La rhétorique du blâme dans l’Histoire Auguste se propose d’étudier comme un objet littéraire le recueil de biographies impériales connu sous le nom d’Historia Augusta, officiellement rédigé par six auteurs à la fin du IIIe siècle ap. J.C. et au début du IVe siècle ap. J.C., mais qui serait en réalité issu du fruit de l’imagination d’un unique rédacteur ayant vécu à la fin du IVe siècle ap. J.C., si l’on s’en tient à la thèse de l’historien allemand Hermann Dessau formulée à la fin du XIXe siècle. Le présent mémoire entend analyser les différentes stratégies destinées à dépeindre des images sombres d’une série d’empereurs légitimes et d’usurpateurs, compris dans la période historique qui débute avec le règne d’Hadrien et s’achève avec la chute de Carin (IIe-IIIe siècles ap. J.C.), dans un texte mêlant étroitement réalité et fiction. Le recours à des procédés de nature lexicale, stylistique, thématique et structurelle que l’on peut observer révèle l’importance de la mise en œuvre des ressources de la rhétorique épidictique, ainsi que la présence de nombreux phénomènes d’intertextualité, fondés notamment sur les Vies des douze Césars de Suétone, principal modèle du recueil. L’enquête conduit à un élargissement de la réflexion qui s’intéresse aux cibles de la critique. Si, derrière les figures des mauvais princes, le rédacteur cherche à fustiger les dérives du principat, il cherche également à mettre en oeuvre sa propre écriture, en tâchant de se distinguer des autres historiographes, dans un style qui accorde une large place à la fantaisie, à l’autodérision et au persiflage. Le mémoire s’efforce donc d’étudier la représentation des figures et des événements de l’histoire et de souligner les articulations entre poétique et rhétorique dans un texte majeur de la littérature latine de l’Antiquité tardive. / Rhetoric of Condemnation in the 'Historia Augusta' intends to study the collection of imperial biographies known as Historia Augusta as a literary object. The biographies were officially written by six authors at the end of the 3rd Century A.D. and at the beginning of the 4th Century A.D., but they were actually produced through the imagination of a single writer who lived at the end of the 4th Century A.D. according to the 19th Century thesis of the German historian Hermann Dessau. Through analysing a text that intricately mixes reality and fiction, this thesis will examine the different strategies intended to depict the sombre images of both legitimate and usurping emperors throughout the historical period that begins with Hadrian's reign and ends with the fall of Carin (2nd to 3rd Centuries A.D.). Observing the lexical, stylistic, thematic and structural methods reveals the importance of utilizing epideictic rhetoric as well as numerous intertextuality phenomena, particularly based on Suetonius's Vitae XII Caesarum, which is the main model of the collection. This inquiry drives to widen the thought interested by the target of the critic. If, behind the figures of bad princes, the writer tries to castigate the principate system that enables princely transgressions, he also tries to enhance his own writing. The writer tries to be different from other historiographers in a style that grants a large place to fantasy, self-mockery and raillery. This thesis endeavours, therefore, to study the representation of historical characters and events while underlining articulations between poetics and rhetoric in a major text of late Antiquity Latin literature.

This dissertation examines how contemporary Western ethical perspectives frame moral judgments about technologies intended to expand or enhance human abilities. Of particular interest are technological advances that involve nanotechnology, a realm of technoscience that seeks the precise control of matter through deliberately designing structures, devices, and processes with novel and useful properties at the molecular scale. In this thesis I analyze trends in the emerging dialogue about the social and ethical implications of nanotechnology. There is growing awareness that technological “progress” should not outpace critical reflection over the means and ends of those advances, but I argue that there is a tension between the role of ethics and the practice of technoscience. By ethics I mean ongoing public discussion that contemplates what it means to live a “good life” and that maintains limits to human actions. By contrast, the practice of technoscience appears to be guided by the “technological imperative” which holds that we can only know what is good by first figuring out what is possible. Despite concerted interdisciplinary efforts to address the broad range of ethical issues posed by nanotechnology’s proposed goals, the prevailing tone of the current discussion tends to reveal what I call a “technoprogressive” bias, or the belief that technological development is a primary way to improve the human estate and that it leads inevitably to cumulative progress. However, because technoprogressive commentary on nanotechnology focuses on concerns that are framed mainly in terms of risk assessment, cost-benefit analyses, and utilitarian principles, technoprogressive ethics overlooks crucial ethical questions of a different nature, questions that deal with the limits of human action, the nature of justice, and the meaning of being human. To analyze the implications of technoprogressive ethics, I employ the moral philosophy of Canadian thinker George Grant because he articulates an underrepresented yet valuable critique of Western society’s relationship with technology. Grant speaks for a type of transcendental moral realism that challenges the primacy of the technological imperative, insisting that justice ultimately must be grounded upon non-negotiable limits, and that there are objective norms to which human freedom and human self-assertion have to answer.

This dissertation examines how contemporary Western ethical perspectives frame moral judgments about technologies intended to expand or enhance human abilities. Of particular interest are technological advances that involve nanotechnology, a realm of technoscience that seeks the precise control of matter through deliberately designing structures, devices, and processes with novel and useful properties at the molecular scale. In this thesis I analyze trends in the emerging dialogue about the social and ethical implications of nanotechnology. There is growing awareness that technological “progress” should not outpace critical reflection over the means and ends of those advances, but I argue that there is a tension between the role of ethics and the practice of technoscience. By ethics I mean ongoing public discussion that contemplates what it means to live a “good life” and that maintains limits to human actions. By contrast, the practice of technoscience appears to be guided by the “technological imperative” which holds that we can only know what is good by first figuring out what is possible. Despite concerted interdisciplinary efforts to address the broad range of ethical issues posed by nanotechnology’s proposed goals, the prevailing tone of the current discussion tends to reveal what I call a “technoprogressive” bias, or the belief that technological development is a primary way to improve the human estate and that it leads inevitably to cumulative progress. However, because technoprogressive commentary on nanotechnology focuses on concerns that are framed mainly in terms of risk assessment, cost-benefit analyses, and utilitarian principles, technoprogressive ethics overlooks crucial ethical questions of a different nature, questions that deal with the limits of human action, the nature of justice, and the meaning of being human. To analyze the implications of technoprogressive ethics, I employ the moral philosophy of Canadian thinker George Grant because he articulates an underrepresented yet valuable critique of Western society’s relationship with technology. Grant speaks for a type of transcendental moral realism that challenges the primacy of the technological imperative, insisting that justice ultimately must be grounded upon non-negotiable limits, and that there are objective norms to which human freedom and human self-assertion have to answer.

Cette thèse vise à préciser l’importance et le relief singulier que Valérius Flaccus donne aux figures du pouvoir monarchique dans les Argonautiques. Elle sollicite la vaste tradition littéraire antique portant sur les figures du bon roi et du tyran, ainsi que les représentations du pouvoir véhiculées par l’idéologie impériale, afin de déterminer quel regard spécifique ce poète porte sur une problématique universelle et quels procédés il met en œuvre pour rendre cette représentation originale et efficace. Ce travail, qui écarte tout parti pris référentiel,s’articule autour d’une étude des personnages.Le poète analyse les mécanismes de fonctionnement de la tyrannie. Il en souligne le caractère oppressant en faisant des tyrans les pivots de la narration épique et en théâtralisant fortement leurs apparitions, susceptibles de frapper le lecteur. Aux tyrans s’opposent de nombreux rois exerçant un pouvoir positif. Le poète grandit ces figures en les valorisant sur le plan éthique mais montre aussi de façon répétée leur chute ainsi que la stérilité de leur pouvoir afin de susciter la compassion du lecteur. L’élaboration du personnage de Jason se fait sur le même modèle que celle des bons rois. La mise en valeur des qualités du chef ne rend que plus saisissante sa déchéance future, sans cesse annoncée. L’inquiétude et le pessimisme se dégagent donc de cette représentation du pouvoir royal, conçu sous sa forme pervertie, la tyrannie, ou associé à la décadence.Cette thèse permet d’ajouter une contribution à l’histoire des représentations et de prendre la mesure des évolutions du genre épique, qui fait alors une place importante à la tragédie et aux effets pathétiques. / This thesis aims to specify the importance and the unique depth Valerius Flaccus gives to the figures of monarchic power in the Argonautica. It calls on the vast antique literary tradition which deals with the figures of the good king and the tyrant, as well as the representations of power carried by the imperial ideology, in order to determine what specific look this poet takes on an universal issue and what literary devices he uses to make this representation original and efficient. This work that rejects every referential bias is based on a study of the characters. The poet analyses how tyranny works. He underlines its oppressive nature by making tyrants the pivots of epic narration and by strongly dramatizing their appearances, which is likely to strike the reader. Numerous kingsembodying a positive power contrast with tyrants. The poet enhances these figures valuing them from an ethic point of view. But he also repeatedly shows their falls as well as the sterility of their power in order to arouse thereader’s sympathy. To elaborate the character of Jason he proceeds in the same way as for the good kings.Emphasizing the qualities of the leader makes his constantly announced future decline all the more striking andmoving. Anxiety and pessimism prevail in the representation of royal power, which is seen in its corrupted form,tyranny, or associated to decline.This thesis contributes to the history of representations and makes it possible to assess the evolutions of the epicgenre, which then affords an important place to tragedy and pathetic effects.

Jesus as portrayed in the Gospel of Mark is someone who would resonate with readers of Harry Potter because of his words and acts of resistance and justice. However, for many of them there are obstacles to even reading the Markan Gospel. Some of them are unfavourable perceptions of Christianity and the Bible. Others are merely uninterested or are unfamiliar with what the Markan story really is. The purpose of this study is to explore how Mark can be read using a popular culture reading lens, like the Harry Potter literature, to expand the horizons of the Harry Potter audience. An examination of the social and historical background will provide a first-century context of resistance to oppression. Using the Harry Potter lens, I will juxtapose that text with the Gospel of Mark as a whole to show that there is a pattern of resistance enacted by Jesus throughout. I will then carry out an exegetical analysis of Mark 10:32 45, again juxtaposing it with the Harry Potter text. The intertextual connections drawn from this analysis will be considered in terms of how they can impact the Harry Potter audience and provide them with new horizons. This project will therefore be given a reading strategy to help them read Mark 10:32 45 through the lens of the Harry Potter novels. This lens allows the reader to both transform and be transformed by the Markan text and will highlight how Jesus acts to resist and subvert the role of tyrannical rule in the lives of his followers, much like the resistance and subversion seen in the story of Harry Potter.

<p>The aim of this thesis has been to investigate and analyze the tyranny of the Deinomenids (491 – 466 BC), a family who controlled several Greek colonies located on the island of Sicily. Modern classical scholarship has often ignored the history and contributions this family has made to the Greek world or has taken a limited view of the family.</p> <p>I intend to present a comprehensive account of the Deinomenids and to demonstrate how this family, which has received little attention, played a major role in the Greek world. I will look into several aspects regarding their tyranny that have often been overlooked, including the ways in which they invented claims about themselves and manipulated their identities in order to elevate their status as rulers in Sicily. In addition to this, I will use the Deinomenids as a case study to illustrate the tension felt between the mainland and the Greek colonies in Sicily, as well as demonstrating how the West influenced and informed many of the advancements seen on the mainland in later generations.</p> <p>The first section of this thesis will investigate Greek tyranny and Greek colonization in the West. This will provide the backdrop of my study of the Deinomenids. The next section will present a catalogue of the historical, literary, and archaeological evidence that survives regarding the family. The third section will focus on the various methods that the family used to secure their powerbase in Sicily. This included using poetry, coinage, buildings, and religious cults. The last section will look at the aftermath of the Deinomenid tyranny and the long-lasting impact their rule had on Sicily and the mainland of Greece.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

在托克維爾政治思想中，民主一直是核心的議題，也引發大西洋兩岸知識界熱烈的爭論。直到今天，政治、學術、新聞等各界仍經常引用他的觀點。本文即就托克維爾有關民主體制的思想進行研究，並發現可分梳為民主社會一般傾向、民主社會潛在的腐化危機，及民主體制存續之道三個面向進行討論。而這三個相關的部分，更可就其內在邏輯整合而成共和主義研究途徑。 首先，在民主社會的特徵及其發展方面，托克維爾認為民主社會強調國民主權及身份平等，雖然使社會充滿活力；但也易於衝動，缺乏遠見，造成庸俗的中產階級政治。同時在資本主義及工業革命影響下，可能會形成個體主義，使得人際關係疏離，且對公共事務冷漠；也造成物質主義，只想追求物質享受。大多數勞工也會有異化現象，淪為工作的奴隸。不過，民主社會也會發展出諸如結社、地方自治等鍛鍊政治自由的機制，提供個體自主性及公民性格寬廣的公共領域。托克維爾並主張國家利用宗教、法律培養公民參與的熱情與美德。這種觀念下的國家對人生計劃並不中立，顯現共和主義多於自由主義的立場。 其次，在民主體制潛藏的腐化危機方面，托克維爾指出三種可能形式。一是因身份平等可能切斷封建社會原有的社會紐帶，使得個體孤立無援，必須服從統治的多數，終而導致一種多數專制─以一種社會一致性窒息個體的思想。二是因公民追求物質主義過甚，竟而完全退出公共領域，並召喚一種保護性權力，在民主自由的形式下，溫柔親切地奴役人民。此亦即民主專制。三是在民主革命初期或資本主義發達之後，必將出現中央集權。國家為解決工業社會複雜的問題，因應人民龐雜的需求，在多數授權下集中所有權力，破壞了政治自由得以維繫的各種機制。 第三，在民主體制的維繫方面，托克維爾的主張也充滿共和主義的色彩。例如，為使公民保持自由的技藝，他認為，公民應參與鄉鎮自治、結社（特別是政治結社）、陪審團。而在培養公共精神的美德方面，托克維爾強調宗教的重要性。藉由教條式信仰，宗教可培養公民認識「適當理解的自利原則」。而且，民主社會也有賴宗教提供一種道德與知識的權威。在這一方面，女性公民扮演了傳承與複製的重要角色，因而在托克維爾的民主思想中也占有一席之地。 本文最後提出國民主權、身份平等、公私領域、社會共識等四方面的引申討論，進一步分析托克維爾共和主義式的民主思想，對當前主流民主理論所能提供的貢獻。此外，也依個人見解評論其不足之處。 / Democracy has always been a core concept and a controversial issue in Tocqueville’s political thought at both sides of the Atlantic Ocean. Politicians, scholars as well as journalists still quote Tocqueville’s points at the present time. This thesis studies Tocqueville’s democratic thought, and analyzed it in three aspects: the general tendency of democratic societies, the potential danger of corruption in democratic societies, and the maintenance of democratic system. With the interlock between these aspects, this thesis integrated them into an approach of republicanism to Tocqueville’s democratic thought. For the first aspect, Tocqueville believed that with the emphasis on popular sovereignty and equality of condition, democratic societies will bring themselves diversified vitality. However, the societies will also be passionate and myopic, as the characteristics of mediocre bourgeois politics. Influenced by capitalism and industrial revolution, the prevailing individualism in democratic societies results in social alienation, public apathy and overwhelming materialism. Most workers will degrade into slaves of their works. On the other hand, democracy will promote associations, local self-governments which provide public spheres to practice autonomy and citizenship through the art of political freedom. Furthermore, Tocqueville requested the states to cultivate the passion and virtue of civic participation by means of religion and law. States under this requirement is not neutral toward citizens’ life plans, and seems more republican than liberal. For the second aspect, Tocqueville pointed out three possible forms of corruption from democratic societies: majority tyranny, democratic tyranny and centralization. First, majority tyranny results in extreme exploitation of equality of condition which cut off the original social bonds in feudal societies, hence isolate the individuals and render them totally helpless but to obey the ruling majority. Majority tyranny stifles citizen’s originality with social conformity. Secondly, mainly on account of materialism, citizens would escape into private life and material happiness, and moreover give away thoroughly public affairs to a tutelage power to enslave people gently within the liberal democratic form. That is democratic tyranny. Thirdly, centralization will present itself definitely, either during the early stage of democratic revolution or after capital economy is delivered. In order to solve the complicated problems in industrial societies, respond to a lot of diverse demands, the state concentrate all the power under the delegation of the majority, and destroy all kinds of mechanism which sustaining the art of political freedom. For the third aspect, Tocqueville offered republican solution to the maintenance of democratic system. He thought that citizens should take part in township self-governance, associations (especially political associations) and the jury. He also emphasized the importance of religion in teaching the virtue of public spirit, as well as cultivating the knowledge of “the principle self-interest properly understood” by dogmatic belief. In the same way, religion affords ethical and intellectual authority to democratic societies. In this regard, the female citizens play so important part of sustaining and reproducing these ethical and intellectual lessons that Tocqueville had to illuminate the role of women in his democratic thought. In addition to these interpretations, this thesis presents four related concepts for further discourse: popular sovereignty, equality of condition, public and private sphere and social consensus. Based on these discourses, the thesis evaluates the merit and deficiency of Tocqueville’s thought of republican democracy.

In this dissertation on Nat Nakasa I argue, in Chapter 1, that he is one of South Africa's first literary flaneurs. Walking the city as an urban spectator, part journalist, part sociologist, his modernist writings of the metropolis celebrate Johannesburg and also place him in a broad international context. His `tactics of the habitat', in Foucault's phrase, become subversive ruses, a navigation through the cultural seam of South Africa in the 1960s, and this approach offers an alternative to a reductionist anti-apartheid critique. Chapter 2 analyses the excavation of his memory and subsequent elevation to media icon, with the naming of the SANEF Award for Media Integrity after him. Chapter 3 discusses how his auto/biographical writings and representation of self and other contribute to `making history's silences speak'. Finally in chapter 4, I discuss his elusive identity as part of the Drum generation, an insider/outsider, and his exile and suicide in America. / English Studies / M.A. (English)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gilbert Isidore Levy.pdf: 463680 bytes, checksum: 20f71bab4412290f4a2ba9639dbd2e37 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-12 / This research encompasses two parts: a matrix and the manifestations of the totalitarian Power. The matrix is analyzed on its cultural, social and political aspects, focusing on the National Socialist German totalitarian experience. The cultural matrix puts into evidence a Conservative Revolucionary movement and the influence of the nihilist culture on national Socialist speech, from the studies of Louis Dupeux and of Léo Strauss. The social matrix is based on the work developed by George Mosse regarding the social impact of the 1st World War on the civilian society, on which he denominates the brutalization of the German society. The political matrix seeks to unveil the essence of the totalitarian Power. It is based on the observations of three important authors: Claude Lefort, who points out that the roots of the totalitarianism are in the ambiguities and imperfections of the democracy itself, with the concept of democratic indetermination. Aléxis de Tocqueville, with the tyranny of the majority, an expression that configures a political situation in which there is no counterweight to limit the excesses of power, nor protection to grant the natural rights of the minority, and, finally, Giorgio Agamben, starting from a study of the dialectical relation between the sovereign Power and the bare life, points to the danger coming from the vitalist political conception, denominated biopolitics by Foucault, when the same seeks the development of the vital potential of a nation. From the three aspects studied, in the political matrix the more conclusive explanations for the emergence of the totalitarianism is found. The democratic indetermination and the life´s politization are two subjects that stand out in this matrix, due to the relevance of the explanations from Lefort and Agamben, as the preponderant factors on the emergence of totalitarian dynamics. In the second part, the purpose is to demonstrate how this dynamic was expressed in Germany, during the National Socialist regime. For that, the following manifestations of the totalitarian power were outlined: völkische identity, Total State, Total Mobilization and Total war, illuminated by the observations from Bernard Bruneteau, to end with a picture of the totalitarian evil / Esta pesquisa compreende duas partes: a matriz e as manifestações do poder totalitário. A matriz é analisada no seu aspecto cultural, social e político, focalizando a experiência totalitária da Alemanha nacional-socialista. A matriz cultural evidencia a Revolução conservadora e a influência da cultura niilista, a partir dos estudos de Louis Dupeux e de Léo Strauss. A matriz social tem como base o trabalho de George Mosse sobre o impacto social da 1ª Guerra Mundial, que denomina a brutalização da sociedade alemã. A matriz política procura desvelar a essência do poder totalitário. Ela se baseia nas observações de três grandes autores: Claude Lefort, que aponta que a raiz do totalitarismo está nas ambigüidades e imperfeições da própria democracia, com o conceito de indeterminação democrática. Aléxis de Tocqueville com a tirania da maioria, expressão que caracteriza uma situação política na qual não existe contrapeso para limitar os excessos do poder, nem proteção para garantir os direitos naturais da minoria; e, finalmente, Giorgio Agamben, que a partir de um estudo da relação dialética entre o poder soberano e a vida nua, aponta o perigo decorrente de uma concepção vitalista da política, denominada por Foucault de biopolítica, quando a mesma almeja o desenvolvimento do potencial vital de uma nação. Dos três aspectos estudados, é na matriz política que se encontram as explicações mais conclusivas para o surgimento do totalitarismo. A indeterminação democrática e a politização da vida são dois temas que destacamos nesta matriz, devido à relevância das explicações de Lefort e de Agamben, como fatores preponderantes no desencadeamento da dinâmica totalitária. Na segunda parte, procura-se demonstrar como essa dinâmica se expressou na Alemanha, durante o regime nacional-socialista. Para tanto, foram pontuadas as seguintes manifestações do poder totalitário: Identidade-völkische, Estado total, Mobilização total e Guerra total, para finalizar com um retrato do mal totalitário

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gilbert Isidore Levy.pdf: 463680 bytes, checksum: 20f71bab4412290f4a2ba9639dbd2e37 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-12 / This research encompasses two parts: a matrix and the manifestations of the totalitarian Power. The matrix is analyzed on its cultural, social and political aspects, focusing on the National Socialist German totalitarian experience. The cultural matrix puts into evidence a Conservative Revolucionary movement and the influence of the nihilist culture on national Socialist speech, from the studies of Louis Dupeux and of Léo Strauss. The social matrix is based on the work developed by George Mosse regarding the social impact of the 1st World War on the civilian society, on which he denominates the brutalization of the German society. The political matrix seeks to unveil the essence of the totalitarian Power. It is based on the observations of three important authors: Claude Lefort, who points out that the roots of the totalitarianism are in the ambiguities and imperfections of the democracy itself, with the concept of democratic indetermination. Aléxis de Tocqueville, with the tyranny of the majority, an expression that configures a political situation in which there is no counterweight to limit the excesses of power, nor protection to grant the natural rights of the minority, and, finally, Giorgio Agamben, starting from a study of the dialectical relation between the sovereign Power and the bare life, points to the danger coming from the vitalist political conception, denominated biopolitics by Foucault, when the same seeks the development of the vital potential of a nation. From the three aspects studied, in the political matrix the more conclusive explanations for the emergence of the totalitarianism is found. The democratic indetermination and the life´s politization are two subjects that stand out in this matrix, due to the relevance of the explanations from Lefort and Agamben, as the preponderant factors on the emergence of totalitarian dynamics. In the second part, the purpose is to demonstrate how this dynamic was expressed in Germany, during the National Socialist regime. For that, the following manifestations of the totalitarian power were outlined: völkische identity, Total State, Total Mobilization and Total war, illuminated by the observations from Bernard Bruneteau, to end with a picture of the totalitarian evil / Esta pesquisa compreende duas partes: a matriz e as manifestações do poder totalitário. A matriz é analisada no seu aspecto cultural, social e político, focalizando a experiência totalitária da Alemanha nacional-socialista. A matriz cultural evidencia a Revolução conservadora e a influência da cultura niilista, a partir dos estudos de Louis Dupeux e de Léo Strauss. A matriz social tem como base o trabalho de George Mosse sobre o impacto social da 1ª Guerra Mundial, que denomina a brutalização da sociedade alemã. A matriz política procura desvelar a essência do poder totalitário. Ela se baseia nas observações de três grandes autores: Claude Lefort, que aponta que a raiz do totalitarismo está nas ambigüidades e imperfeições da própria democracia, com o conceito de indeterminação democrática. Aléxis de Tocqueville com a tirania da maioria, expressão que caracteriza uma situação política na qual não existe contrapeso para limitar os excessos do poder, nem proteção para garantir os direitos naturais da minoria; e, finalmente, Giorgio Agamben, que a partir de um estudo da relação dialética entre o poder soberano e a vida nua, aponta o perigo decorrente de uma concepção vitalista da política, denominada por Foucault de biopolítica, quando a mesma almeja o desenvolvimento do potencial vital de uma nação. Dos três aspectos estudados, é na matriz política que se encontram as explicações mais conclusivas para o surgimento do totalitarismo. A indeterminação democrática e a politização da vida são dois temas que destacamos nesta matriz, devido à relevância das explicações de Lefort e de Agamben, como fatores preponderantes no desencadeamento da dinâmica totalitária. Na segunda parte, procura-se demonstrar como essa dinâmica se expressou na Alemanha, durante o regime nacional-socialista. Para tanto, foram pontuadas as seguintes manifestações do poder totalitário: Identidade-völkische, Estado total, Mobilização total e Guerra total, para finalizar com um retrato do mal totalitário