Zwei Aufgaben sind es, denen sich die vorliegende Dissertation stellt: Sie will die Rolle des Kulturtragenden bei der Etablierung der Öffentlichkeit einer pluralistischen, parlamentarisch-demokratisch verfassten Gesellschaft erörtern und dabei den zahlreichen Bemühungen um eine ideenhistorische Einordnung eines der sensibelsten Kapitel der deutschen Geschichte auf der Grundlage eines bislang nicht systematisch erschlossenen Quellenmaterials einen eigenständigen Akzent verleihen. Den epochalen Bezugsrahmen der Arbeit stellen die Jahre der Weimarer Republik dar. Ihre Quellenbasis erschließt sie sich mit einer umfangreichen Sammlung von Reaktionen auf die von führenden Tageszeitungen und Zeitschriften unter den Repräsentanten des Weimarer Kulturlebens durchgeführten Rundfragen zu einer vielfarbigen Palette aktualitätsgeschichtlicher, produktions- und rezeptionsästhetischer, gesellschafts- und kulturpolitischer Themen. Die Methode schließlich, derer sie sich bei der Auswertung dieses Materials bedient, ist die einer interdisziplinären, vor allem sozialgeschichtlich und ideologiekritisch orientierten Literaturwissenschaft. Das Alleinstellungsmerkmal der Arbeit ist ihre Quellenbasis: die Rundfragensammlung. Ein Namensverzeichnis ihrer Autoren würde sich lesen wie ein "Who is who?" der Weimarer Republik. Zu den Teilnehmern gehörte der schon damals kanonisierte Heinrich Mann genauso wie der junge Bertolt Brecht oder der heute fast völlig vergessene Hans José Rehfisch. Zu Wort gemeldet haben sich Vertreter beinah aller Sparten der Theater- und Opernwelt von Leopold Jessner über Tilla Durieux bis hin zu Leo Blech, aber auch Theologen wie Paul Tillich oder Politiker wie Konrad Adenauer, damaliger Oberbürgermeister von Köln. Mit vorliegender Arbeit wird dieses pressepublizistische Material erstmals aspektorientiert ausgewertet. / This thesis takes an exciting new look at a nearly forgotten body of texts written during the Weimar Republic, the so called "Rundfragen". It has two main objectives: The first is to describe the importance of intellectuals, of writers, artists, actors and academics, for the development of the structure of a pluralistic, parliamentary-democratic society, the second is to interpret one of the most important chapters of German history on the basis of the “Rundfragen”, a textual basis which never has been analyzed systematically. The historical period the thesis pays attention to is the Weimar Republic. The “Rundfrage” is a special genre of text from newspapers and journals, in which those who represented Weimar Germany''s cultural life were asked to discuss political, aesthetic, social and cultural problems of common interest. The thesis analyzes its textual basis using a multidisciplinary method combining literature and social history. The speciality of the thesis is without doubt its source material. A collection of the names of those who replied to a "Rundfrage" sounds like a "Who is who?" of the Weimar Republic. Among the authors are the famous novelist Heinrich Mann and the young Bert Brecht who earned his reputation as an innovative playwriter during the twenties. Also asked for articles were representatives of theatre''s and opera''s world, including the producer Leopold Jessner, the actress Tilly Durieux or the composer Leo Blech, also involved were the theologian Paul Tillich or Konrad Adenauer, at the time Lord Mayor of Cologne. The thesis is the first attempt to analyze the textual material of the "Rundfragen".

A partir de dezenove textos publicados por Otto Kirchheimer no período final da República de Weimar, o presente trabalho investiga as possibilidades oferecidas por uma forma específica de organização política o Estado Constitucional Parlamentar para a realização da democracia e, ao mesmo tempo, para a promoção de transformações sociais. Amálgama inconstante entre a crítica de Carl Schmitt às instituições liberais e a crítica marxista da sociedade, a obra weimariana de Kirchheimer apresenta uma análise instigante do ordenamento jurídico e da realidade histórica na qual ele está inserido. Constituição, Estado Parlamentar, separação de poderes e a legitimidade de diferentes meios de ação política são alguns dos temas abordados. O trabalho discute, assim, uma importante ruptura teórica na obra de Kirchheimer nesse período: o progressivo reconhecimento de que o direito pode e deve servir como limitador do poder político, garantindo certo conteúdo mínimo de liberdade. Das falhas no funcionamento do Parlamento e das instituições da democracia formal passa a decorrer, para ele, a necessidade de aperfeiçoá-los e não mais de rejeitá-los. / Based on nineteen texts written by Otto Kirchheimer during the final period of the Weimar Republic, the present work wishes to investigate the possibilities opened by a specific form of political organization the Parliamentary Constitutional State for the implementation of democracy and, at the same time, for the promotion of social change. Shifting combination of Carl Schmitt criticism of liberal institutions and Marxist criticism of society, the weimarian work of Kirchheimer offers a compelling analysis of the legal system and the historical reality in which it inheres. Constitution, Parliamentary State, separation of powers, and the legitimacy of different ways of political actions are some of his main themes. We detect, then, an important cleavage appearing in the writings of Kirchheimer during this period: his progressive conscience that the legal system can and should serve as a counterweight to political power, in order to guarantee a minimum of liberties. From the deficiencies detected in the working of Parliament and, more generally, of democratic institutions, he now arrives at the necessity of enhancing them not anymore of rejecting them.

A partir de dezenove textos publicados por Otto Kirchheimer no período final da República de Weimar, o presente trabalho investiga as possibilidades oferecidas por uma forma específica de organização política o Estado Constitucional Parlamentar para a realização da democracia e, ao mesmo tempo, para a promoção de transformações sociais. Amálgama inconstante entre a crítica de Carl Schmitt às instituições liberais e a crítica marxista da sociedade, a obra weimariana de Kirchheimer apresenta uma análise instigante do ordenamento jurídico e da realidade histórica na qual ele está inserido. Constituição, Estado Parlamentar, separação de poderes e a legitimidade de diferentes meios de ação política são alguns dos temas abordados. O trabalho discute, assim, uma importante ruptura teórica na obra de Kirchheimer nesse período: o progressivo reconhecimento de que o direito pode e deve servir como limitador do poder político, garantindo certo conteúdo mínimo de liberdade. Das falhas no funcionamento do Parlamento e das instituições da democracia formal passa a decorrer, para ele, a necessidade de aperfeiçoá-los e não mais de rejeitá-los. / Based on nineteen texts written by Otto Kirchheimer during the final period of the Weimar Republic, the present work wishes to investigate the possibilities opened by a specific form of political organization the Parliamentary Constitutional State for the implementation of democracy and, at the same time, for the promotion of social change. Shifting combination of Carl Schmitt criticism of liberal institutions and Marxist criticism of society, the weimarian work of Kirchheimer offers a compelling analysis of the legal system and the historical reality in which it inheres. Constitution, Parliamentary State, separation of powers, and the legitimacy of different ways of political actions are some of his main themes. We detect, then, an important cleavage appearing in the writings of Kirchheimer during this period: his progressive conscience that the legal system can and should serve as a counterweight to political power, in order to guarantee a minimum of liberties. From the deficiencies detected in the working of Parliament and, more generally, of democratic institutions, he now arrives at the necessity of enhancing them not anymore of rejecting them.

In this inquiry I pursue two tasks. First, I locate the roots of Heidegger's philosophical project historically within a specific theological discourse bent on redefining the relation between religion and politics. Heidegger's main, if covert, intent was to combat the egalitarian, pluralistic impulses carried by a tradition of critical Christology, which leads from F.W.J. Schelling's (1775-1854) Philosophy of Revelation to the work of the radical theologian-philosopher Paul Tillich (1886-1965). These egalitarian impulses spring from a broadened understanding of religious community as a material communication community unified through the use of shared symbols into a community of understanding, knowledge, and interests. The theoretical expansion and deepening of such a communication model, I detect in the writings of the renegade Neogrammarian, Hermann Paul, here considered in light of the "neo-Idealist" initiative of one of Paul's most prominent critics, the Romanist Karl Vossler. Prior to the advanced theological exposition of symbolically mediated communication, in works such as Tillich's book Dynamics of Faith (2001; Engl. orig.1957), the Neogrammarian movement in language studies, I argue, holds the key to accessing the cloaked Christological subtext of Heidegger's thought. Second, after thus locating Heidegger's philosophical agenda within its intellectual-historical context, I expose how Heidegger manipulates philosophical rhetoric to achieve the suspension of Schelling's theological legacy. My analysis of Heidegger's rhetorical behavior is focused on his Letter on Humanism (written 1946, published 1949), a text very overt in both its philosophical biases and its politics. The Humanismusbrief comes the closest to revealing Heidegger's own self-positioning within his generation. The work's conclusion provides a brief look ahead, or Ausblick, to indicate the main features of how these findings about the Letter can be brought to bear on Heidegger's masterpiece fragment, Being and Time. Through this approach, Heidegger's inherently political philosophy gains a much clearer profile in the context of its formative phase in the waning days of the Weimar Republic and opens a new perspective on later attempts by its author to "re-apply" his philosophical program to the cultural situation of postwar Germany, as well as to the ethical-epistemological problems remaining after twelve years of German isolationism. / text

Rezension einer Studie von beinahe 1.200 Seiten Text und 300 Seiten bibliographischen und statistischen Anhang. Es werden über 100 Berufungsvorgänge im Fach Philosophie vom Ende des Ersten bis zum Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges aus den Akten dargestellt. Die einigermaßen dröge Materie nötigt den Autor, des öfteren seinen Positivismus hervorzukehren und den Lesern zu versichern, hier würden zentrale historische Wissenslücken geschlossen. Was er von vornherein nicht beansprucht, ist ein Erkenntnisgewinn in philosophischer Hinsicht, es geht um historische Quellenaufbereitung und nicht um eine neue Form der philosophiehistorischen Wahrheit.

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Orientador: Álvaro Santos Simões Junior / Banca: Marlene Holzhausen / Banca: Fábio Luís Chiqueto Barbosa / Resumo: A pesquisa intitulada "A crítica política e literária de Kurt Tucholsky e o início da República de Weimar (1919-1924)" objetiva discutir a construção do discurso crítico de Tucholsky expressa através dos heterônimos Peter Panter e Ignaz Wrobel. O estudo de seus textos suscita indagações a respeito não só do contexto artístico e cultural da República de Weimar, como também questões referentes à relação do autor com o novo sistema político que é marcado, em grande parte, pelo caos social após a Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914-1918). Sob este aspecto, além de contribuir para a ampliação dos conhecimentos sobre Kurt Tucholsky com o respaldo da tradução de seus textos para o português, a pesquisa investiga a configuração do novo sistema político e cultural no início da década de 1920 alemã. / Abstract: The goal of the research entitled "Political and Literary Criticism of Kurt Tucholsky and the beginning of the Republic of Weimar (1919-1924)" is to discuss the construction of Tucholsky's critical discourse expressed through the heteronyms Peter Panter and Ignaz Wrobel. The study of his texts propitiates questions not only about the artistic and cultural context of the Republic of Weimar, but also about the author's relation to the new political system, which is greatly marked by the social chaos post First World War (1914-1918). Under this aspect, besides contributing to the expansion of the knowledge about Kurt Tucholsky with the translations of his texts to Portuguese, the research investigates the configuration of a new political and cultural system in the early German 1920s. / Mestre

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-12-21Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:48:15Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 roszik_aa_me_assis.pdf: 1230308 bytes, checksum: 11540821cea3e0d3e83bdd1d6243bdd2 (MD5) / A pesquisa intitulada “A crítica política e literária de Kurt Tucholsky e o início da República de Weimar (1919-1924)” objetiva discutir a construção do discurso crítico de Tucholsky expressa através dos heterônimos Peter Panter e Ignaz Wrobel. O estudo de seus textos suscita indagações a respeito não só do contexto artístico e cultural da República de Weimar, como também questões referentes à relação do autor com o novo sistema político que é marcado, em grande parte, pelo caos social após a Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914-1918). Sob este aspecto, além de contribuir para a ampliação dos conhecimentos sobre Kurt Tucholsky com o respaldo da tradução de seus textos para o português, a pesquisa investiga a configuração do novo sistema político e cultural no início da década de 1920 alemã. / The goal of the research entitled “Political and Literary Criticism of Kurt Tucholsky and the beginning of the Republic of Weimar (1919-1924)” is to discuss the construction of Tucholsky’s critical discourse expressed through the heteronyms Peter Panter and Ignaz Wrobel. The study of his texts propitiates questions not only about the artistic and cultural context of the Republic of Weimar, but also about the author’s relation to the new political system, which is greatly marked by the social chaos post First World War (1914-1918). Under this aspect, besides contributing to the expansion of the knowledge about Kurt Tucholsky with the translations of his texts to Portuguese, the research investigates the configuration of a new political and cultural system in the early German 1920s.

La présente thèse procède à une analyse archéologique des discours sur le « romantisme politique » sous la République de Weimar pour mettre en évidence que ce paradigme constitue un idéologème fondamental de l’univers intellectuel et politique de l’époque. Par le recours à une conception de la « réception » qui met entre parenthèses la fonction « auteur » il s’agit d’analyser les stratégies discursives qui se structurent autour du paradigme « romantique » entre 1918 et 1933. A partir de l’étude d’un corpus d’auteurs pour qui la référence romantique est centrale (Sigmund Rubinstein, Carl Schmitt, Hans Freyer, Othmar Spann, Karl Mannheim, Wilhelm von Schramm, Paul Tillich) ainsi que des réseaux sociaux qui s’organisent autour d’eux, il est possible d’affirmer l’existence d’une sensibilité « romantique » centrale au monde weimarien, qui transcende les oppositions politiques traditionnellement conçues comme imperméables (gauche/droite, conservateur/progressiste, nationaliste/universaliste, etc.) et qui se construit dans l’opposition fondamentale à l’individualisme matérialiste du libéralisme capitaliste. / This PhD thesis offers an archeological analysis of the discourses on « political romanticism » in the Weimar Republic. It shall endeavour to analyze the discursive patterns which revolved around the « romantic » paradigm between 1918 and 1933 by resorting to a concept of « reception » which minimizes the importance of the « author ». By studying the works of thinkers who explicitly refer to « political romanticism » (Sigmund Rubinstein, Carl Schmitt, Hans Freyer, Othmar Spann, Karl Mannheim, Wilhelm von Schramm, Paul Tillich) and the social networks they belong to one may assert the existence of a romantic « sensibility » which is at the core of the intellectual universe of the Weimar Republic, transcends political differences traditionally considered as essential (left/right, conservative/progressive, nationalist/universalist etc.) and is fundamentally opposed to the materialist individualism of capitalist liberalism.

The presented thesis deals with the New Right in Germany and its current reception of the Conservative Revolution of the Weimar Republic. The thesis primarily focuses on the German New Right, which it aims to define by its references to ideological and political stances of the right-wing conservative and extremist movement of the Weimar Republic - the Conservative Revolution. Based on a detailed textual analysis of selected articles from the New Right's journal Sezession, the thesis presents the elementary worldviews of the New Right as well as its rhetoric and strategies. Furthermore, it is demonstrated how the New Right perceives the central ideas of the Conservative Revolution (anti- enlightenment, anti-liberalism, anti-democracy, anti-parliamentarism, advocacy of an authoritarian state concept and promotion of a homogenous society) and how it implicitly or explicitly employs these ideas for its argumentation. The thesis proved that the worldviews of the Conservative Revolution nowadays still function as an ideological reservoir of the New Right, meaning also that the New Right is theoretically little innovative and takes over and passes on a large part of the ideas of the intellectuals of the Conservative Revolution, which are currently one hundred years old.