A partir de dezenove textos publicados por Otto Kirchheimer no período final da República de Weimar, o presente trabalho investiga as possibilidades oferecidas por uma forma específica de organização política o Estado Constitucional Parlamentar para a realização da democracia e, ao mesmo tempo, para a promoção de transformações sociais. Amálgama inconstante entre a crítica de Carl Schmitt às instituições liberais e a crítica marxista da sociedade, a obra weimariana de Kirchheimer apresenta uma análise instigante do ordenamento jurídico e da realidade histórica na qual ele está inserido. Constituição, Estado Parlamentar, separação de poderes e a legitimidade de diferentes meios de ação política são alguns dos temas abordados. O trabalho discute, assim, uma importante ruptura teórica na obra de Kirchheimer nesse período: o progressivo reconhecimento de que o direito pode e deve servir como limitador do poder político, garantindo certo conteúdo mínimo de liberdade. Das falhas no funcionamento do Parlamento e das instituições da democracia formal passa a decorrer, para ele, a necessidade de aperfeiçoá-los e não mais de rejeitá-los. / Based on nineteen texts written by Otto Kirchheimer during the final period of the Weimar Republic, the present work wishes to investigate the possibilities opened by a specific form of political organization the Parliamentary Constitutional State for the implementation of democracy and, at the same time, for the promotion of social change. Shifting combination of Carl Schmitt criticism of liberal institutions and Marxist criticism of society, the weimarian work of Kirchheimer offers a compelling analysis of the legal system and the historical reality in which it inheres. Constitution, Parliamentary State, separation of powers, and the legitimacy of different ways of political actions are some of his main themes. We detect, then, an important cleavage appearing in the writings of Kirchheimer during this period: his progressive conscience that the legal system can and should serve as a counterweight to political power, in order to guarantee a minimum of liberties. From the deficiencies detected in the working of Parliament and, more generally, of democratic institutions, he now arrives at the necessity of enhancing them not anymore of rejecting them.

In this inquiry I pursue two tasks. First, I locate the roots of Heidegger's philosophical project historically within a specific theological discourse bent on redefining the relation between religion and politics. Heidegger's main, if covert, intent was to combat the egalitarian, pluralistic impulses carried by a tradition of critical Christology, which leads from F.W.J. Schelling's (1775-1854) Philosophy of Revelation to the work of the radical theologian-philosopher Paul Tillich (1886-1965). These egalitarian impulses spring from a broadened understanding of religious community as a material communication community unified through the use of shared symbols into a community of understanding, knowledge, and interests. The theoretical expansion and deepening of such a communication model, I detect in the writings of the renegade Neogrammarian, Hermann Paul, here considered in light of the "neo-Idealist" initiative of one of Paul's most prominent critics, the Romanist Karl Vossler. Prior to the advanced theological exposition of symbolically mediated communication, in works such as Tillich's book Dynamics of Faith (2001; Engl. orig.1957), the Neogrammarian movement in language studies, I argue, holds the key to accessing the cloaked Christological subtext of Heidegger's thought. Second, after thus locating Heidegger's philosophical agenda within its intellectual-historical context, I expose how Heidegger manipulates philosophical rhetoric to achieve the suspension of Schelling's theological legacy. My analysis of Heidegger's rhetorical behavior is focused on his Letter on Humanism (written 1946, published 1949), a text very overt in both its philosophical biases and its politics. The Humanismusbrief comes the closest to revealing Heidegger's own self-positioning within his generation. The work's conclusion provides a brief look ahead, or Ausblick, to indicate the main features of how these findings about the Letter can be brought to bear on Heidegger's masterpiece fragment, Being and Time. Through this approach, Heidegger's inherently political philosophy gains a much clearer profile in the context of its formative phase in the waning days of the Weimar Republic and opens a new perspective on later attempts by its author to "re-apply" his philosophical program to the cultural situation of postwar Germany, as well as to the ethical-epistemological problems remaining after twelve years of German isolationism. / text

Rezension einer Studie von beinahe 1.200 Seiten Text und 300 Seiten bibliographischen und statistischen Anhang. Es werden über 100 Berufungsvorgänge im Fach Philosophie vom Ende des Ersten bis zum Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges aus den Akten dargestellt. Die einigermaßen dröge Materie nötigt den Autor, des öfteren seinen Positivismus hervorzukehren und den Lesern zu versichern, hier würden zentrale historische Wissenslücken geschlossen. Was er von vornherein nicht beansprucht, ist ein Erkenntnisgewinn in philosophischer Hinsicht, es geht um historische Quellenaufbereitung und nicht um eine neue Form der philosophiehistorischen Wahrheit.

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Orientador: Álvaro Santos Simões Junior / Banca: Marlene Holzhausen / Banca: Fábio Luís Chiqueto Barbosa / Resumo: A pesquisa intitulada "A crítica política e literária de Kurt Tucholsky e o início da República de Weimar (1919-1924)" objetiva discutir a construção do discurso crítico de Tucholsky expressa através dos heterônimos Peter Panter e Ignaz Wrobel. O estudo de seus textos suscita indagações a respeito não só do contexto artístico e cultural da República de Weimar, como também questões referentes à relação do autor com o novo sistema político que é marcado, em grande parte, pelo caos social após a Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914-1918). Sob este aspecto, além de contribuir para a ampliação dos conhecimentos sobre Kurt Tucholsky com o respaldo da tradução de seus textos para o português, a pesquisa investiga a configuração do novo sistema político e cultural no início da década de 1920 alemã. / Abstract: The goal of the research entitled "Political and Literary Criticism of Kurt Tucholsky and the beginning of the Republic of Weimar (1919-1924)" is to discuss the construction of Tucholsky's critical discourse expressed through the heteronyms Peter Panter and Ignaz Wrobel. The study of his texts propitiates questions not only about the artistic and cultural context of the Republic of Weimar, but also about the author's relation to the new political system, which is greatly marked by the social chaos post First World War (1914-1918). Under this aspect, besides contributing to the expansion of the knowledge about Kurt Tucholsky with the translations of his texts to Portuguese, the research investigates the configuration of a new political and cultural system in the early German 1920s. / Mestre

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-12-21Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:48:15Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 roszik_aa_me_assis.pdf: 1230308 bytes, checksum: 11540821cea3e0d3e83bdd1d6243bdd2 (MD5) / A pesquisa intitulada “A crítica política e literária de Kurt Tucholsky e o início da República de Weimar (1919-1924)” objetiva discutir a construção do discurso crítico de Tucholsky expressa através dos heterônimos Peter Panter e Ignaz Wrobel. O estudo de seus textos suscita indagações a respeito não só do contexto artístico e cultural da República de Weimar, como também questões referentes à relação do autor com o novo sistema político que é marcado, em grande parte, pelo caos social após a Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914-1918). Sob este aspecto, além de contribuir para a ampliação dos conhecimentos sobre Kurt Tucholsky com o respaldo da tradução de seus textos para o português, a pesquisa investiga a configuração do novo sistema político e cultural no início da década de 1920 alemã. / The goal of the research entitled “Political and Literary Criticism of Kurt Tucholsky and the beginning of the Republic of Weimar (1919-1924)” is to discuss the construction of Tucholsky’s critical discourse expressed through the heteronyms Peter Panter and Ignaz Wrobel. The study of his texts propitiates questions not only about the artistic and cultural context of the Republic of Weimar, but also about the author’s relation to the new political system, which is greatly marked by the social chaos post First World War (1914-1918). Under this aspect, besides contributing to the expansion of the knowledge about Kurt Tucholsky with the translations of his texts to Portuguese, the research investigates the configuration of a new political and cultural system in the early German 1920s.

La présente thèse procède à une analyse archéologique des discours sur le « romantisme politique » sous la République de Weimar pour mettre en évidence que ce paradigme constitue un idéologème fondamental de l’univers intellectuel et politique de l’époque. Par le recours à une conception de la « réception » qui met entre parenthèses la fonction « auteur » il s’agit d’analyser les stratégies discursives qui se structurent autour du paradigme « romantique » entre 1918 et 1933. A partir de l’étude d’un corpus d’auteurs pour qui la référence romantique est centrale (Sigmund Rubinstein, Carl Schmitt, Hans Freyer, Othmar Spann, Karl Mannheim, Wilhelm von Schramm, Paul Tillich) ainsi que des réseaux sociaux qui s’organisent autour d’eux, il est possible d’affirmer l’existence d’une sensibilité « romantique » centrale au monde weimarien, qui transcende les oppositions politiques traditionnellement conçues comme imperméables (gauche/droite, conservateur/progressiste, nationaliste/universaliste, etc.) et qui se construit dans l’opposition fondamentale à l’individualisme matérialiste du libéralisme capitaliste. / This PhD thesis offers an archeological analysis of the discourses on « political romanticism » in the Weimar Republic. It shall endeavour to analyze the discursive patterns which revolved around the « romantic » paradigm between 1918 and 1933 by resorting to a concept of « reception » which minimizes the importance of the « author ». By studying the works of thinkers who explicitly refer to « political romanticism » (Sigmund Rubinstein, Carl Schmitt, Hans Freyer, Othmar Spann, Karl Mannheim, Wilhelm von Schramm, Paul Tillich) and the social networks they belong to one may assert the existence of a romantic « sensibility » which is at the core of the intellectual universe of the Weimar Republic, transcends political differences traditionally considered as essential (left/right, conservative/progressive, nationalist/universalist etc.) and is fundamentally opposed to the materialist individualism of capitalist liberalism.

The presented thesis deals with the New Right in Germany and its current reception of the Conservative Revolution of the Weimar Republic. The thesis primarily focuses on the German New Right, which it aims to define by its references to ideological and political stances of the right-wing conservative and extremist movement of the Weimar Republic - the Conservative Revolution. Based on a detailed textual analysis of selected articles from the New Right's journal Sezession, the thesis presents the elementary worldviews of the New Right as well as its rhetoric and strategies. Furthermore, it is demonstrated how the New Right perceives the central ideas of the Conservative Revolution (anti- enlightenment, anti-liberalism, anti-democracy, anti-parliamentarism, advocacy of an authoritarian state concept and promotion of a homogenous society) and how it implicitly or explicitly employs these ideas for its argumentation. The thesis proved that the worldviews of the Conservative Revolution nowadays still function as an ideological reservoir of the New Right, meaning also that the New Right is theoretically little innovative and takes over and passes on a large part of the ideas of the intellectuals of the Conservative Revolution, which are currently one hundred years old.

This dissertation investigates how German-language critics articulated and publicly negotiated ideas about music and expressionism in the first five years after World War I. A close reading of largely unexplored primary sources reveals that "musical expressionism" was originally conceived as an intrinsically musical matter rather than as a stylistic analog to expressionism in other art forms, and thus as especially relevant to purely instrumental rather than vocal and stage genres. By focusing on critical reception of an unlikely group of instrumental chamber works, I elucidate how the acts of performing, listening to, and evaluating "expressionist" music were enmeshed in the complexities of a politicized public concert life in the immediate postwar period. The opening chapters establish broad music-aesthetic and sociopolitical contexts for critics' postwar discussions of "musical expressionism." After the first, introductory chapter, Chapter 2 traces how art and literary critics came to position music as the most expressionist of the arts based on nineteenth-century ideas about the apparently unique ontology of music. Chapter 3 considers how this conception of expressionism led progressive-minded music critics to interpret expressionist music as the next step in the historical development of absolute music. These critics strategically—and controversially—portrayed Schoenberg's "atonal" polyphony as a legitimate revival of "linear" polyphony in fugues by Bach and late Beethoven. Chapter 4 then situates critical debates about the musical and cultural value of expressionism within broader struggles to construct narratives that would explain Germany's traumatic defeat in the Great War and abrupt restructuring as a fragile democratic republic. Against this backdrop, the later chapters explore critics' responses to public performances of specific "expressionist" chamber works. Chapter 5 traces reactions to a provocative performance of Schoenberg's Chamber Symphony, op. 9 (1906) at the Berlin Volksbühne in February 1920. Chapter 6 examines the interplay of musical-aesthetic and sociopolitical issues in critical reception of several postwar concerts that juxtaposed Schoenberg's "expressionist" Chamber Symphony with Franz Schreker's "impressionist" Chamber Symphony (1916). Chapter 7 considers how critics situated performances of Alexander Zemlinsky's Second String Quartet, op. 15 (1916) in relation to ideas about "expressionism" in music. Finally, Chapter 8 considers critical reception of performances of Béla Bartók's Second String Quartet, op. 17 (1917) in the context of two concert series sponsored by "expressionist" journals: the Anbruch-Abende in Vienna (1918) and the Melos-Abende in Berlin (1922 and 1923). Each of these final chapters uses contemporary criticism as a vehicle for a close reading of the relevant musical work, resulting in a portrait of "expressionist" music that is both contextually and musically nuanced.

[pt] O presente estudo tem como objetivo realizar uma análise simultaneamente histórica e conceitual sobre as percepções de Walter Benjamin sobre o direito e a política situando-as no contexto histórico da República de Weimar (1918/9-1933). Através dessa análise articulada, trata-se de expor os traços principais do debate proposto por Benjamin, analisando seus escritos que enfrentam a discussão sobre o direito e a política, seus embates em torno da noção de estado de exceção, e sua relação com a filosofia da história do autor. Será importante também desdobrar tais reflexões, indicando os questionamentos colocados, as inflexões sofridas em relação ao seu pensamento anterior e a incorporação de novas questões. Benjamin será, portanto, analisado tendo como referência o seu próprio tempo, indicando-se também suas especificidades como autor e as respostas dadas a esse tempo que o particularizam. A hipótese central do presente trabalho é que para uma melhor compreensão dos escritos políticojurídicos de Benjamin é fundamental a análise conjunta do contexto de onde emergiram, reconhecendo que os problemas levantados pelo autor vão além dele, e que a partir daquele contexto determinado levantou questões que dizem respeito à tendências da própria modernidade, e que ainda são, portanto, questões do nosso tempo. / [en] This study aims to conduct both a historical and a conceptual analysis of Walter Benjamin s perceptions on law and politics, locating them in the historical context of the Weimar Republic (1918/9 - 1933 ). Through this articulated analysis, the purpose is to expose the main features of Benjamin s debates, analyzing his writings that face the discussions on law and politics, the struggles around the concept of state of exception, and its relation with author s philosophy of history.It will also be important to unfold such reflections, indicating the questions posed, the inflections incurred in relation to his previous thought and the incorporation of new issues. Benjamin will therefore be analyzed with reference to his own time, indicating as well his specificities as author and the answers given to this time that particularizes him.The central hypothesis of this study is that for a better understanding of Benjamin s political and legal writings is fundamental to analyse them together with the context from which they emerged, recognizing that the problems raised by the author go beyond him and, from that particular context, he lifted questions concerning particular tendencies of modernity which still are issues of our time.