Huvudsyftet med uppsatsen är att analysera den politiska diskursen rörande föräldraförsäkringen utifrån de två begreppen jämställdhet kontra valfrihet. Det studien ämnar undersöka är hur de två partierna: Socialdemokraterna och Kristdemokraterna utrycker sig i frågan rörande föräldraförsäkringen. Det material som studerats är respektive partiprogram tillsammans med debattartiklar. Genom användande av diskursanalytiskmetodologi tillsammans med Carol Bacchis WPR-approach få fram vad som inte explicit uttrycks. Undersökande av det implicita i den politiska diskursen rörande föräldraförsäkringen ämnas besvara vilka förgivettagna antaganden som ligger till grund för konstruktion av ojämställdhet i samhället. De metodologiska tillvägagångssätten resulterade i ett identifierande av tre olika teman som presenteras som en del av resultatet. Dessa teman var: Jämställdhet kontra valfrihet, barnomsorgsargument samt ekonomiska aspekter. De identifierade temana presenteras utifrån de två valda partierna och analyseras utifrån valda teorier och tidigare forskning. Det resultat som framträtt är de två partiernas olika synsätt på dualism i frågan. Medan socialdemokraterna ser jämställdhet och valfrihet som två olika motpoler till varandra, anser kristdemokraterna att de två begreppen inte står i kontrast utan kan samverka. Socialdemokraterna bygger sin argumentation på det ojämnställda uttaget av föräldraförsäkringen kring statistiska data som visar på hur kvinnor tar ut större andel av föräldraförsäkringen och motiverar kvoterad föräldraförsäkring som en reform för att bryta detta mönster. Dem anser att det är strukturer och normer i samhället som ligger bakom den ojämlika fördelningen. Det resultat som visade sig kring kristdemokraternas argumentation kring föräldraförsäkringen var den individuella familjens rätt till fria val. Dem menade att genom att låta familjen själv bestämma över föräldraförsäkringen gynnar det både kvinnan, mannen och barnen i familjen då de kan välja att dela upp det på ett sätt som ekonomiskt gynnar förhållandet.

This study applies a post-structural discourse analysis developed by Carol Bacchi, called the WPR-approach, on both Estonia's and the Czech Republic's cyber security policy with the purpose of comparing it to the Swedish cyber security policy. It utilizes Foucauldian ideas about how policy creates rather than discovers “problems'' through representation, and what effects this can have. The purpose of this study is to contribute to the government's work to strengthen Swedish society's cyber security policies, which includes both the public and private sectors, through analysis and comparison of two previously vulnerable countries' policy documents. By previously exposed countries is meant here exposed to socially disruptive cyber-attacks. The results show that many of the identified fundamental problems in the two equivalent policies are not taken into care by the Swedish policy. A conclusion is drawn that the Swedish cybersecurity strategy seems to fail to sufficiently address in what way knowledge-raising measures are needed, especially at the strategic levels. This is important for enabling an overall positive cyber security climate which probably affects how well cyber security will be integrated in ordinary business processes. Lack of sufficient incentive structures seem equally important to acknowledge as well as to investigate further, and perhaps there is also a need for a more ambitious approach as well as a less vague view on responsibility. Finally, as other researchers suggest, there is an urgent need to conduct significantly more research in the interdisciplinary field of cyber security. / <p>2022-05-25</p>

This thesis employs the use of Carol Bacchi's "What's the problem represented to be?"(WPR) approach and sets out to analyze the articulation of sexual harassment in fifteenexisting and current US academia policies. The analysis was completed within the broaderframework of gender theories including radical feminism and intersectionality, examininghow patriarchal systems can or cannot influence the development and application of policydocuments within the context of gender and law. This thesis explores the real and impactfulimplications of policy interventions and scrutinizes the position of sexual harassment being agender-neutral issue and not a gendered one.

The urge for a more equal society is growing, but the conservative movement poses a threat to the concept of gender equality and feminism. In recent years the interest for conservative feminism has grown which hinder the development towards a gender equal society as it contains anti-feminist traits. Kristdemokraterna, a political party in Sweden, can be seen as a case for a conservative wave in Swedish politics as they drive a conservative gender equality. However, it is currently unknown how the policy relates to already established equality work in Sweden as well as internationally. This study aims to analyze how problem constructions of gender equality are created within the political conservative sphere where Kristdemokraterna operates. The purpose is to investigate whether, and to what extent, the problematizations of Kristdemokraterna interact with and affect the society's system in terms of power and dominance and to obtain this interpretation repertoire and WPR approach are utilized as methods. The study resulted in the understanding that gender equality is problematized as a question of choice, immigration, and motherhood. The problematization differentiates groups and have unequal expectations of these. This in turn results in politics that can be perceived as passive. The concept of gender equality undergoes a process of bending and shrinking due to the problematization. Ultimately, the study states that Kristdemokraternas gender equality policy seems to become a middle-class privilege for ethnic Swedes.

In 2003 a proclamation of Zero Tolerance towards sexual exploitation and abuse was made by Secretary General of United Nations Kofi Annan. The policy have been around for 20 years and so has the scandals how come? To find out Bacchis (2009) What’s the problem represented to be? approach to policy analysis was chosen to find out what strategies was applied to manage zero tolerance. The identified strategies are a systemwide implementation of the principles of conduct, a victim centred approach including procedures for reporting, and finally an accountability framework. Identified silences are how to change an organisational culture of tolerance, how to restore confidence and how to manage mixed messages.

In 2010, the populist radical right party the Sweden Democrats were voted into the Swedish parliament, which rattled the mainstream parties. The Sweden Democrats’ stance on migration policy was clear from the start, with their MPs promoting a radical decrease, if not a complete stop, to all immigration. This thesis aims to expand the existing research about populism in Sweden and contribute to the field of political science by analysing the general policy debates on migration policy held after the entry of the Sweden Democrats into parliament. The study examines the debates to get answers to several questions: What do politicians think is the main problem with migration policy over the years and how are the problems represented? Is it possible to find indications of populism during the debates and are there signs of the Sweden Democrats' discourse being normalized? Are there any discursive shifts made by the mainstream parties and is there a hegemonic discourse visible throughout the debates? The results show four dominating problem representations on the topic of migration over the years, with the problem representation of the Sweden Democrats gaining support from the Liberals and the Christian Democrats in the debate of 2018. Tendencies of normalization of the Sweden Democrats’ discourse are also detectable in the 2018 debate, as well as some discursive shifts by mainstream parties. A hegemonic discourse is visible during the 2010 and 2014 debates, but it has lost its hegemonic position during the 2018 debate.

This study applies a poststructural discourse analysis developed by Carol Bacchi, called the WPR-approach, on Japanese ageing society-related policy. It utilises Foucauldian ideas about how policy creates rather than discovers ‘problems’ through representation, and what effects this can have. The purpose of the study is to analyse how the problems around women and immigration are represented in Japanese policy, if this representation has been affected by the ageing society, and what effects it may have on the people and politics of the country. The results show that both women and immigrants are mainly represented as resources for economic growth. Policy proposals show signs of having been affected by the ageing society, but the representation in the policies indicate that underlying social ideas about gender and immigration are not addressed. A conclusion is drawn that this focus may result in a lack of politics which tackle harmful traditional gender norms and xenophobia.

This policy analysis study focuses on the leadership and employeeship policy documents that are in use within The Swedish National Board for Institutional Care agency. In order to conduct this policy analysis, the What's the problem represented to be approach (referred to as the WPR approach) based on a poststructuralist perspective is applied. This policy analysis sets out to examine how collaboration is represented in the leadership and employeeship policy documents, to analyse the presuppositions that arise from the analysis and to explore the measures that can be implemented in order to address collaboration. It results in illustrating how collaboration is represented as a problem in the policy documents. It brings to the fore presuppositions that arise from this representation and also generates new ideas on alternative ways to present and implement collaboration. This concurs with this study's preset that collaboration is in need of elaboration and improvement within the agency's departments.

This thesis analyses the two-child limit policy in the United Kingdom which is codified in section 10 of the Welfare Reform Act 2012, amended in section 14 of the Welfare Reform and Work Act 2016, by utilising Carol Bacchi’s "What’s the Problem Represented to be?" (WPR) approach. The WPR approach draws on Foucauldian discourse theory and investigates the policy's implications by studying the problem presentations within it. The analysis identifies three core problems in the Welfare Reform and Work Bill’s impact assessment: the necessity to address the deficit by restructuring the welfare state, fairness towards working taxpayers versus benefit recipients, and the escalation of tax credit expenditure. It further uncovers five assumptions embedded within the policy, suggesting that UK citizens incorporate the policy into family planning, anticipate future social security needs, and make fertility decisions based on financial considerations, with the policy aimed at improving children's future prospects.Additionally, the study traces the ideological roots shaping welfare reform, highlighting the influence of Conservative Party ideologies from the Thatcher era and subsequent policies that reduced welfare support, contrasting with New Labour's interventionist approach and the media’s role in reinforcing negative welfare perceptions. The analysis uncovers several problem presentations in the policy and concludes that the government and media can craft narratives that shift the responsibility for child poverty from the state to parents, with enduring impacts on social discourse and policy direction, challenging future policy reversals.

I takt med att det säkerhetspolitiska omvärldsläget förändrats har frågor kring statens förmåga att möta kriser och rena krigshandlingar accentuerats. En statlig utredning har därför föreslagit att på sikt skapa ett samlat sjöförsvar genom att integrera Kustbevakningen och Marinen i en gemensam myndighet. Riktningen på de politiska besluten har dock gått åt en fördjupad samverkan i stället trots att samverkan mellan Försvarsmakten och Kustbevakningen varit behäftad med svårigheter. Denna studie syftar till att analysera varför man i Sverige valt att utöka samverkan mellan Försvarsmakten och Kustbevakningen. Studien är en kvalitativ fallstudie där WPR-metoden används för att analysera SOU 2012:48 kompletterad med en samtalsintervju av en informant vid Försvarsdepartementet. Teoretisk utgångspunkt utgörs av Sundelius m.fl. forskning kring svensk nationell krishantering. Sammanfattningsvis kan konstateras att det inte finns någon politisk vilja till en sammanslagning. Detta grundar sig på en generell ovilja att blanda civila och militära uppgifter samt att man fram tills nyligen inte låtit statens förmåga att hantera kriser och ytterst ett väpnat angrepp vara dimensionerande. Vår slutsats är för att uppnå bästa möjliga operativa förmåga för staten att kunna hantera framtida kriser, och ytterst ett väpnat angrepp, så är en integrering av Kustbevakningen och Marinen i en och samma myndighet den bästa lösningen. / Along the changes in the security situation in the world, questions about the government's ability to face crisis and acts of war have risen. An official report of the Swedish Government has suggested that an integration of the Coast Guard and the Navy into a consolidated maritime defence force is needed in the future. The aim of governmental policy has despite this been on focusing on cooperation despite difficulties regarding the relationship between the Navy and the Coast Guard in cooperating. This study aims to analyze why Sweden has chosen to increase cooperation between the two authorities. The study is a qualitative case study in which WPR-approach is used to analyze the official government report supplemented by an interview with a ministry of defence official. The theoretical basis is the research of Sundelius et al consisting of theories regarding Swedish national crisis management. In summary - no political will exists regarding consolidation. It stems from a general unwillingness in mixing civilian and military tasks and that up until recently the government's ability to handle crisis, and ultimately war, was not the dimensioning aim. The conclusion is that in order to achieve the optimal ability for the government in handling future crisis and full war, an integration of the Coast Guard and Navy into one authority is the best solution.