This thesis studies two different models; the Swedish model and the Rehn-Meidner model. It shows their similarities and differences, and explains why it is inaccurate to put an equal mark between the two of them. An extensive discussion on the models is presented in order to give them each a fair assessment. It is shown how and why the Swedish model has failed, as well as how Sweden has failed to apply the Rehn-Meidner model in a consistent manner.   The paper concludes with a brief discussion on the models’ possible application today and in the future. Also, some requirements for the models’ validity will be recognized. Some important questions concerning the models’ relevance, the influence of multitude on the models, and the issue of globalization and the EU are in this concluding chapter briefly discussed. It is argued that multitude has decreased the relevance of the models significantly, and that the Swedish welfare state which was created based on the ideas of the Swedish model, needs to be reassessed. Welfare municipalities are suggested rather than a welfare state. / Den här studien behandlar de två olika modellerna, den svenska modellen och Rehn-Meidner-modellen. Deras likheter och skillnader visas, och det förklaras varför det är inkorrekt att sätta ett likhetstecken mellan dem. En noggrann diskussion om modellerna genomförs för att kunna ge dem båda en rättvis bedömning. Det visas även hur och varför den svenska modellen misslyckats, samt hur Sverige har misslyckats att tillämpa Rehn-Meidner-modellen.   Uppsatsen avslutas med en kort diskussion om modellernas eventuella tillämpning idag och i framtiden. Några krav för modellernas giltighet är också uppmärksammade. Ett antal viktiga frågor rörande modellernas relevans, mångfaldens inflytande på modellerna, samt globaliseringen och EU:s inverkan är i detta kapitel diskuterat. Det påstås att mångfalden har minskat modellernas relevans, och att den svenska välfärdsstaten, vilken är baserad på den svenska modellen, måste omvärderas. Välfärdskommuner föreslås snarare än en välfärdsstat.

Cette thèse de doctorat porte sur les « nouveaux uniformes de la sécurité publique », formule générique utilisée par le ministère de l'Intérieur belge pour qualifier des figures de proximité qui assurent au niveau local et micro-local de petites missions de surveillance et de convivialité dans les lieux publics ou accessibles au public. Notre recherche a, de manière générale, deux objectifs. Le premier est d’offrir un regard le plus complet possible sur ces nouveaux uniformes dans la mesure où ceux-ci sont porteurs de nombreux enjeux en matière de sécurité publique. Notre deuxième objectif, lié au premier, est de tenter de comprendre et d’expliquer l’émergence et la multiplication de ces nouveaux uniformes, en inscrivant celles-ci dans un contexte qui dépasse celui des politiques locales de prévention de la délinquance pour s’inscrire dans un nouveau référentiel d’action publique qui émerge au début des années 90 :celui de l’Etat social actif.<p>L’apparition des nouveaux uniformes de la sécurité publique trouve en effet son origine, au début des années 90, dans l’articulation établie entre la préoccupation pour la sécurité du citoyen et la politique de l’emploi. La première se concrétise principalement grâce à la création des contrats de sécurité en 1992. Conclus entre le pouvoir fédéral (principalement le ministère de l'Intérieur), les Régions bruxelloise et wallonne et un nombre de plus en plus important de villes et communes, ces contrats sont conçus au départ autour de deux volets, « préventif » et policier, et présentent trois caractéristiques :le partenariat, l’insertion locale et la prévention intégrée. Le lien entre politique de sécurité et politique de l’emploi se fait tout particulièrement au sein du Plan global pour l’emploi, la compétitivité et la sécurité sociale (1993) qui prône l’amélioration de l’« employabilité » des chômeurs et le développement d’« emplois de proximité » liés à l’amélioration de la qualité de la vie. Ces nouveaux emplois vont rapidement être reliés au thème de la sécurité du citoyen, notamment grâce à une extension des contrats sécurité. La volonté de faire de la sécurité un « gisement » d’emplois ne se dément pas dans les années qui suivent, lesquelles voient se multiplier les statuts d’insertion professionnelle, en particulier en ce qui concerne les intervenants civils « en uniforme ». Ces acteurs se situent donc à la croisée de deux domaines au départ distincts – ceux de l’emploi et de la sécurité publique – dont la rencontre nous semble déjà soulever un certains nombres d’enjeux.<p>Mais l’émergence des nouveaux uniformes s’inscrit également dans une évolution de la fonction de police en Belgique, surtout au niveau local. Depuis vingt ans, on constate en effet un élargissement des missions de police qui se manifeste à la fois par la multiplication de tâches dues à la diversification des demandes et des attentes à l’égard de l’institution policière et dans le souhait exprimé, depuis quelques années, de développer au sein des polices locales des programmes de police de proximité. Cet élargissement va avoir pour conséquence, entre autres, un transfert vers d’autres intervenants de tâches qui ne sont plus jugées indispensables au « vrai » travail policier. Parmi ces intervenants, on trouve les nouveaux uniformes. C’est donc à la fois de cette rencontre entre emploi et sécurité publique, ainsi que des évolutions respectives de la fonction de police et de la fonction policière, que nous allons traiter ici par l’entremise des nouveaux uniformes.<p>Notre hypothèse générale est que les nouveaux uniformes de la sécurité publique constituent un phénomène emblématique d’une transformation de l’action de l’Etat dans les deux champs qui les concernent directement, à savoir ceux de la sécurité publique et de l’emploi, transformation dont l’Etat social actif représente l’épigone. <p> / Doctorat en criminologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La politique de l'Union européenne a suscité des débats académiques sur son impact potentiel et l'effet qu'elle exercerait sur les processus politiques au niveau national. les récentes réformes des politiques familiales allemandes et anglaises peuvent être attribuées à l'influence de l'Union européenne au travers de la participation dans les processus d'apprentissage initiés par cet organisme. Cette étude examine les éventuels glissements dans les objectifs des politiques familiales vers la politique de l'Union européenne. / The policy of the European Union has packed academic debate on its potential impact on the political process at national level. Recent reforms of german and english family policies can be attributed to the European Union influence through its participation in the learning process initiated by this organisation. This examines the potential shifts in the objectives of national families to European Union objectives.

Fertility development in selected European countries considering the timing effect from the second half of the 20th century to the present The main objective of this thesis is to evaluate the influence of the timing effect on the mean age of mothers at childbirth in the context of fertility development in selected European countries from the second half of the 20th century to the present. Another objective is to adjust the total fertility rate to the timing effect and consequently demonstrated how changes in fertility timing affect this period measure in selected countries at a given time fame. The last objective is an evaluation of the views of respondents from studied countries from the sample survey of the European Social Survey for the years 2004 and 2010 to the questions relating to the reconciliation of work and family as one of the factors affecting the timing of fertility. On the basis of Esping-Andersen's typology of welfare states, following states are selected: Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden, Switzerland and Ukraine. Changes of the mean age of mothers at childbirth are given not only by real changes in the timing of childbearing (the timing effect), but also by changes in the childbearing according to the birth order (the effect of fertility structure). The method of decomposition was used for...

This thesis analyses the public art competitions arranged by the Public Art Agency Sweden (Statens konstråd) 1937-1970 and the discussions about public art competitions in within the art field of the 1940’s, -50’ and -60’s. The main material for this analysis has been the protocols of the Public Art Agency and the annual paper of the Swedish Artists' National Organization (Konstnärernas riksorganisation). The theoretical and methodological framework is based on Pierre Bourdieu’s understanding of the art field, and institutions as agents within that field. I also use Foucauldian discourse theory as another theoretical tool to understand the power relations between these institutions in the art field. My aim has been to understand why there were competitions for public art commissions – the purposes, the processes, the discussions and how these factors change over the decades. The purpose for public art competition can be understood through the ideology of the Swedish welfare state and the cultural policy of the Social Democratic government in the 1930’s. The public art competitions could support the Swedish artists economically, but was also a way for the Swedish Government, through the Public Art Agency, to control and guarantee that the public artworks were of high artistic quality. This idea of artistic quality became more and more dominant as a purpose for the competitions through the 1950’s and 1960’s.  The artists active in the Swedish Artists' National Organization found the competitions to be of great importance and the competitions were much discussed in the organisations annual paper. Many of the artists that discussed the artist competitions were of the same generation born in the 1910’s or 1920’s and were working with public art commissions to a great extent. For them, the public art competitions gave recognition and a possible income. My analysis also shows that the public art competitions were also connected to the concept of modernism. The status of the competitions changed along with the changing concept of modernism. The competition was at its highest status in the 1930’s and 1940’s, when many artists were engaged in public art commissions. It became less popular among young artists in the 1960’s, when the art field was more politically radical and critical against authorities.

Longtemps considéré comme un sujet secondaire de la protection sociale, l’ancien combattantest une conception originale du XIXe siècle qui recense des difficultés de définition. A la foisun et multiple, sa place au sein de la cité s’inscrit dans les pratiques traditionnelles de charitéet d’assistance publique. Le contexte particulier de la perte des provinces de l’Alsace et d’unepartie de la Lorraine en fait pourtant un acteur exceptionnel.Avec le déclenchement de la Première Guerre mondiale et l’hécatombe humaine qu’elleentraîne, la perception de l’ancien combattant se concrétise et trouve une expression juridiquequi fait de lui un héros et un citoyen responsable et pacifiste. Entouré de puissantesassociations, il concourt à donner une impulsion morale à la société.Le cadre girondin est à ce titre intéressant pour une analyse de la notion d’ancien combattant,car ce nouveau sujet de droit active des mécanismes locaux de réinsertion sociale innovante. / Regarded as a secondary holder of social protection for a long time, the Veteran is an originalnotion of the nineteenth century which is difficult to define because it can refer to both orindividual and a group of individuals. His place in the town depends on traditional practicesof charity and state care.The particular context of the loss of Alsace provinces and a part of Lorraine made him,nevertheless, an exceptional actor. With the sparking off World War the first and its slaughter,the notion of veteran becomes more precise and gets as a juridical definition which wakes hima hero and a responsible and pacifist citizen. With the help of powerful associations, hecontributes to giving a moral impetus to society.The analysis of the notion of veteran in the girondist context is therefore interesting becausethis new holder of rights set going innovative local mechanisms of social rehabilitation.

The general aim of this dissertation is to describe and analyse how public old-age care in Sweden has developed and changed during the last century. The study applies a provider perspective on how care has been planned and professionally carried out. A broader social policy perspective, studying old-age care at central/national as well as local/municipal level, is also developed. A special focus is directed at the large local variation in care and services for the elderly. The empirical base is comprised of official documents and other public sources, survey data from interviews with elderly recipients of public old-age care, and official statistics on publicly financed and controlled old-age care and services. Study I addresses the development of old-age care in Sweden during the twentieth century by studying an important occupation in this field – the supervisors and their professional roles, tasks and working conditions. Throughout, the roles of supervisors have followed the prevailing official policy on the proper way to provide care for elderly people in Sweden; from poor relief at the beginning of the 1900s, via a generous level of services in the 1960s and 1970s, to today’s restricted and economy-controlled mode of operation. Study II describes and compares two main forms of public old-age care in Sweden today, home help services and institutional care. The care-load found in home-based care was comparable to and sometimes even larger than in service-homes and other institutions, indicating that large care needs among elderly people in Sweden today can be met in their homes as well as in institutional settings. Studies III and IV analyse the local variation in public old-age care in Sweden. During the last decades there has been an overall decline in home help services. The coverage of home help for elderly people shows large differences between municipalities throughout this period, and the relative variation has increased. The local disparity seems to depend more on historical factors, e.g., previous coverage rates, than on the present municipal situation in levels of need or local economy and politics. In an introductory part the four papers are linked together by an outline of the demographic situation and the social policy model for old-age care in Sweden. Trends that have been apparent over time, e.g. professionalisation and market orientation, are traced and discussed. Conflicts between prevailing ideologies are analysed, in regards to for instance home-based and institution-based care, social and medical culture, and local and central levels of decision-making. ’Welfare municipality’, ‘path dependency’, and ‘decentralisation’ are suggested as a conceptual framework for describing the large and increasing local variations in old-age care. Finally, implications of the four studies with regard to old-age care policy and further research are discussed. / <p>Härtill 4 uppsatser</p>

This paper aims to explore the relationship of social spending and the economic development of the country or region. Work in the first, theoretical part deals with basic theories of economic growth and their view of the state expenditure on social policy. Due attention is also paid to the basic concepts and types of social policies that significantly affect the size of social spending in the marketing area. As part of the theoretical work will be fundamental characteristics of the measuring instruments for economic growth and social spending. In the second, analytical, part of the thesis will deal with empirical data comparing the economic development with the evolution of the size of social spending in several selected countries. The analysis of this part of the work will be characteristic of otherfactors, the relationship of economic growth and social spending determine, influence, and to some extent and explain, such as unemployment, public revenues and public state debt.

Les études françaises sur la citoyenneté en Suède sont généralement centrées sur le niveau national. Or le niveau local des communes, landsting et régions a acquis au cours des dernières décennies une forte légitimité pour la citoyenneté. La citoyenneté sociale est assurée en grande partie par les collectivités locales qui mettent en oeuvre le système redistributif de l’État-providence ; grâce à des institutions relativement vertueuses, en dépit des restrictions financières et de la privatisation de services publics le niveau local fournit des services de qualité qui servent de point d’appui essentiel au sentiment d’appartenance des citoyens et à leur degré de confiance dans la société.Mais la citoyenneté locale est en mutation. Le mythe égalitaire qui avait servi de base au Folkhem est remis en cause par des évolutions politiques, économiques et sociétales créatrices d’inégalités. La « communauté imaginée » qui façonnait le lien entre les citoyens est fragilisée par la montée des inégalités, l'apparition de l'extrême-droite dans le paysage politique ainsi que par les conditions créées par l’immigration et le multiculturalisme.Le citoyen exerce moins sa citoyenneté locale dans le cadre du cercle vertueux traditionnel de la civic literacy que dans celui du political trust ; il adopte des comportements civiques pragmatiques, axés par exemple sur ses choix économiques et sur sa responsabilisation dans le domaine environnemental. Dans cette phase de recomposition de la citoyenneté locale, le débat porte essentiellement sur les défis posés par les inégalités sociales et les inégalités socio-ethniques. Cette étude montre que le niveau local fait sens pour la pratique, l’exercice et la représentation de la citoyenneté suédoise / Studies on citizenship in Sweden carried out in France have mostly focused on the national level. However local government in cities, counties or regions has become highly legitimate to address citizenship over the last decades. Local authorities implement at their level the most part of the redistributive social welfare, hence social citizenship is largely granted by them.However local citizenship is changing. The egalitarian myth that once grounded the "Folkhem" is put under question due to social, economic and political changes that produce inequalities. The "imagined Community" that used to bind citizens is weakened by those rising inequalities but also by the increase of far-right political parties. This community struggles to adapt to this new context.Citizens are less prone to act in the traditional virtuous circle of civic literacy but rather in the context of political Trust. New pragmatic, civic behaviours, based on responsibility for the environment and on economic choices can be observed. In this context, debates tackle essentially challenges sparked by social and ethnical inequalities. This study shows that the local level matters when it comes to the practice and the implementation of citizenship in Sweden

The topic of public services is a complex societal issue, which touches upon such questions which are on the border of legal and economic research and comprises various ideas of societal arrangements. The provision of public services in European societies is seen as a constitutive element of the European social model(s). This issue is experiencing a remarkable revival in academic work as well as in political discourse. The aim of this Master's Thesis is to provide an insight into the process of the Europeanization of public services. The Thesis is embarking on questions comprising the national variations of public services, the transformation of the welfare state and the European social model (or models). The common theme which is connecting the different strands of the Thesis is the idea of the crucial influence of European integration on all of these aspects, the process of which has a far-reaching influence on the role and shape of public services and thus on the future societal development in the individual Member states as well as European society as a whole.