This is the saga of WIlliam Cochran and his parents-wire-recorded interviews of his experiences told to his daughter, who has arranged the material in orderly sequence, but kept his language. He came west where the buffalo were, in the wild, rough 70’s, and on farther west to the cattle range in the 80’s. These were days when families moved to take up homesteads in the face of hardship and disappointments. Bill followed civilization west and learned the cattle business. He tells of his experiences. He paints a huge canvas of people he knew - Indians, murderers, robbers, horse thieves, and cattlemen. The West was in Bill’s blood, inherited from his forefathers. He rubbed against its heroism and fury, and learned to protect himself. He has a memory richly stored with an account of the exciting days of our western frontier where for forty years he rode over the Southwestern United States, first as a farmer boy, and later as cowboy, rancher, and deputy sheriff. The picture and preserving for the future before all of the old settlers were gone. This is the result - an effort to picture that life truly and realistically.

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The debate over the display of the Confederate battle flag in public places throughout the South focus on the flag's display by state governments such South Carolina and Mississippi. The state of Texas is rarely placed in this debate, and neither has the debate adequately explore the role of high schools' use of Confederate symbols. Schools represent the community and serve as a symbol of its values. A school represented by Confederate symbols can communicate a message of intolerance to a rival community or opposing school during sports contests. Within the community, conflict arose when an opposition group to the symbols formed and asked for the symbols' removal in favor of symbols that were seen more acceptable by outside observers. Many times, an outside party needed to step in to resolve the conflict. In Texas, the conflict between those in favor and those oppose centered on the Confederate battle flag, and the memory each side associated with the flag. Anglos saw the flag as their school spirit. African Americans saw hatred.

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Carnival, Royal Caribbean, and Norwegian—the most profitable cruise lines today—emerged between the late 1960s and early 1970s, as the elitist leisure ocean travel industry attempted to recover from economic downturn. These mass-market lines targeted an American middle class that increasingly had the desire and financial means to travel. They secured much of this untapped market by creating packaged vacations that responded to the needs and tastes of a middle-class clientele. Drawing on cruise advertisements, newspaper articles, ephemera, industry documents, travel writing, and memorabilia books, this dissertation analyzes how these three companies used cultural and geographic referents to produce cruise vacations, responding to an increased consumer interest in cultural sampling as an accruement of economic globalization. Findings suggest that cruise ships offered their owners a space to arrange simulated interactions with global cultures—a practice that soon extended to Caribbean cruise ports as these companies gained the market power to influence encounters there. This complex collision of global cultures was advanced by a goal to offer passengers opportunities to discover new worlds. However, many of the cultural representations displayed on cruise ships were pastiches—essentializations drawn from popular media forms and based in Eurocentrism. These were meant to be entertaining, not accurate, representations. Nevertheless, as themed environments gained momentum, these cultural forms helped to transform ships into destinations in their own right—a process through which cruise lines produced a captive audience to siphon passenger spending from the Caribbean. At the same time, cruise lines leveraged their mediating power and economic influence to hide from passengers the supposed poverty, crime, and disease at Caribbean ports, and even the mundanities of daily life there, while increasingly installing mechanisms to appropriate spending from those who chose to debark the ship. These processes intensified as the decades advanced. This study thus finds that cultural homogenization did not result in an immediately apparent reduction of difference, because difference was profitable and central to the mass-market cruise industry’s advertising strategies. However, the surface-level cultural heterogeneity that cruises offered was reduced through a homogenizing vision that balanced novelty with passenger comfort, engagement, and convenience in support of corporate profits. The resulting cultural production process was not suggestive of glocalization, but rather a new phenomenon meriting further research.

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<p> </p> <p>Throughout the long 1970s, country music actively sought to cultivate a more traditional, “authentic,” and conservative image and sound. By examining the country music industry, during the long 1970s, this dissertation highlights how authenticity, Southern heritage, and traditionalism within country music overlapped with the South’s broader resistance to social change. Past studies of country music have primarily been concerned with how the music and its traditional format represent the working-class culture of its audience. However, very little attention has been paid to how this adherence to authenticity and traditionalism impacted its artists, particularly the female ones. In turn, the scholarship that does pertain solely to female artists is often dismissive of the impact that the country music industry and its restrictive culture had on female artists and instead opts to foster a retroactively feminist portrayal of the them and their music.</p> <p>In examining the careers of Loretta Lynn, Dolly Parton, Tanya Tucker, and Tammy Wynette, this dissertation argues that country music held its female artists to a far stricter standard than its male artists throughout the long 1970s and actively encouraged them to foster lyrics and personas that were in line with the genre’s conception of traditional femininity. Over time, artists like Lynn and Wynette became so intrinsically connected to these traditional personas that they could not escape it, which negatively impacted not only their careers but personal lives as well. Likewise, when Parton and Tucker attempted to challenge the gendered restriction that they encountered within country music, they were punished and shunned by the broader country music community to the point that they left it altogether. </p> <p>By exploring these highly calculated measures that the industry used to maintain each of these elements and its broader effects on the genre, its artists, and audience base, this dissertation also highlights how the authenticity label evolved into a gatekeeping term, employed at various times throughout the industry’s history to prevent unsatisfactory or controversial ideologies, images, people, and musical elements from gaining access to or the ability to change and diversify the genre. </p>

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T19:20:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Kleber Maia Marinho.pdf: 1018489 bytes, checksum: b40b9e97f51276133e093a50b2f37632 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-06-22 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / As a whole, the present dissertation lies at the intersection between religion and politics. Religion was embedded in the political scenario of the US at the onset of the nation and, since then, religion and politics have been intertwined into a complex system of coexistence that has strongly influenced the country s destiny. Although the debate regarding the amalgam between religion and politics in the US has been ongoing among the most diverse sectors of information and research, both locally and internationally, it was after the inauguration of George W. Bush and the attacks on 9/11, that such issue gained global repercussion, at a level never before seen in history. In this regard, the present work intends to analyze the relation of historical-cultural, sociological and psychological facts on the political-religious events, particularly those related to the international political scenario, which is hereby represented by the US. Thus, the subject of this investigation focuses on analyzing the presence of religious concepts as found in the speeches of President George W. Bush, during his two terms in office. More specifically, this dissertation examines the phenomena that are deeply rooted in the culture of the United States and have played a key role in supporting Bush s political actions. In this way, it evaluates the degree to which the events on 9/11 served as a bulwark for the religious rhetoric in Bush s discourse and became a tool to legitimate the war against Iraq, his political modus operandi and, ultimately, lead him to reelection. It is therefore concluded that, the ethical, moral and religious factors, deeply set in the culture of the United States throughout its history, together with the trauma caused by the events on 9/11, contributed to the acceptance of Bush s political decisions. The theoretical basis for the work is the hermeneutic methodology, built on a theoretical and bibliographic tripartite design that is sociological, philosophical-linguistic as well as psychological. The first line of investigation is based on the concept of Civil Religion, first developed by Robert Bellah and later expanded by other theoreticians; the second one follows Chaïm Perelman s theory of the New Rhetoric, and the third rests on C. G. Jung s Archetype. / Em termos gerais, a presente dissertação localiza-se na confluência da religião com a política. A inserção da religião na esfera política dos EUA fez-se presente desde o início de sua fundação e desde então, ambas permaneceram imbricadas constituindo um complexo sistema de convívio, cuja influência foi determinante nos desígnios da nação. Embora o debate acerca do amálgama entre religião e política nos EUA nunca ter cessado entre os mais diferentes setores de informação e pesquisa na sociedade nacional e internacional, foi, todavia, a partir da posse de George W. Bush e, após os atentados de 11 de setembro, que tal assunto ganhou repercussão mundial como talvez jamais antes na história. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho tem como propósito analisar os fatos histórico-culturais, sociológicos e psicológicos na análise de eventos político-religiosos, mais precisamente, relativos à política internacional representada aqui pelos EUA. Por essa via, o objeto de investigação em questão refere-se à análise da presença da concepção religiosa encontrada nos discursos do presidente George W. Bush durante o período de seus dois mandatos de governo. Em termos específicos, esta dissertação debruçou-se sobre o estudo de fenômenos arraigados na cultura estadunidense que foram preponderantes na sustentação da política de Bush. Assim, buscou-se avaliar até que ponto o 11 de setembro serviu de ênfase na retórica religiosa do discurso de Bush, servindo de meio instrumentário para legitimar a guerra no Iraque, seu modus operandi político e, eventualmente, ajudá-lo na reeleição. Concluímos que fatores ético-morais e religiosos profundamente incutidos na cultura estadunidense ao longo do processo histórico, aliados ao trauma do 11 de setembro, foram facilitadores para a adesão à política de Bush. Para tanto, valemo-nos, como procedimento teórico, da metodologia hermenêutica, construída em cima de uma linha teórico-bibliográfica ancorada por três frentes: sociológica, filosófico-lingüística e psicológica. A primeira embasa-se no conceito de Religião Civil inicialmente desenvolvida por Robert Bellah e, depois, ampliada por outros teóricos; a segunda pauta-se na teoria da Nova Retórica de Chaïm Perelman e a última, no conceito de Arquétipo de C. G. Jung.