Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Quality assurance has become a prominent and permanent feature of Higher Education in many countries, and South Africa has been no exception in this regard. The pressing need for social and economic development and the competition for scarce resources has spearheaded the demands for accountability in Higher Education and given rise to the promulgation of a series of Acts and regulations aimed at the transformation of the sector. The most important legislation introduced was the SAQA Act No 58 of 1995. It provides the legal framework for the transformation of the entire educational system in South Africa, and in particular for the evaluation of the quality of Education and Training by establishing structures such as National Standards Bodies (NSB's), Standard Generating Bodies (SGB's) and Education and Training Quality Assurance Bodies (ETQA's). A significant development in South African Higher Education was the publishing of the Education White Paper 3 and the promulgation of the South African Higher Education Bill in 1997. One of the outstanding features of this legislation is that the evaluation of the quality of Higher Education is compulsory, and will be done by the Council on Higher Education (CHE), co-ordinated by its permanent committee, the Higher Education Quality Committee (HEQC). There is a concern that rigidly enforced quality assurance systems could have a negative impact on the academic freedom of institutions. The purpose of this study was, therefore, to determine the most likely impact of quality assurance on academic freedom. In order to achieve this objective, quality assurance and academic freedom frameworks were developed respectively, and the interaction of the various elements in this framework explored. In most instances it was found that quality assurance could have a negative impact on academic freedom. One particular aspect that is of serious concern at the tertiary level is the programme-based as opposed to discipline-based approach to qualifications. This poses a serious threat to academic freedom as it effectively diminishes the space within which academic freedom is practised. However, this conclusion is based on a meta-physical study, and needs to be confirmed by appropriate empirical studies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Kwaliteitsversekering is reeds in baie lande 'n vername en blywende kenmerk van Hoër Onderwys, en Suid-Afrika het in hierdie verband nie agtergebly nie. Die dringende behoefte aan sosiale en ekonomiese ontwikkeling en die mededinging om skaars hulpbronne was aan die spits van die eise om aanspreeklikheid in Hoër Onderwys en het aanleiding gegee tot die promulgering van 'n reeks wette en regulasies wat op die transformasie van die sektor gerig is. Die belangrikste wetgewing wat ingevoer is, is die Wet op die Suid-Afrikaanse Kwalifikasieowerheid 58 van 1995. Dit maak voorsiening vir die wetlike raamwerk vir die transformasie van die hele onderwysstelsel in Suid-Afrika, en veral vir die evaluering van die kwaliteit van Onderwys en Opleiding deur strukture soos Nasionale Standaardeliggame (NSL'e), Standaarde-ontwikkelingsliggame (SOL'e ) en Onderwys-en-Opleidingskwaliteitversekeringsliggame (OOKVL's). 'n Betekenisvolle ontwikkeling in Suid-Afrikaanse Hoër Onderwys was die afkondiging van die Onderwys Witskrif 3 en die promulgering van die Wet op Hoër Onderwys in 1997. Een van die besondere kenmerke van hierdie wetgewing is dat die evaluering van die kwaliteit van Hoër Onderwys verpligtend is en deur die Raad vir Hoër Onderwys (RHO) uitgevoer en deur sy permanente komitee, die Hoër Onderwyskwaliteitskomitee (HOKK), gekoordineer word. Daar bestaan kommer dat streng toegepaste kwaliteitsversekeringstelsels 'n negatiewe uitwerking op die akademiese vryheid van instellings kan hê. Die doel van hierdie studie was dus om die waarskynlikste uitwerking van kwaliteitsversekering op akademiese vryheid te bepaal. Ten einde hierdie doelwit te bereik, is kwaliteitsversekerings- en akademiesevryheidsraamwerke onderskeidelik ontwikkel en is die wisselwerking van die onderskeie elemente in hierdie raamwerk verken. Daar is in die meeste gevalle bevind dat kwaliteitsversekering 'n negatiewe uitwerking op akademiese vryheid kan hê. Een besondere aspek wat ernstige kommer op tersiêre vlak wek, is die programgegronde benadering tot kwalifikasies in teenstelling met die dissiplinegegronde benadering daartoe. Dit hou 'n ernstige bedreiging vir akademiese vryheid in aangesien dit die ruimte waarbinne akademiese vryheid beoefen word, effektief inkort. Hierdie gevolgtrekking is egter op 'n metafisiese studie gegrond en moet deur toepaslike empiriese studies bevestig word.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:21:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Thomas Augusto Ferreira de Almeida.pdf: 1454813 bytes, checksum: 9d42c5c3da9440e94e8a06fecd828696 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-22 / This work intends to elaborate an analysis of the legal treatment about the support foundations of the Federal Institutions of Higher Education (IFES), highlighting its unique conformation among the entities of the Third Sector. It will be demonstrated his special approach to the legal public regime resulted from recent legislative changes introduced by Law No. 12,349, of 15/12/2010, which significantly changed the law of the support foundations, Law No. 8958 of 20/12/1994. The origin of the support foundations will be contextualized within the constant design of the government seeking in private entities the flexibility of administrative management for implementation of the tasks assigned to it. This runway to the private legal regime, sharply occurred after the 1990s by the introduction of management administration as government policy, will be addressed from the perspective of the federal public universities and university autonomy in administrative, financial and patrimonial aspects. The dependence between the support foundations and IFES supported and the usefulness of its partnerships especially in university extension activities will also be the subject of reflection in this work. We will develop our study from the history of public universities and the growth of the Third Sector after the 1990s, going to the evolution of the legislative associated with the precedents of the Court of Audit in Brazil (Tribunal de Contas da União). At the end, will be examined the vulnerabilities and strengths of the current legal arrangement provided by law for the relationship between support foundations and IFES supported / Pretendemos, com este trabalho, elaborar uma análise do regime jurídico das fundações de apoio às Instituições Federais de Ensino Superior (IFES), com destaque para sua singular conformação dentre os entes do Terceiro Setor. Será evidenciada sua especial aproximação ao regime jurídico público decorrente das recentes alterações legislativas promovidas pela Lei nº 12.349, de 15/12/2010, que modificaram significativamente o marco legal das fundações de apoio, a Lei nº 8.958, de 20/12/1994. A origem das fundações de apoio será contextualizada dentro do constante desígnio da Administração Pública em buscar nas entidades de direito privado a flexibilidade de gestão administrativa para execução das tarefas a que está incumbida. Esta fuga para o direito privado, acentuada após os anos 1990 pela introdução da administração gerencial como política de governo, será abordada sob a perspectiva das universidades públicas federais e a autonomia universitária de gestão administrativa, financeira e patrimonial. A dependência entre as fundações de apoio e as IFES apoiadas e a utilidade de suas parcerias especialmente nas atividades de extensão universitária também serão objeto de reflexão deste trabalho. Desenvolveremos nosso estudo a partir da história das universidades públicas e do crescimento do Terceiro Setor após os anos 1990, passando ao regime jurídico das fundações associado à evolução legislativa do tema e sua relação com a jurisprudência do Tribunal de Contas da União. Ao final, serão examinadas as vulnerabilidades e potencialidades do atual arranjo jurídico previsto em lei para o relacionamento entre fundações de apoio e IFES apoiadas

Submitted by Rosivalda Pereira (mrs.pereira@ufma.br) on 2017-08-03T17:59:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 InesSousa.pdf: 879529 bytes, checksum: 99817bdfcdad13d20e4790d15f7550c6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-03T17:59:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 InesSousa.pdf: 879529 bytes, checksum: 99817bdfcdad13d20e4790d15f7550c6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / The purpose of this study is to offer a contribution to the evaluation system of legal courses in Brazil, through the analysis of how the results of evaluations of undergraduate courses are generated and how are re-contextualized by law courses evaluated, based on some theoretical categories expressed as Pierre Bourdieu, Basil Bernstein and Mikhail Bakhtin. Critical analysis of evaluation reports on law courses of educational institutions surveyed, located on the campuses of St. Louis, in the period between 2012 and 2015, in addition to the careful reading of the Pedagogical Projects, among other documents, will identify the regulatory role of the national system of evaluation – Sinaes national curriculum guidelines and law school and your influence in the curriculum , on education, on assessment and management of the courses studied, as well as in the speech and in the performance of the coordinators, teachers and students. In addition, a question that presents itself is the relationship between autonomy of universities and regulation. The choice of approach of a public and a private institution aims to expand the universe of research in order to compare the two realities and bring a contribution to higher education institutions and the improvement of evaluation tools of Inep / Com este estudo pretende-se oferecer uma contribuição ao sistema de avaliação de cursos jurídicos no Brasil, por meio da análise de como os resultados das avaliações de cursos de graduação são gerados e como são recontextualizados pelas cursos de direito avaliados, tendo como base algumas categorias teóricas expressas em Pierre Bourdieu, Basil Bernstein e Mikhail Bakhtin. A análise critica dos Relatórios de Avaliação dos Cursos de Direito das instituições de ensino pesquisadas, localizadas nos campi São Luís, no período compreendido entre 2012 e 2015, além da leitura atenta dos Projetos Pedagógicos entre outros documentos, possibilitará identificar o papel regulador do Sistema Nacional de Avaliação – Sinaes e das Diretrizes Curriculares Nacionais do Curso de Direito e sua influência no currículo, na pedagogia, na avaliação e gestão dos cursos estudados, bem como na fala e na atuação dos coordenadores, professores e alunos. Além disso, uma questão que se apresenta é a relação entre autonomia das universidades e regulação. A opção de abordagem de uma instituição pública e uma privada visa ampliar o universo da pesquisa no intuito de comparar as duas realidades e com isso trazer uma contribuição às instituições de educação superior e ao aprimoramento dos instrumentos de avaliação do Inep.

Throughout the history of universities, university autonomy and academic freedom have come ~o be regardeci as indispensable if the university has to fulfill its function of generating and disseminating knowledge and information for the benefit of society. Al though these are often conflated, they are distinguishable though interdependent. Autonomy relates to the self-governance of the university without external interference. Academic freedom entails the freedom of an individual academic to hold whatever views, orthodox or unorthodox, without censure or other penalty. critical inquiry. It also entails Although academic autonomy and freedom are critical to the academic function, they are not beyond dispute. There is always a continuous debate on what are the proper boundaries of legitimate academic autonomy and freedom. These boundaries are not fixed and keep on shifting. The shifting is often caused by government intervention into university education by way of subsidising it. As a quid pro quo for subsidizing university education, the government often feels entitled to stipulate conditions for the granting of such subsidies. Various governments follow different ways of doing this. There is a general trend in terms of which the government is defining the degree of academic autonomy. With autonomy it emphasizes accountability and with academic freedom it emphasizes responsibility. These are not mutually in conflict. iii Al though universities cherish their autonomy and academic freedom, these are always subject to threat. These cannot flourish in an authoritarian culture, but can only thrive in a democratic culture where other civil liberties are respected. The reason for this is that human freedom is indivisible and academic freedom cannot survive when other rights ar-e violated. The South African Constitution protects academic freedom. This is not generally done in most constitutions of the world. The reason why the South African Cons ti tut ion expressly protects academic freedom is because academic autonomy and freedom were severely violated in the past. Al though the protection of academic freedom in the Constitution does not provide indefeasible security, it makes the way of a transgressing government difficult. This is important because even a democratic government can violate academic freedom. / Constitutional, International & Indigenous Law / LL.D. (Constitutional, International & Indigenous Law)

<p>In 2001 Sweden founded the government agency of VINNOVA, named after the OECD-endorsed innovation system concept. Criticising the common assumption that countries are passive and uncritical recipients of the approaches promoted by the OECD, this dissertation tries to show that Swedish actors were in fact very active and strategic as they contributed to the national adoption of the concept.</p><p>With inspiration from conceptual history and Quentin Skinner’s analysis of the rhetorical use of concepts, this study focuses on the research funding reform process between 1995 and 2001, investigating how actors trying to defend the contested institution of sectoral research used the innovation system concept to rhetorically legitimise their project. To compare these uses with earlier ways of discussing innovation in Sweden, the innovation debate that arose in relation to the industrial crises of the 1970s and 1990s has also been studied.</p><p>It was found that the early Swedish innovation debate had paid little attention to the university sector. When <i>Research 2000</i> in 1998 proposed that researcher-dominated research councils should be given control over sectoral research funding, a coalition in favour of industrially relevant research mobilised to protect its influence over research funding. The concept was now appropriated and used to rhetorically reframe the universities as part of a system with the main function of promoting innovations. By using the concept it was also possible to draw on the legitimacy offered by the OECD and science.</p>

In 2001 Sweden founded the government agency of VINNOVA, named after the OECD-endorsed innovation system concept. Criticising the common assumption that countries are passive and uncritical recipients of the approaches promoted by the OECD, this dissertation tries to show that Swedish actors were in fact very active and strategic as they contributed to the national adoption of the concept. With inspiration from conceptual history and Quentin Skinner’s analysis of the rhetorical use of concepts, this study focuses on the research funding reform process between 1995 and 2001, investigating how actors trying to defend the contested institution of sectoral research used the innovation system concept to rhetorically legitimise their project. To compare these uses with earlier ways of discussing innovation in Sweden, the innovation debate that arose in relation to the industrial crises of the 1970s and 1990s has also been studied. It was found that the early Swedish innovation debate had paid little attention to the university sector. When Research 2000 in 1998 proposed that researcher-dominated research councils should be given control over sectoral research funding, a coalition in favour of industrially relevant research mobilised to protect its influence over research funding. The concept was now appropriated and used to rhetorically reframe the universities as part of a system with the main function of promoting innovations. By using the concept it was also possible to draw on the legitimacy offered by the OECD and science.

University of Macau / Faculty of Education

Throughout the history of universities, university autonomy and academic freedom have come ~o be regardeci as indispensable if the university has to fulfill its function of generating and disseminating knowledge and information for the benefit of society. Al though these are often conflated, they are distinguishable though interdependent. Autonomy relates to the self-governance of the university without external interference. Academic freedom entails the freedom of an individual academic to hold whatever views, orthodox or unorthodox, without censure or other penalty. critical inquiry. It also entails Although academic autonomy and freedom are critical to the academic function, they are not beyond dispute. There is always a continuous debate on what are the proper boundaries of legitimate academic autonomy and freedom. These boundaries are not fixed and keep on shifting. The shifting is often caused by government intervention into university education by way of subsidising it. As a quid pro quo for subsidizing university education, the government often feels entitled to stipulate conditions for the granting of such subsidies. Various governments follow different ways of doing this. There is a general trend in terms of which the government is defining the degree of academic autonomy. With autonomy it emphasizes accountability and with academic freedom it emphasizes responsibility. These are not mutually in conflict. iii Al though universities cherish their autonomy and academic freedom, these are always subject to threat. These cannot flourish in an authoritarian culture, but can only thrive in a democratic culture where other civil liberties are respected. The reason for this is that human freedom is indivisible and academic freedom cannot survive when other rights ar-e violated. The South African Constitution protects academic freedom. This is not generally done in most constitutions of the world. The reason why the South African Cons ti tut ion expressly protects academic freedom is because academic autonomy and freedom were severely violated in the past. Al though the protection of academic freedom in the Constitution does not provide indefeasible security, it makes the way of a transgressing government difficult. This is important because even a democratic government can violate academic freedom. / Constitutional, International and Indigenous Law / LL.D. (Constitutional, International & Indigenous Law)

This study is part of the Policy and Management in Education on line the Postgraduate Education of the Federal University of Uberlândia. Program and has as an object of research of University Support Foundation at the Federal University of Uberlândia. The investigated Support Foundation was founded in 1982 and aims to contribute to the UFU (University Federal Uberlândia) attaining its goals of teaching, research and extension. This study has as main objective to analyze the role of FAU front UFU in the context of educational policies for higher education on the threshold of the XXI century. Alongside this general goal, also intends to analyze the implications and FAU relations with UFU, their difficulties, the Foundation\'s impact in relation to teaching, his contribution with regard to funding and university autonomy in the context of political education to higher education in the 1990. Thus , discusses the role of FAU from socioeconomic changes that engender and determine educational policies , in particular those aimed at higher education , in late twentieth and early twenty-first century. Regarding the methodological aspect of this work is investigative in nature and falls qualitative methodological field , believing that the conduct of research in the methodological field allows the researcher to build a more global view on the social , economic and political aspects . The choice of FAU as an object of study was due to the great interaction that she has with the UFU , through the set of Academic Units comprising this University . The process of data collection used was the semistructured interview . The developed analysis reveals that the University Support Foundation , in its relationship with the UFU has much contributed to the revitalization of administrative actions within the academic units and the university itself as a whole. In turn , the impact of the FAU as regards the financing UFU , it was observed that it is significantly small, as the volume of funds raised , but of great importance to be reached the above dynamics. It was observed, too, that for most interviewees the participation of teachers in the University activities through FAU has brought greater damage to the set of activities developed by FAU has not brought greater damage to the set of activities such teachers at the University. Regarding the privatization of higher education, the interviewees show that the performance of foundations such as FAU is not decisive, because that privatization has walked through other tracks and has reached levels where the maintenance of some, free, public institutions ends up constituting balancing factor between the institutions at this level of education. Furthermore, it is concluded that the universities have greater autonomy, certainly, the performance and the role of foundations as FAU would rather minimized. / O presente estudo insere-se na linha de Políticas e Gestão em Educação o Programa de Pósgraduação em Educação da Universidade Federal de Uberlândia e tem como objeto de investigação a Fundação de Apoio Universitário (FAU) na Universidade Federal de Uberlândia (UFU). A Fundação de Apoio investigada foi fundada em 1982 e tem como finalidade contribuir com a UFU na consecução dos seus objetivos de ensino, pesquisa e extensão. Esse estudo tem como objetivo geral analisar o papel da FAU frente à UFU no contexto das políticas educacionais para educação superior no limiar do século XXI. Ao lado desse objetivo geral, pretende-se também analisar as implicações e relações da FAU com a UFU, suas dificuldades, o impacto da Fundação com relação ao trabalho docente, sua contribuição no que diz respeito ao financiamento, e a autonomia universitária no contexto das politicas educacionais para educação superior nos anos de 1990. Desse modo, discute o papel da FAU a partir das transformações socioeconômicas que engendram e determinam as politicas educacionais, em especial aquelas voltadas para a educação superior, no final de século XX e início do século XXI. Quanto ao aspecto metodológico, este trabalho é de cunho investigativo e se insere nesse campo metodológico qualitativa, por acreditar que a condução da pesquisa nesse campo metodológico possibilita ao pesquisador construir uma visão mais global nos aspectos social, econômicos e políticos. A escolha da FAU como objeto de estudo decorreu da grande interação que ela possui com a UFU, por meio do conjunto das Unidades Acadêmicas que compõem essa Universidade. O processo de coleta de dados adotado foi a entrevista semiestruturada. As análises desenvolvidas evidenciam que a Fundação de Apoio Universitário, na sua relação com a UFU, muito tem contribuído para a dinamização das ações administrativas no âmbito das Unidades acadêmicas e da própria Universidade como um todo. Por sua vez, quanto ao impacto da FAU no que se refere ao financiamento UFU, observou-se que ele é significativamente pequeno, quanto ao volume dos recursos captados, porém de grande importância para se alcançara a dinamização acima referida. Observou-se, também, que para a maioria dos sujeitos entrevistados a participação de docentes da Universidade em atividades desenvolvidas por meio da FAU não tem trazido maiores prejuízos para o conjunto das atividades desenvolvidas por meio da FAU não tem trazido maiores prejuízos para o conjunto das atividades desses docentes na Universidade. Quanto à privatização da educação superior, os sujeitos entrevistados evidenciam que a atuação das fundações como a FAU não é determinante, pois essa privatização tem caminhado por outras trilhas e já atingiu patamares em que a manutenção de algumas instituições públicas, gratuitas, acaba se constituindo em fator de equilíbrio entre as instituições nesse nível de ensino. Conclui-se, ainda, que se as Universidades tivessem maior autonomia, certamente, a atuação e o papel de fundações como a FAU seriam bastante minimizados. / Mestre em Educação

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Guilherme Diniz de Figueiredo Dominguez.pdf: 757597 bytes, checksum: 4f7baa814dd2ab6aa32018f6a3d38f1e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-09 / This paperwork is the result of a research that intends to investigate possible relations between Law and development, based upon an empiric study of the affirmative actions implemented by the Brazilian federal universities, mainly by means of the reservation of enrollment slots to minorities on its admission exams (social and racial quotas), but through the perspective of Court s decisions on the matter. The research focused on the analysis of whether or not such affirmative actions were held constitutional by the Regional Federal Courts of Brazil and by the Brazilian Supreme Court. Also the research intended to verify if such Courts recognized these quotas as public policies or affirmative actions (and thus if this recognition made them adopt a more detailed judicial review of such programs). Furthermore the research intended to study how the apparent conflict between the Executive Branch (universities) and the Legislative Branch, on whether a specific law is needed in order to authorize the adoption of such affirmative actions, was settled and how Courts acted when called to impose affirmative actions in the event of an omission by the Executive Branch. In addition to these specific issues, and assuming that affirmative actions are State policies directed to assure equality and, thus, reduce poorness and prejudice, aiming to promote social development, the main purpose of the research was to examine if such elements were part of the judicial debate that was studied and what was its importance on the examined decisions. We have verified that, considering absolute numbers, the quotas affirmative action is held constitutional by Federal Courts in Brazil. But by analyzing the decisions in each region of the Country we have noticed that a consensus on the subject is far and that there is no precedent of the Brazilian Supreme Court on the matter. In general, the Court s decisions value university autonomy on the implementation of affirmative actions, recognizing that such attribution does not belong only to the Legislative Branch, assessing such measures as public policies (and eventually, in more cases than anticipated, establishing or modulating these policies), although this assessment does not imply a deeper judicial review of the quotas programs, examining all its aspects. Beyond the debate on the constitutionality of the studied affirmative actions, the research detected a number of other problems related to its application, such as, for instance, the lack of a general and common provision on who could be considered a student from a public school in order to benefit from the social quotas, what suggests the need for a federal law determining the guidelines (standards) in order for such affirmative actions to be adopted by the federal universities in Brazil. Nonetheless, the debate on the constitutionality of such policies is marked by a clear discussion on its contribution or not to the development of the Country and, although that is not the main issue discussed on the decision, it is a strong element on the appreciation of the matter / Este trabalho é o resultado de uma pesquisa voltada a investigar possíveis correlações entre Direito e desenvolvimento a partir do estudo de um caso concreto: a implantação de ações afirmativas nas universidades federais brasileiras, especificamente por meio da reserva de vagas a minorias em seus vestibulares (cotas sociais e raciais), mas analisando a perspectiva da jurisprudência a respeito do assunto. O levantamento realizado tinha como objetivo examinar se essas medidas eram tidas como constitucionais pelos Tribunais Regionais Federais e pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, se essas Cortes reconheciam tais medidas como políticas públicas ou ações afirmativas (e se esse fato as induzia a realizar um controle judicial mais pormenorizado desses programas). Adicionalmente, a pesquisa buscou estudar como se decide o conflito de competência entre o Poder Executivo (universidades) e o Poder Legislativo a respeito da necessidade ou não de lei específica autorizando a adoção de ações afirmativas pelas universidades e qual era a postura dos Tribunais no caso de existir pedido de implantação de ação afirmativa em virtude de omissão administrativa. Além desses aspectos pontuais, a hipótese maior que pautou a pesquisa cujos resultados ora se apresentam partia da premissa de que ações afirmativas são medidas de Estado voltadas à promoção da igualdade material com redução de desigualdades econômicas e sociais, visando o desenvolvimento nacional. Nesse contexto, examinou-se se esses elementos estavam presentes ou não nos debates judiciais estudados e qual era o peso que tinham na decisão dos magistrados. Constatou-se que, em número absoluto de decisões analisadas, as cotas são tidas como constitucionais, porém examinando-se o conjunto de decisões em cada região do País, percebe-se que o assunto está longe de alcançar um consenso, não havendo ainda pronunciamento definitivo do Supremo Tribunal Federal sobre o tema. Em geral, a jurisprudência valoriza a autonomia universitária na implantação de ações afirmativas, afastando o possível conflito de competência com o Legislativo e reconhecendo tais ações como políticas públicas (e em mais casos do que se supunha o próprio Judiciário fixou ou modulou tais políticas), embora isso não implique uma revisão judicial mais aprofundada desses programas, contemplando todos os seus aspectos. Para além da discussão a respeito da constitucionalidade dessas ações afirmativas, a pesquisa levantou uma série de outros problemas relacionados à sua aplicação, como, por exemplo, a ausência de uma padronização a respeito de quem pode ser considerado estudante egresso do ensino público para ser beneficiário das cotas sociais, o que sugere a necessidade de uma lei federal fixando diretrizes (standards) para implantação dessas ações pelas universidades federais. Todavia, o debate sobre a constitucionalidade dessas medidas é pautado por uma discussão a respeito da sua contribuição ou não para o desenvolvimento do País, não sendo o fundamento principal das decisões, mas um elemento fortemente presente no exame da questão