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Esta dissertação analisa uma novidade introduzida na política externa brasileira pelo governo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva: a não-indiferença. Esta diretriz surgiu como contraponto ao princípio da não-intervenção, no entanto o governo não delimitou adequadamente como aplicá-la, tendo em vista que em contextos similares a diplomacia Lula tomou atitudes diferentes. Para isso, são estudados sete casos de atuação do Brasil com relação a outros países: Venezuela, Bolívia, Paraguai, Honduras, Cuba, Irã e Haiti. A hipótese que orientou este estudo é de que na busca por aumentar o perfil político do Brasil, representado pela candidatura a um assento permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, o governo brasileiro exerceu um excessivo ativismo que exigiu esforços políticos (omitindo-se inclusive em questões sobre direitos humanos), financeiros e militares. A diplomacia da solidariedade surge nesse contexto como justificativa à mediação de crises, cooperação técnica e até mesmo à intervenção, da qual o engajamento brasileiro no Haiti seria o melhor exemplo devido a sua multidimensionalidade. / The present dissertation analyzes an innovation in Brazilian foreign policy introduced by the Lula da Silva administration: the non-indifference. This guideline emerged in opposition to the principle of non-intervention, however the government did not define it properly nor have created rules to enforce it, considering that Lula`s diplomacy had different approaches to similar situations. To find out more about this trend, it was chosen seven case studies in which Brazilian foreign policy had to cope with other countries, such as: Venezuela, Bolivia, Paraguay, Honduras, Cuba, Iran and Haiti. The hypothesis which has oriented this research addresses that in order to increase Brazil`s political profile, represented by the pursue for a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, the government has excessively raised its initiatives abroad which required political (neglecting human rights), financial and military efforts. The diplomacy of solidarity emerges as an argument to justify the Brazilian role in peace talks, cooperation measures and even intervention, which makes Haiti the best example due its multidimensionality.

Esta dissertação analisa uma novidade introduzida na política externa brasileira pelo governo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva: a não-indiferença. Esta diretriz surgiu como contraponto ao princípio da não-intervenção, no entanto o governo não delimitou adequadamente como aplicá-la, tendo em vista que em contextos similares a diplomacia Lula tomou atitudes diferentes. Para isso, são estudados sete casos de atuação do Brasil com relação a outros países: Venezuela, Bolívia, Paraguai, Honduras, Cuba, Irã e Haiti. A hipótese que orientou este estudo é de que na busca por aumentar o perfil político do Brasil, representado pela candidatura a um assento permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, o governo brasileiro exerceu um excessivo ativismo que exigiu esforços políticos (omitindo-se inclusive em questões sobre direitos humanos), financeiros e militares. A diplomacia da solidariedade surge nesse contexto como justificativa à mediação de crises, cooperação técnica e até mesmo à intervenção, da qual o engajamento brasileiro no Haiti seria o melhor exemplo devido a sua multidimensionalidade. / The present dissertation analyzes an innovation in Brazilian foreign policy introduced by the Lula da Silva administration: the non-indifference. This guideline emerged in opposition to the principle of non-intervention, however the government did not define it properly nor have created rules to enforce it, considering that Lula`s diplomacy had different approaches to similar situations. To find out more about this trend, it was chosen seven case studies in which Brazilian foreign policy had to cope with other countries, such as: Venezuela, Bolivia, Paraguay, Honduras, Cuba, Iran and Haiti. The hypothesis which has oriented this research addresses that in order to increase Brazil`s political profile, represented by the pursue for a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, the government has excessively raised its initiatives abroad which required political (neglecting human rights), financial and military efforts. The diplomacy of solidarity emerges as an argument to justify the Brazilian role in peace talks, cooperation measures and even intervention, which makes Haiti the best example due its multidimensionality.

As operações de manutenção da paz da Organização das Nações Unidas vêm sendo empregadas há mais de 60 anos com o objetivo de assegurar a paz e a segurança internacionais. A partir dos conflitos da Somália, Bósnia e Ruanda ocorridos na década de 1990, caracterizados pelas massivas violações de direitos humanos e pela incapacidade da Organização de impedi-las, esta deu início a uma série de debates acerca de como melhor operacionalizar suas peacekeeping operations, a fim de que violações como aquelas não mais voltassem a ocorrer. Ademais, o entendimento, por parte do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, de que violações de direitos humanos e estabilidade internacional guardam estreita relação, colaborou para que esses debates se desenvolvessem. O presente trabalho tem como obejtivo analisar as propostas sugeridas com vistas ao aperfeiçoamento do modus operandi das peacekeeping operations em virtude das citadas violações de direitos humanos e a verificar se tais propostas estão sendo aplicadas nas operações de manutenção da paz atuais / The peacekeeping operations of the United Nations have been used for over 60 years with the goal of ensuring international peace and security. From the conflicts in Somalia, Bosnia and Rwanda occurred in the 1990s, characterized by massive human rights violations and the inability of the Organization of preventing them, United Nations have initiated a series of debates about how to best operationalize its peacekeeping operations, in manner that those violations no longer occur. Moreover, the understanding by the United Nations Security Council that human rights violations and international stability are closely related, contributed to the development of these discussions. The present work aims, therefore, to assess the proposals suggested for the improvement of the modus operandi of peacekeeping operations in view of the aforementioned human rights violations and to verify whether they are being applied in todays peacekeeping operations.

O objetivo central desta tese é o de analisar a participação de Organizações Não Governamentais (ONGs) internacionais nas políticas e práticas do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas (CSNU) voltadas às agendas temáticas Crianças e Mulheres. Com base no estudo de duas coalizões, Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict e NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and Security, busca-se examinar o panorama político e normativo que condiciona a atuação das ONGs, bem como as estratégias específicas utilizadas por elas para adentrar no domínio de paz e segurança internacionais. Pretende-se discutir se as ONGs estão presentes nas discussões do órgão e, caso afirmativo, em que medida suas estratégias influenciam as decisões estatais. A metodologia empregada foi a análise dos documentos divulgados pelas coalizões e das resoluções aprovadas pelo CSNU. Além disso, foram realizadas entrevistas com funcionários das coalizões e das missões estatais para entender como funcionam as relações entre as ONGs e o CSNU. A partir das perguntas de pesquisa e da metodologia empregada, o estudo discutiu proposições teóricas sobre a possibilidade de os atores não estatais interferirem nas deliberações intergovernamentais. Sugere-se que o enquadramento das ideias e normas, a formação de coalizões e a mobilização por meio de redes de advocacia criam estímulos que aumentam as chances de os ativistas influenciarem as decisões dos Estados-membros do CSNU. As conclusões desta tese permitem considerar, de um lado, a participação das ONGs num espaço tradicionalmente fechado à sua presença e, de outro, o desenvolvimento do CSNU, com destaque às adaptações que viabilizaram uma maior aproximação com as ONGs. / The aim of this thesis is to analyze the participation of international Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in the policies of the United Nations Security Council on Children\'s and Women\'s issues. Based on the study of two coalitions, Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict and NGO Working Group on Women, Peace, and Security, it seeks to examine the political and normative framework that conditions the performance of NGOs. Furthermore, it looks at specific strategies used by them to enter into the field of international peace and security. The intention is to verify if NGOs are present in the discussions of this body and, if so, to what extent they influence state\'s decisions. From these research questions, the study discusses theoretical propositions about the possibility of non-state actors\' interference in intergovernmental deliberations. It suggests that framing of ideas and norms, the formation of coalitions and the mobilization through advocacy networks increase the likelihood of an impact on the decisions of member states. The conclusions allow us, firstly, to reflect upon the participation of NGOs in a space traditionally closed to their presence and, secondly, to visualize the development of the UNSC, highlighting some adaptations that led to a greater proximity with NGOs.

This thesis examines the portrayal of men and boys within the women, peace and security agenda, and in particular the United Nations Security Council’s (UNSC) security discourse on this theme. The relationship between the portrayal of victims and perpetrators, and the portrayal of men and boys are analysed and discussed based on the three-dimensional framework for Critical Discourse Analysis by Norman Fairclough. Through the theoretical framework of Martha Finnemore and Kathryn Sikkink on norm theory, this thesis furthers the understanding of the evolution of how men and boys are portrayed within the women, peace and security agenda. The results of this thesis are that the portrayal of victims often does not correspond with the portrayal of men and boys, while the portrayal of perpetrators often does correspond to the portrayal of men and boys. The study also shows that the portrayal of men and boys as the perpetrators as well as leaders in society has reached the third stage of the norm cycle by Finnemore and Sikkink; internalisation, and that the portrayal of men and boys as victims as partners to the female leaders in society has reached only reached the first stage of the norm cycle: norm emergence.

The international community has long relied on United Nations (UN) peace operations as the means of creating and maintaining international peace and security, however the realities of what a “successful” mission looks like remains obscured, as the experiences and definitions of success may differ between the various players involved. While a shared definition of success and operational structure remains elusive, it is clear that the assessment of UN missions must be conducted in a holistic manner, from mandate crafting, to mission transition and exit. Among these realities is that the assessment of UN peace operation success is all too often hindered by political partiality with the determination of mission success frequently held hostage by faulty political processes. It is essential that evaluative frameworks encompass the various stages of a peace operation, in order to illustrate the political challenges that often obstruct the planning and assessment of a UN mission. Highlighting the political obstacles associated with holistic mission planning and assessment, against the backdrop of ongoing, ad hoc UN peace operation deployments to Haiti, breaks down existing normative positions and exposes the realities and voids in current methodology.

Magister Legum - LLM / This paper analyses head of state immunity, a traditional rule of international law, in relation to the indictments by the International Criminal Court (ICC) in 2009 against the current Sudanese President Omar Hassan Ahmad Al Bashir. It can be agreed that the doctrine of immunity in international law attempts to overcome the tension between the protection of human rights and the demands of state sovereignty. The statutes and decisions of international criminal courts make it clear that no immunity for international crimes shall be attached to heads of states or to senior government officials. However, the case against the Sudanese President, where the jurisdiction of the ICC was triggered by the UN Security Council‟s referral of the situation in Darfur to the Court, represents the first case where a serving head of state has, in fact, been indicted before the ICC. From this case, a number of legal issues have arisen; such as the questions where the ICC‟s jurisdiction over an incumbent head of state, not party to the ICC Statute, is justified, and the obligations upon ICC state parties to surrender such a head of state to the requesting international criminal court. This paper gives an analysis of these questions. / South Africa

This thesis investigates the topic of elected members of the United Nations Security Council by addressing the research question under what conditions is an elected member of the United Nations Security Council likely to influence decisions in maintaining international peace and security? In investigating the explanatory power of the theoretical argument ‘representative legitimacy’, which suggests that elected members making their proposed actions legitimate by anchoring these with the broader UN membership are more likely to face less opposition and thus increase the likelihood for influence, it tests the hypothesis an elected member anchoring its proposed actions with the broader UN membership is more likely to influence the UNSC decisions. The study is conducted through a structured, focused comparison of three elected members, New Zealand 2015-2016, Japan 2016-2017, and Sweden 2017-2018, and their influence in decisions made on the Syrian conflict. Chosen on a most similar case-design with dependent variable variation, and analyzed through resolutions, meeting records and statements, the empirics give partial support for the hypothesis. The results suggest that representative legitimacy can be a condition under which an elected member is likely to influence the Council, however, one case suggests that representative legitimacy is not necessary.

The aim of this research was to find out whether or not the use of the veto by one or more of the permanent members in the UNSC had an impact on the behaviors of the warring parties by looking at the interventions that would be imposed by the Council. Much of the research on this topic looks at what it takes for a conflict to get to the UNSC and what happens after sanctions are put into place, but what about if the resolution does not receive support and is not adopted? Two cases are looked at using the structured focused comparison method in relation to two conflict periods in the Kosovo conflict, before the veto (during-UNSC) and after the veto (post-UNSC) asking the question how can the use of the veto in the UNSC by one, or more, of the permanent members of the Security Council impact a conflict? The evidence collected shows that the hypothesis was not supported due to there not being a large change in the behavior of the warring parties from one conflict period to the next. The conclusion shows that the impact by the UNSC on the conflict was not severe.