocqueville pointed out three possible forms of corruption from democratic societies: majority tyranny, democratic tyranny and centralization. First, majority tyranny results in extreme exploitation of equality of condition which cut off the original social bonds in feudal societies, hence isolate the individuals and render them totally helpless but to obey the ruling majority. Majority tyranny stifles citizen’s originality with social conformity. Secondly, mainly on account of materialism, citizens would escape into private life and material happiness, and moreover give away thoroughly public affairs to a tutelage power to enslave people gently within the liberal democratic form. That is democratic tyranny. Thirdly, centralization will present itself definitely, either during the early stage of democratic revolution or after capital economy is delivered. In order to solve the complicated problems in industrial societies, respond to a lot of diverse demands, the state concentrate all the power under the delegation of the majority, and destroy all kinds of mechanism which sustaining the art of political freedom. For the third aspect, Tocqueville offered republican solution to the maintenance of democratic system. He thought that citizens should take part in township self-governance, associations (especially political associations) and the jury. He also emphasized the importance of religion in teaching the virtue of public spirit, as well as cultivating the knowledge of “the principle self-interest properly understood” by dogmatic belief. In the same way, religion affords ethical and intellectual authority to democratic societies. In this regard, the female citizens play so important part of sustaining and reproducing these ethical and intellectual lessons that Tocqueville had to illuminate the role of women in his democratic thought. In addition to these interpretations, this thesis presents four related concepts for further discourse: popular sovereignty, equality of condition, public and private sphere and social consensus. Based on these discourses, the thesis evaluates the merit and deficiency of Tocqueville’s thought of republican democracy.

盧梭的思想內涵豐富，不同學者由於關切的焦點不同，其所研究的主題也各異，例如，有些學者關懷的是盧梭思想在觀念史上的定位與影響，另外有些學者則是關心盧梭思想中的民主或極權成分，但是關於盧梭思想中公民共和主義的要素，則少有人提及。因此，本文的主要論旨即是從公民共和主義的核心觀念──腐化與德行此一角度切入，分析其政治思想。 根據此一研究主軸，本文第二章探討的是盧梭思想中的腐化意涵、腐化的歷程，以及造成腐化的各種因素，並將腐化的現象區分成政治腐化與和財產相關的社會腐化。面對這些腐化現象，盧梭是以德行作為對治之道，一方面以德行為標準批判當時政治、社會的腐化，另一方面則是以德行作為理想政治共同體重建的基礎。盧梭的這些想法似乎是深受古典共和主義思想家，以及古斯巴達與羅馬兩共和國影響。關於盧梭德行觀將在本文第三章探討。 以德行為基礎的政治共同體重建，將可在盧梭的社會契約理論，以及盧梭為其他國家草擬憲法、改革政制的著作中獲得印證。社會契約接櫫了理想政治共同體的原型，而社會契約的締結與維繫則有賴一位卓然出眾的立法家，他一方面轉化、消除造成腐化的種種因素，另一方面則創造培育德行的環境，使「德行共和國」的理想得以實現。 然而並非所有思想家對腐化的思考方向都和盧梭相同，孟德斯鳩與康士坦都提出和盧梭相異的思考，本文最後將探討這些思想家和盧梭思想的差異之處。 / The essence of Rousseau‘s thought is rich. A wide variety of focuses are thus occurred due to various scholar’s different concerns. Their research subjects are different too. For example, some scholars concern the position and influence of Rousseau’s thought on the idea of history, while others concern the components of democracy and authoritarianism of his thought. Nevertheless, the concerning of the elements of Rousseau’s thought on civic republicanism is not very prevailing. The main purpose of this thesis is from the core concept of civic republicanism, i.e., corruption and virtue, to analyze Rousseau’s political thought. Based on this research core, the second chapter of this thesis discusses the meaning of corruption, its process and the factors in causing corruption, as well as to divide the phenomena of corruption into political corruption and social corruption which is relevant to property. Rousseau dealt these corrupt phenomena with virtue. One the one hand, he applied virtue as the standard to criticize the contemporary political and social corruption. On the other hand, he applied virtue as the foundation to reconstruct ideal political community. The thought of Rousseau seems to be influenced by the classical republicanism thinkers and the two ancient Republic, i. e., Sparta and Rome Republic. Rousseau’s view toward virtue will be discussed in the third chapter of this thesis. The foundation of reconstructing political community by virtue will be found in Rousseau’s theory of social contract and to be proved in Rousseau’s drafting the manuscript of constitution reform policy for other states. Social contract reveals the stereotype of ideal political community, however, the binding and the maintaining of social contract depends on an outstanding legislator. On the one hand, he transforms and eliminates the various factors of corruption formation. On the other hand, he creates the various environment of virtue cultivation, enforcing the “Republic of virtue” to be realized. Not every thinker’s way of thinking toward corruption is the same with Rousseau. Montesquieu’s and Constant’s thinking are different from Rousseau. The last part of this thesis will discuss the differences among them.