The activity of Vilnius non-governmental organisations (NGO’s) working with children at risk while strengthening social cohesion is analysed in the research work. The problems of children at risk are multiplying and public institutions need help of NGO’s. General characteristics of NGO’s are reviewed and systematised in the theoretical part of the work. The legal regulation and topics of activity in strengthening social cohesion are presented in this part as well. Besides the analysis of social exclusion and its factors, the situation of children at risk in Lithuania is described and the politics of Lithuanian government in regard to children at risk is discussed.

This thesis investigates Zigenarundersökningen [the Gypsy study] – a socio-medical study of Swedish Roma conducted in 1962-1965. The Study was financed by the National Labour Market Board, which sought scientific information on every adult Roma citizen in order to plan for targeted authority interventions. The socio-medical team used a number of different medical and social techniques, drawing together different kinds of data – from the molecular to the social level – and adding “objective” records from public institutions, which resulted in the creation of detailed and voluminous individual case files. On the basis of these files, the public health specialist John Takman in charge of the socio-medical examinations formulated a professional opinion on each individual and family. During the execution of the study, new scientific and social questions were articulated, resulting in that the originally limited investigation concerning only a smaller group of Roma citizens evolved into a comprehensive research project covering all people identified as Swedish Roma. In this thesis, this expansion is analysed using methodological tools from Science and Technology Studies that focus on the reflexivity between the goals of scientific actors, and the social conditions and problematisations that surround them. In this way, science and policy mutually influence each other in situated practices, which also involves the drawing of scientific boundaries that serve to establish epistemic authority.   Departing from Engin F. Isin’s theory on social citizenship, and its alterities, as constituted in contingent and contextualised social practices, and from Franca Iacovetta’s study of Canadian gatekeepers’ work in cold-war Canada, the thesis investigates how the, with time, increasing and more comprehensive activities of experts and professionals created new dimensions of citizenship. Against this background, the thesis draws the conclusion that the scientific-political examinations of problematised citizenship and citizens in Sweden in the 1960’s, while defining deviance, also defined normality. This implies, furthermore, that scientific measurements and classifications of alterity contributed to constituting those measuring and classifying – the experts and professionals – as virtuous citizens, in accordance with contemporary norms of professionalism and expertise, while the Roma were continually constructed as problematic citizens. Hence, scientific-political activities concerning Swedish Roma in the 1960’s created new spaces of social citizenship, where the contents of both normality and deviance were nuanced and (re)defined.

Η πραγματοποίηση αυτής της μελέτης έγινε με σκοπό να διερευνήσει τις θεσμικές ρυθμίσεις, τις διαδικασίες και τους τρόπους με τους οποίους σχεδιάσθηκε, συγκροτήθηκε, οργανώθηκε και ασκήθηκε η εκπαιδευτική πολιτική για την Σχολική Υγιεινή στη χώρα μας κατά την περίοδο 1911 - 1949. Η εργασία εστιάζεται στη συγκέντρωση, αξιολόγηση και θεματολογική ταξινόμηση του πρωτογενούς υλικού με την μέθοδο της ιστορικής έρευνας (ιστορικοσυγκριτική ανάλυση: Καζαμίας, 2002) με στόχο την κατανόηση με φαντασία (Carr, 1983) και την ερμηνεία των ιστορικών τεκμηρίων (ιστορική ερμηνευτική προσέγγιση: Πυργιωτάκης, Ι. & Παπαδάκης, Ν., 1998). Με την ενδελεχή διερεύνηση των ιστορικών μας τεκμηρίων επιχειρούμε την ανασύνθεση της ιστορικής πραγματικότητας, αλλά και την ανάλυση και ερμηνεία των γεγονότων σε μια χρονική περίοδο (1911-1949) που καλύπτει την περίοδο, όπου παρατηρούνται οι σημαντικότερες πολιτικές κοινωνικής πρόνοιας και αντίληψης στο χώρο της σχολικής υγιεινής. Η δική μας, επομένως προσέγγιση δεν είναι γεγονοτογραφική (Δημαράς, 1988), δε μένει στο τι έγινε αλλά επιχειρεί και απαντήσεις στα γιατί; Ερμηνεύει (ερμηνεύουσα ιστορία: Δερτιλής, 1995) στηριγμένη σε θεωρητικές προσεγγίσεις περί Κράτους Πρόνοιας και Νέας Αγωγής. Χρησιμοποιώντας την ποιοτική ανάλυση περιεχομένου (Berelson, 1952), εξετάσαμε τις διαφοροποιήσεις που υπήρξαν για τη θεσμική εξέλιξή της στις χρονικές περιόδους – τομές και για τις εξής παραμέτρους – κατηγορίες ανάλυσης: την υγιεινή των διδακτηρίων, του μαθητή, των διδασκόντων, την σχολιατρική υπηρεσία και τον σχολιατρικό έλεγχο, τα μέτρα σχολικής μέριμνας που ελήφθησαν από το κράτος με ιδιαίτερες αναφορές στα μαθητικά – σχολικά συσσίτια καθώς και στην δημιουργία θεσμών ευρύτερης κοινωνικής αντίληψης όπως: οι παιδικές εξοχές – μαθητικές κατασκηνώσεις, τα υπαίθρια σχολεία, τα σχολικά λουτρά, τα μαθητικά ιατρεία – σχολικές κλινικές και τα κέντρα μαθητικής αντίληψης. Επίσης, τη διδασκαλία του μαθήματος της υγιεινής και τέλος, την εκλαΐκευση και τα περιοδικά σχολικής υγιεινής, ξεκινώντας από τις δύο βενιζελικές περιόδους, προχωρώντας στη μεταξική περίοδο και συνεχίζοντας στη μεταπολεμική περίοδο μέχρι και το 1949. Ιστορικοί, πολιτικοί, οικονομικοί, επιστημονικοί και γεωγραφικοί παράγοντες επηρέαζαν την υγεία των παιδιών, η οποία ήταν συνυφασμένη με τις πολιτισμικές και κοινωνικές συνθήκες και τους όρους διαβίωσης κάθε κοινωνικής ομάδας ή ατόμου σε κάθε εποχή στην χώρας μας. Εν κατακλείδι, η πρόβλεψη υπηρεσιών υγιεινής για τα παιδιά της σχολικής ηλικίας, σύμφωνα και με τις επιστημονικές επιταγές, κατείχε υψηλή προτεραιότητα στα προγράμματα υγειονομικής και κοινωνικής πολιτικής του κράτους, χαρακτηριζόμενη όμως, συχνά, από μια αναντιστοιχία των νομοθετημάτων με την πορεία υλοποίησης και εφαρμογής τους. Ως αιτίες αυτών των αναντιστοιχιών, πέραν των εσωτερικών πολιτικών αντιφάσεων, μπορούν να εντοπισθούν η πολιτική ρευστότητα της εποχής και η οικονομική δυσπραγία όσον αφορά στα δημοσιονομικά μεγέθη του Ελληνικού δημοσίου / The purpose of this study is to investigate the institutional regulations, processes and modes of planning, formation, organization and making education policy for the school sanitation and hygiene in Greece during the period 1911-1949. The study focuses on the collection, evaluation and thematic classification of the primary sources with the method of historical research (comparative-historical analysis: Kazamias, 2002) in order to comprehend with imagination (Carr, 1983) and to interpret the historical presumptions (an interpretive-historical approach: Pyrgiotakis, I. & Papadakis, N. 1998). Through the detailed research of our historical documents, we are attempting not only to recompose the historical reality but also to analyse and to interpret the facts during the period 1911-1949, a period characterized by the most important welfare state policies in the area of the school sanitation and hygiene. Thus, our approach is not a fact-based approach (Dimaras, 1988), it does not confine itself to what happened but it also attempts to provide answers to “why”. It interprets (interpreting history: Dertilis, 1995), based on welfare state and new education theoretical approaches. Using the qualitative content analysis (Berelson, 1952), we examined the differentiations of the institutional progress in the periods-sections and for the following parameters-analysis categories: school sanitation, students’ hygiene, teachers’ hygiene, medical and health service/control in school, medicare and perception measures in schools on behalf of the state (with special references to school lunch mess and to the creation of wider social perception institutions like: childhood countries-student camps, outdoor schools, student baths, student health centers-student clinics and the centers of student perception), hygiene education, popularization and the school hygiene magazines, from the two “venizelians” periods, the metaxian and the post war period to 1949. Historical, political, financial, scientific and geographical factors were affecting the children’s health, connected to the cultural and social conditions and the living conditions of every social group or individual during all epochs of our country. In conclusion, the health services for school age children were having a big priority in sanitation and social policy programs, characterised although quite often by discrepancy between laws and their implementation. This is due not only to the internal political contradictions but also to the political fluidity of that era and to the economic recession related to the greek state financial sizes.

Cette thèse de doctorat vise à étudier la manière dont les politiques du care agissent sur la mobilité sociale des assistant-e-s maternel-le-s issu-e-s de l’immigration en France et en Allemagne (de l’Ouest). Elle vise aussi à interroger la répartition du travail de care entre les femmes et plus largement la problématique globale du care dans l’État-providence européen. À partir d’entretiens biographiques avec des assistant-e-s maternel-le-s dans les deux pays, sont étudiées les conditions de la sous-traitance des tâches ménagères et de la garde des enfants qui permettent aux mères (et aux pères) d’être actifs-ves. / This research project examines how care policies affect the social mobility of child minders with migrant backgrounds in France and (West) Germany. As an element of modern division of labour among women, the child minders’ situation influences the issue of care in the European welfare state within society as a whole. Taking biographical-narrative interviews with registered family home-based child minders in both countries as a basis, those actors are considered who enable mothers (and fathers) to go to work within the scope of outsourcing domestic housework and day care duties. / Es wird in diesem Forschungsprojekt untersucht, wie care policies auf die soziale Mobilität migrantischer Kindertagespflegepersonen in Frankreich und Westdeutschland einwirken und damit, als Teil der modernen Arbeitsteilung unter Frauen, die gesamtgesellschaftliche Problematik von Care im europäischen Wohlfahrtsstaat beeinflussen. Anhand von biografisch-narrativen Interviews mit registrierten Tageseltern in beiden Ländern werden Akteure in den Blick genommen, die den Müttern (und Vätern) im Prozess des Outsourcings von Haushalts- und Fürsorgearbeit ermöglichen, erwerbstätig zu sein.

No description available.

Gender politics in Sweden is considered unique because gender policies (jämställdhet) are integrated into national politics and politicised both in the public and the private sphere. The Swedish case is therefore considered a role model by many feminist scholars. This view has been criticised by both post modern feminists and public administration scholars. Critics imply that the increased immigration and more heterogeneous population have led to a new challenge for state institutions. The Swedish model, with its universal welfare solutions, lacks the ability to recognise differences within groups. Universal solutions that treat everyone the same is no longer the most just way to treat people. The growing use of goal orientation in Swedish public administration has increased the civil servants discretion in the implementation process, and thereby the space for differentiated treatment. This thesis aims to study the civil servants that implement gender policies in every day practice. It is focused on their interpretations of gender and gender equality and how this affects their exercise of authority. The thesis is a case study of two authorities in a heterogeneous area – the northern part of Botkyrka. By using a two-fold theoretical approach and combine two perspectives, feminism and a policy analysis, the study analyses how the front-line bureaucrats handle the tension between the universal welfare politics and the demands of the immigrants. The first theoretical approach presents two different feminist perspectives: one that values economic redistribution and one that find it more fair to recognise differences between women. The second approach introduces theories on implementation that makes it possible to study how interpretations have an impact on the exercise of authority in front-line bureaucracies. The main result of the study is that the front-line bureaucrats’ interpretations differ from the national gender politics. They have a more differentiated view of women than the universal Swedish gender politics. The study also shows that front-line bureaucrats tend to attribute negative cultural factors to immigrants. These prejudices find their way through the bureaucracy, into the public administration and the exercise of authority.

A tese discute a transformação dos discursos político-criminais sobre a pena de prisão no Brasil, no período que compreende os debates para a elaboração da Parte Geral do Código Penal e da Lei de Execução Penal, que reformaram o sistema penal em 1984, e os dispositivos penais e processuais penais discutidos na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte e contemplados na Constituição de 1988. Utilizando conceitos da literatura político-criminal anglo-saxã, as teorias tradicionais da pena e analisando os debates legislativos dos principais marcos legais do período escolhido, pretendeu-se verificar se o processo de superencarceramento brasileiro está inserido no contexto ocidental de valorização da prisão no final do século XX, ou se as peculiaridades do caso nacional indicam tratar-se de um fenômeno com causas endógenas. O trabalho parte da hipótese de que a virada punitiva brasileira está ligada ao processo de redemocratização, que atribuiu ao sistema de justiça criminal o papel de instrumento de resolução de problemas sociais complexos. Em um curto período, partiu-se de uma concepção de pena criminal como ultima ratio, instrumento de um sistema mais amplo de ressocialização e inclusão social, para um direito penal essencialmente punitivo. Nesse processo, a pena criminal foi revalorizada tanto por setores conservadores que se aproveitaram da utilidade eleitoral da política criminal para construir a narrativa da pena como instrumento de exclusão dos indesejáveis, em detrimento dos direitos humanos dos condenados quanto por setores progressistas que viram no potencial simbólico da prisão uma forma de assegurar pautas e de buscar direitos sociais. Assim, de maneira paradoxal, a pena de prisão assumiu o papel de síntese das demandas contraditórias que se apresentaram durante as disputas políticas nos anos 1980. Ao final, conclui-se que a prática contemporânea do sistema penal brasileiro está ligada à função atribuída à pena de prisão a partir da abertura política. O recurso a penas cada vez mais altas, o perene apelo a restrições processuais penais e a indiferença quanto à situação dos cárceres (agora concebidos como meros instrumentos de exclusão) refletem a lógica de colonização do sistema de justiça pelo aparato de segurança pública, característica constitutiva do antimodernismo penal no país. / The thesis presents a discussion about the transformation of criminal policy discourses on imprisonment in Brazil, from the 1984 criminal justice reform laws to the debates on the constitutional framework of the criminal justice system during the National Constituent Assembly, in 1988. Using concepts developed in the Anglo-Saxon criminology and the traditional justifications for criminal sanctions, the work analyses the legislative debates in order to verify if Brazilian overincarceration is part of the punitive turn wave which took place in the Western world in the late 20th century, or if its peculiarities should rather be explained by endogenous causes. It goes to illustrate how, in few years, Brazilian punitive turn departed from a welfare penal agenda to one essentially based on punitive sanctions. The hypothesis investigated along the work is that this phenomenon has direct links to the democratization process which attributed to the criminal justice system the role of solving complex social problems. Both conservatives, who discovered the electoral potential of penal populism, and new social movements, who relied on the symbolic nature of criminal law to support and organize civil rights demands, reinvigorated imprisonment. Paradoxically, prison became a synthesis of contradictory political forces and demands raised at the decline of military regime. The work concludes that contemporary practices of Brazilian criminal justice system are determined by the role assigned to imprisonment since democratization. Ever-higher prison sentences, limits on procedural rights for the accused and indifference towards inhumane prisons (now merely defined as a neutralization tool) reflects colonization of the criminal justice system by crime control apparatus, which is a constitutive feature of penal late modernism in Brazil.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniel Pagliusi Rodrigues.pdf: 2108054 bytes, checksum: 02e638a7bb6d0cc3149e4227de1ebbb1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-08-06 / This work concerns the responsibility of the State with view to its evolution and conformation to the political and juridical superstructure of social stamp, built on a capitalist infrastructure. To follow the evolution of the adjective responsible it is first necessary to be aware of the development of the State. From the appearance of the first model of capitalist State absolutism - to the current paradigm of welfare State, its history is confused with the history of a social class - bourgeoisie that was born, expanded itself, consolidated its power and intends to keep its supremacy. In a first moment, the absolutism served to centralize political power, to unify the territory and to put limits to the powers of feudal lords, but due to the development of trade, driven by the great maritime expeditions and industrialization, it became a hindrance to the capitalism expansion. Therefore, revolutions have been financed - in special the French one- to put an end to absolutism. The fall of the absolutism occasioned the raise of the non-intervention state policy, on the grounds of liberalism. Until this time, the State did not act and, therefore, could not be set as responsible. Considering the social and economic problems generated by liberalism, frequent revolts happened as from the second half of 19th century, culminating in the two world-wars and in the appearance of the Soviet Union, and so the State was requested to intervene again to alleviate the crisis and provide survival for the capitalism. Together to the need for intervention emerged the theory of the State responsibility and in this scenario the more development the State achieved, the more responsibility the State had to support. The matter of such theory is that it was built on a liberal basis for a State of welfare with a view to the strict protection of the individual rights, essentially the property, without concerning about the violation of social rights. It is worth mentioning that the Welfare State is capitalist and, therefore, its performance is restricted by the economic potential of its domestic market, which causes, therefore, a limitation of social rights. Meanwhile, the public responsibility is being understood as equivalent to indemnity but, in fact, this is a partial view of the issue, because it is insufficient as a sanction against violations of social rights, it is able to generate privatization of public resources and makes the State unable to comply with its social desideratum. Thus, the public responsibility should evolve not to serve as an obstacle to the acting of the State, but to impose it to act. / Este trabalho trata da responsabilidade do Estado visando sua evolução e enquadramento à superestrutura política e jurídica de cunho social, erguido sobre uma infra-estrutura capitalista. Para se estar a par da evolução do adjetivo responsável é mister, primeiro, o conhecimento do desenvolvimento do Estado. Desde o surgimento do primeiro modelo de Estado capitalista absolutismo - até o atual paradigma de bem-estar, a sua história é confundida com a de uma classe social burguesia - que nasceu, expandiu, consolidou seu poder e pretende manter sua supremacia. O absolutismo serviu, num primeiro momento, para centralizar o poder político, unificar o território e colocar peias aos poderes dos senhores feudais, mas, pelo desenvolvimento do comércio, empurrado pelas grandes navegações e industrialização, tornou-se um entrave à expansão capitalista. Destarte, foram financiadas revoluções em especial a francesa - para pôr fim ao absolutismo. O ocaso do absolutismo deu azo à política de não-intervenção estatal, calcada num liberalismo. Até esse momento, o Estado era irresponsável pois, se ele não atuava, não haveria como ser responsabilizado. Considerando os problemas sociais e econômicos gerados pelo liberalismo, constantes revoltas aconteceram a partir da 2º metade do século XIX culminando nas duas guerras mundiais e no aparecimento da União Soviética, sendo o Estado chamado para voltar a intervir para minorar as crises e proporcionar sobrevida ao capitalismo. O contraponto ao pedido de intervenção viria com a teorização de sua responsabilidade e, consoante o Estado se desenvolvia, da mesma forma sucedia com a responsabilidade. A problemática dessa teoria é que ela foi assentada em bases liberais para um Estado de bem-estar com vistas à estrita proteção dos direitos individuais, precipuamente os patrimoniais, sem se preocupar com a violação dos direitos sociais. Não se pode perder de vista que o Estado social é capitalista e, por isso, sua atuação é restringida pelo potencial econômico de seu mercado interno, acarretando, por conseguinte, uma limitação aos direitos sociais. Entrementes, vem sendo utilizada a responsabilidade pública como equivalente de indenização, quando, na verdade, essa é uma visão parcial do tema, já que é insuficiente como sanção à violação dos direitos sociais, podendo gerar privatização de recursos públicos e impossibilitar o Estado de cumprir seu desiderato social. Assim, a responsabilidade pública deve evoluir não para servir de óbice ao atuar do Estado, mas sim para impingi-lo a agir.

I fokus för den här avhandlingen står åskådningskulturen under 1930- och 40-talen, närmare bestämt fototävlingar och fotoböcker med bilder på barn som bärande element. Den här studien granskar hur fototävlingar och fotoböcker var en del i förhandlingen om välfärdens organisering rörande barn och familj. I studien undersöks hur familj, välfärdsstat och nation konstruerades genom representationer av barn, vilka budskap som därigenom etablerades och vilka politiska visioner som kommunicerades. Analyser av bilder och texter visar att fototävlingar och fotoböcker presenterade ett enhetligt budskap om att det behövdes fler och bättre barn, men också hur fototävlingar och fotoböcker förmedlade skilda visioner om hur detta skulle uppnås. Studien bidrar till att synliggöra hur användbara representationer av barn var i bygget av välfärden. De hade potential att förmedla både skilda och gemensamma visioner om välfärdssamhället. / This dissertation focusses on the culture of visual display during the 1930s and 1940s, more specifically photo contests and photo books based on photographs of children. The overall purpose of this investigation has been to study how photo contests and photo books have been a part of the negotiation of the organization of welfare for children and the family. It examines how the family, the welfare state and the nation were constructed by means of representations of children, the messages that were thus established, and the political visions that were communicated. Analyses of images and texts show that photo contests and photo books presented a unified message which said that more and better children were needed, but also how photo contests and photo books communicated disparate visions of how this goal should be reached. The study highlights how useful representations of children were in the construction of welfare. They had the potential to communicate both different visions and a shared vision of the welfare society.

De nombreux travaux académiques se sont penchés sur les facteurs influençant le niveau de générosité des bénéfices du soutien financier minimal dans les pays de l’OCDE dans les vingt dernières années. Les études ont ainsi découvert que la générosité des prestations pouvait être positivement liée avec un PIB élevé, un haut de degré de centralisation du régime d’assistance sociale et le développement d’un régime d’assurance sociale de type universel. De même, l’approche budgétaire comme méthode de détermination du niveau minimal des prestations d’assistance sociale a attiré davantage l’attention du monde académique dans les dernières années et on semble redécouvrir les vertus d’une approche budgétaire basée sur les besoins des prestataires. Toutefois, aucun chercheur ne semble avoir vérifié si l’utilisation de l’approche budgétaire comme déterminant du niveau de bénéfices d’aide financière de dernier recours était positivement ou négativement corrélée avec le niveau de générosité des bénéfices accordés. C’est cette vérification que ce travail s’est appliqué à faire. La conclusion principale de cette recherche est qu’en soi, l’utilisation d’une approche basée sur les besoins des prestataires pour établir le niveau des prestations d’assistance sociale n’est pas suffisante pour assurer un haut niveau de générosité des bénéfices. Il faut qu’un État fasse le choix de se baser sur un standard budgétaire qui permette d’atteindre un niveau de vie raisonnable ou décent pour garantir un degré de générosité de soutien financier minimal élevé. Les cas du Québec et de la Suède démontrent d’ailleurs comment le recours, pour le premier, à un budget de référence dit « de subsistance » peut influencer à la baisse la générosité des bénéfices, alors que celui d’un budget « raisonnable », pour le second, a influencé à la hausse le niveau de générosité des prestations. / In the last two decades, many academics have studied factors that have an impact on the generosity level of minimum income protection in OECD countries. Studies have shown, for example, that benefit generosity was positively linked with high GDP, a high level of centralisation of social assistance schemes, and the presence of universal social insurance programs. Likewise, in recent years, academics have shown a rising interest about the budgetary approach based on beneficiaries’ needs as a mean of determining the minimum social assistance benefit level. However, no important study has verified if the use of reference budgets for determining and adjusting social assistance benefits was correlated with a high or low benefits level. This correlation is what this paper attempts to ascertain. The main conclusion of this research is that the simple use of reference budgets is not directly linked with a high level of benefit generosity. However, if a state uses a budgetary model that allows to achieve a decent and reasonable standard of living, it is very probable that the generosity of assistance to the able-bodied poor will be high. The case of Quebec shows moreover that the use of a reference budget aiming to reach a minimum level of subsistence can contribute to a decrease of benefit generosity. The Swedish case, however, demonstrates that the use of a reference budget allowing a decent living standard and social participation has influenced positively the generosity of social assistance benefits. This study also shows that political and economic concerns and pressures have had important, and generally negative, impacts on the generosity level of social assistance benefits over time.