The thesis examines the political dynamics behind the contemporary trend towards pension privatization in Europe. Its aim is to develop a theoretical model that can explain not only why governments have increasingly replaced their public pay-as-you-go systems with private fully-funded schemes, but also why there is considerable diversity both in the extent and in the content of pension privatization. Private pension funds can indeed be governed by a variety of institutional arrangements and can have very different types of links with the financial system. They do not necessarily contribute to a financialization of the economy. The thesis takes issue with the idea that pension privatization would be primarily the result of a new pensions orthodoxy promoted by international organizations such as the World Bank or of an electoral strategy that consists in attracting the votes of the middle class. I argue that the driving force behind the more or less dramatic rise of funded pensions in Europe is a series of lobbying campaigns launched by the financial industry, and their varying influence. Financial firms have a vested interest in the development of a market in private pensions, which should profit them as an industry. However, pension reform is an issue that matters to voters and can therefore prove dangerous for party politicians. Moreover, it involves complex changes that directly affect key material interests of employers and workers. In this context, the success of financial firms’ campaign for pension privatization depends on their capacity to forge alliances with a variety of actors. This in turn contributes to limit the influence financiers can exert. The argument is tested using a comparative historical analysis of pension debates in the United Kingdom, France and Poland since the beginning of the 1980s.

Les transformations de l'État social au Chili, suite à la restructuration politico-économique consubstantielle à la dictature militaire (1973-1990), ont fait l'objet d'un intense débat. Cependant, les transformations survenues depuis 1973 dans la relation entre l'État, le marché et la société civile, concernant l'accès aux droits, sont à situer dans une structure de distribution inégale des droits qui s'est forgée tout au long du XXe siècle. Cette philosophie de l'État social, et son rapport aux individus, se caractérise par la classification des bénéficiaires : des porteurs de droits et des récepteurs de l'assistance. Ce système s'organise à partir de la configuration de deux voies d'accès à la protection, en relation directe avec la participation au marché et se caractérise par la dimension privatisée de la conception de la solidarité, soit à travers la famille soit à travers la philanthropie. Le processus de néo-libéralisation introduira trois inflexions dans ce modèle : la libéralisation des secteurs sociaux qui va perfectionner le système de collaboration public-privé ; la technocratisation de la prise de décisions et de l'intervention ; le changement de la nature du ciblage comme mécanisme de justice sociale. Ainsi, le modèle de distribution inégale des droits, majoré par la mise en place de l'État résiduel pendant la dictature puis par la sophistication des politiques de ciblage pendant la démocratie, va prendre forme, notamment sur le plan de la gestion sociale de l'enfance. Les politiques de la santé, de l'éducation et de la protection spécialisée reflètent ce modèle de continuité et les inflexions néolibérales. Il s'agit de la reconfiguration de l'État social sous tension : le rôle fort régulateur qui accompagne la libéralisation des secteurs sociaux est ancré progressivement dans un discours des droits sociaux qui fait écho aux processus de démocratisation vécus par le pays, à partir de 1990. L'objectif de cette recherche est de réfléchir sur les formes que l'État social adopte à partir de la restructuration politico-économique du pays ainsi que de retracer ces transformations dans un cadre sociopolitique et historique. De cette façon, nous nous consacrerons à l'analyse des reconfigurations du social et du politique dans la nouvelle donne, à partir de l'étude des politiques sociales menées envers l'enfance. / The transformations of the Chilean Welfare State, following the political-economic restructuration after the military dictatorship (1973-1990), have been the core of an intense debate. However, the transformations taking place since 1973 in the relationship between the State, the market, and civil society, regarding the access to rights, lie in a structure of unequal distribution of rights forged throughout the 20th century. This philosophy of the Welfare State and its relation to individuals is characterized by the classification of beneficiaries: the bearers of rights and the recipients of assistance. This system is organized based on the configuration of two mechanisms of access to social protection, with the direct participation of the market, and which is characterized by the privatized dimension of the solidarity conception, either through the family or through the philanthropy. The neo-liberalization process introduces three changes to this model: the liberalization of the social sectors, which improves the public-private collaboration system; the technocratic development of the decision-making process and the intervention process; and the change of targeting as a mechanism of social justice. Thus, the model of unequal distribution of rights, enhanced by the establishment of a residual state during the dictatorship and then by the sophistication of targeting policies during the democratic period, takes shape, particularly, in terms of the social management of childhood. The policies of health, education, and specialized protection, crystallize a model of continuity and neoliberal inflections. This is the reconfiguration of the Welfare State as a tension: the strong regulatory role that accompanies the liberalization of the social sectors is gradually anchored on a discourse of social rights that reflects the processes of democratization experienced by the country since 1990. The objective of this research is to reflect on the forms that the Welfare State adopts from the political-economic restructuration of the country and to trace these transformations in a socio-political and historical framework. In this way, this study seeks to analyze the reconfigurations of social and political process, from an empirical regard, discussing the studies of social policies towards the childhood. / Las transformaciones del Estado social de Chile luego de la restructuración político-económica realizada por la dictadura militar (1973-1990), ha sido objeto de un intenso debate. Sin embargo, las transformaciones realizadas desde 1973 en la relación entre el Estado, el mercado y la sociedad civil respecto al acceso a los derechos, se sitúan en una estructura de distribución desigual de derechos, forjada a lo largo del siglo XX. Esta filosofía del Estado social y su relación con los individuos, se caracteriza por la clasificación de beneficiarios: de un lado los portadores de derechos y del otro, los receptores de asistencia. Este sistema se organiza a partir de la configuración de dos vías de acceso a la protección, en relación directa con la participación en el mercado, y se caracteriza por la dimensión privatizada de la concepción de la solidaridad, sea a través de la familia o de la filantropía. El proceso de neo-liberalización introducirá tres inflexiones a ese modelo: la liberalización de los sectores sociales, que perfeccionará el sistema de colaboración público-privada; la tecnocratización de la toma de decisiones y de la intervención; el cambio en la naturaleza de la focalización, en tanto mecanismo de justicia social. De esta manera, el modelo de distribución desigual de derechos, aumentado por la implementación del Estado residual en dictadura, y luego por la sofisticación de la focalización en democracia, toma forma especialmente en el plano de la gestión social de la infancia. Las políticas de salud, educación y protección especializada, reflejan tanto este modelo de continuidad como las inflexiones neoliberales. Se trata de una reconfiguración del Estado social bajo tensión: el rol fuertemente regulador que acompaña la liberalización de los sectores sociales, está anclado progresivamente en un discurso sobre los derechos sociales que hace eco de los procesos de democratización vividos por el país desde 1990. El objetivo de esta investigación es reflexionar sobre las formas que adopta el Estado social a partir de la restructuración político-económica del país, tanto como trazar esas transformaciones en un marco político-histórico. De esta manera, nos interesamos al análisis sobre las reconfiguraciones de lo social y lo político en el nuevo escenario, a partir del estudio de las políticas de infancia.

This milestone presents a pool of available indicators and indicator systems which go beyond the narrow concepts of national economic accounts as well as a structuring of the indicators and indices according to central areas of well-being. The milestone builds the basis for Task 202.2, where a subset of indicators will be selected based on different theoretical frameworks, e.g. services / functionings, needs. Some of the indicators will be included in the macro-economic models in order to account for key dimensions of sustainability. / Series: WWWforEurope

A partir de duas monografias paralelas que analisam territórios emblemáticos de habitação social na periferia de São Paulo e Paris, propomos nesta tese um entendimento simultâneo da situação da Cité Balzac, um grand ensemble característico dos anos 1960 que atravessou recentemente um profundo processo de \'renovação urbana\', confrontada com a história de um fragmento do maior complexo de conjuntos habitacionais da América Latina, a Cidade Tiradentes, como estratégia para compreender os últimos cinquenta anos da história da habitação social em ambos os países. Projetos recentes de renovação urbana, de novos conjuntos habitacionais e equipamentos públicos de excelência em ambos os territórios confirmam a excepcionalidade dos casos estudados, a partir dos quais buscamos estabelecer similitudes, contrastes, questões comuns e \'olhares cruzados\'. / In this thesis, we propose a simultaneous understanding of the history of two emblematic territories in the outskirts of São Paulo and Paris as a strategy to comprehend the last fifty years of the social housing history in both countries, through the analysis of the transformations of a tipical grand ensemble build in the 1960 that has been recently through a deep renewal process, the Cité Balzac, confronted with the particular case of one fragment of the biggest housing projects complex in Latin America, the Cidade Tiradentes. Recent projects of urban renewal, new collective housing constructions and some special public equipments in both territories reinforce the exceptionality of the chosen cases, starting point for parallels, contrasts, common questions and crossed sights.

Procurando conhecer o percurso que possibilitou a emergência do desemprego como problema, na experiência brasileira, este trabalho enfrentou o desafio analítico de tomar as políticas públicas de emprego como objeto de reflexão. Não para marcar sua adequação ou eficiência, senão para distinguir suas relações com a produção de diferentes formas de sujeição do trabalho. Para isso, tomou como referência as noções foucaultianas de governamentalidade e problematização, investigando os diferentes jogos de relações nos quais a ausência de trabalho (involuntária e temporária) foi colocada ao longo do tempo, desde os anos 1930 até 1990, ano que marca o início dos esforços mais consistentes de construção de um Sistema Público de Emprego no Brasil. Os resultados aqui apresentados, ainda que certamente não preencham a lacuna de uma genealogia do desemprego entre nós, sugerem a fecundidade da abordagem para a compreensão do desemprego, entendido aqui não como fenômeno ligado apenas ao funcionamento do mercado de trabalho, mas como efeito de diferentes artes de governo e, nesse sentido, como revelador das maneiras pelas quais o trabalho tem sido produzido como sujeito. / In search of learning the path that made possible the appearing of unemployment in Brazilian experience, this research dealt with the analytical challenge of taking employment policies as an object of reflection in order to distinguish its relations with new forms of works subjection. In order to do so, the research took Michel Foucaults notions of governamentality and problematization, examining the different economies of relation in which the (involuntary and temporary) absence of work has been put from 1930 to 1990. The 1990s sets the beginning of the most solid efforts to establish a Public Employment System in Brazil. The results presented in this thesis, although certainly do not constitute a genealogy of unemployment in Brazil, suggest the interest of this approach to understanding of unemployment. It enables us to think unemployment not only from its connection to labors market operations but mostly as a revealing issue of the practices that made possible works subjection.

Este estudo trata das consequências da adoção do regime neoliberal. O Neoliberalismo é responsável por uma ausência de atuação, ou atuação negativa do Estado frente à área social, pois este corrobora com a manutenção da pobreza, interessante ao sistema capitalista. Desse modo, investimentos em saúde, educação e assistência social toram-se escassos, fazendo com que o acesso a um Estado de Bem Estar Social seja uma realidade distante. O papel do Estado mantém-se focado no emprego do capital público em -segurança?, destinada a conter os desvios de conduta dos marginalizados pelo sistema. Assim, o Estado de Bem Estar Social se enfraquece, na medida em que o Estado Penal se fortifica. Esta relação construída pelo sistema neoliberal, muitas vezes, desrespeita o estipulado nas constituições democráticas, como as garantias e direitos fundamentais. Ainda, ressalta-se, que este sistema encontra-se consolidado em uma política desencontrada da moral, que persuade e aliena a população, através de qualquer meio que se digne a distorcer e maquiar informações. Percebe-se que a instituição política atua com violência, não só no sentido físico (vide a atuação policial), mas também no sentido psicológico dos cidadãos. Todo este cenário, então, remete à reflexão acerca da utilidade do sistema carcerário, para além de sua utilização no sistema judiciário. / This study deals with the consequences of adopting the neoliberal regime. Neoliberalism is responsible for an absence of action, or negative action of the State against the social area, as this corroborates with the maintenance of poverty, interesting to the capitalist system. In this way, investments in health, education and social assistance have become scarce, making access to a welfare state a distant reality. The role of the state remains focused on the use of public capital in \"security\", designed to contain the misconduct of those marginalized by the system. Thus, the Welfare State weakens, as the Penal State becomes stronger. This relationship built by the neoliberal system often disrespects what is stipulated in democratic constitutions, such as fundamental rights and guarantees. Still, it is emphasized that this system is consolidated in a policy disregarded of the moral that persuades and alienates the population, through any means that deign to distort and make up information. It is perceived that the political institution acts with violence, not only in the physical sense (see the police action), but also in the psychological sense of the citizens. This whole scenario, then, refers to the reflection on the utility of the prison system, in addition to its use in the judicial system.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-10-07T12:04:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 FRANCISCO SOARES CAMPELO FILHO_.pdf: 1171548 bytes, checksum: 8fc9af74cc16528e80b1e257657dbff1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-07T12:04:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FRANCISCO SOARES CAMPELO FILHO_.pdf: 1171548 bytes, checksum: 8fc9af74cc16528e80b1e257657dbff1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-09 / Nenhuma / O presente trabalho ressalta a influência da globalização sobre o Estado social na atualidade e sobre as sociedades empresárias, demonstrando que a globalização tem contribuído para que se descortinem várias crises no Estado social, bem como para que o mesmo não consiga atender aos direitos sociais fundamentais, estabelecidos constitucionalmente, o que o tem levado a exigir das sociedades empresárias, em face do princípio da função social da empresa, que cumpram obrigações que são, a princípio, inerentes ao Estado social. Se ainda não bastassem essas obrigações que cada vez mais lhes são infligidas, as sociedades empresárias têm ainda que sobreviver em um mercado global extremamente competitivo, concorrendo muitas vezes com empresas que não possuem (ou cumprem) qualquer função social em seus países. Assim, busca-se equacionar esse problema propondo que Estado e sociedades empresárias, como em uma relação simbiótica, possam harmonizar seus interesses de modo a permitir que ambos cumpram com seus misteres, superando as dificuldades advindas da globalização. / This paper highlights the influence of globalization on the welfare state today and on companies, demonstrating that globalization has contributed to several crises that occurs in the welfare state, and also that it can not accomplish the basic social rights, constitutionally established, which has led to demand from the companies, in the face of the principle of the social function of the company, the accomplishment of obligations that are, in principle, inherent in the social state. If still not enough these obligations that increasingly they are inflicted, business corporations are still struggling to survive in a highly competitive global market, often competing with companies that do not have (or meet) any social function in their countries. So, we try to tackle this problem by proposing that state and commercial companies, as in a symbiotic relationship, can harmonize their interests in order to allow both comply with their objectives, overcoming the difficulties resulting from globalization.

Les réformes du marché ont notamment été mises en œuvre comme une solution pour améliorer la qualité des services publics et l'efficacité depuis les années 1990. Face à l'augmentation des besoins de soins et afin de maintenir les coûts de soins à un niveau raisonnable, la Suède a également introduit la marchéisation dans le domaine des soins aux personnes âgées depuis 1992. Pourtant, l'introduction d'un mécanisme de marché dans l'État-providence fait l’objet des débats politiques et publics de plus en plus nombreux. Beaucoup sont sceptiques quant aux avantages supposés d'un marché, en termes par exemple d'amélioration de la qualité et de réduction des coûts, tels que proposées par « New Public Management ». Il y a eu également des critiques croissantes sur la rentabilité dans les services de soins ces dernières années.Après deux décennies de marchéisation, il nous paraît nécessaire de recenser les attitudes des politiciens locaux, à savoir comment ils perçoivent le rôle d'un marché ou d'un quasi-marché dans un État providence où le mécanisme du marché pourrait remettre en cause des principes traditionnels tels que l'universalisme, la solidarité et l’égalité. En dehors des études des attitudes sur le bien-être public déjà existantes, cette recherche se base aussi sur un ensemble de données d'enquête uniques construit depuis 2014 et permettra ainsi une compréhension plus profonde et actuelle sur les perspectives de marchéisation chez les politiciens.Précisément, cette étude analyse trois aspects différents de la marchéisation : la production, la réglementation et le financement. Les résultats montrent que les différences d'attitudes sont évidentes entre les politiciens de gauche et de droite à l’égard des prestataires privés à but lucratif. Les orientations politiques des individus, la majorité politique dans les municipalités et le niveau de privatisation déjà atteint localement sont repérés comme des facteurs importants qui expliquent la volonté des politiciens locaux de privatiser davantage ou non. Les différences de préférences continuent à exister entre les deux blocs, et l'idéologie politique joue un rôle majeur dans l'explication de ces différences, plus que des facteurs individuels tels que l'âge, le sexe ou la position de travail. Les réponses autodéclarées révèlent que l'idéologie politique influence la formation des attitudes.Dans une large mesure, les politiciens de gauche et de droite s'accordent sur les principes de bien-être public tels que l'universalisme et tous les deux reconnaissent les impacts potentiels que le marché pourrait avoir sur la société, dont la question de l'inégalité. Il semble plausible que le pluralisme de l'État-providence soit la direction de l'avenir.Cette étude de cas constitue un exemple solide pour examiner le développement du marché du bien-être public dans les États-providence avancés et contribue également à la discussion du rôle potentiel de l'idéologie politique dans les réformes post-austérité sur le bien-être public. / Market reforms have quite notably been used as a solution to increase the quality of public services and efficiency since the 1990s. Sweden has also introduced marketisation in the field of elderly care since 1992 to cope with increasing care needs while maintaining costs at a reasonable level. Yet, the introduction of a market mechanism in the welfare state is subject to increasing political and public debates. Many are sceptical about the purported benefits of a market, such as increased quality and reduced costs, as proposed by New Public Management. There have also been increasing critiques of the profit-making in care services in recent years.After two decades of marketisation, it is worthwhile to map out local politicians’ attitude patterns, namely, how they perceive the use of a market or quasi-market in a welfare state, where the market mechanism might challenge traditional principles such as universalism, solidarity, and equality. Complementary to studies on attitudes of public welfare, this research uses a unique survey dataset from 2014 to expand current understandings of politicians’ perspectives of marketisation.To be more specific, this study analyses three different aspects of marketisation: production, regulation, and financing. The results show that attitudinal differences between left- and right-wing politicians on private for-profit providers remain distinct. Political orientations of individuals, political majority in municipalities, and the privatisation level already achieved locally are identified as important factors in explaining local politicians’ willingness to privatise further. The preference differences continue to exist between the two blocs, and political ideology plays a major role in explaining these differences, more so than individual factors such as age, gender, or working position. Self-reported answers reveal that political ideology influences attitude formation. To a large extent, left- and right-wing politicians agree on welfare principles such as universalism, and they both recognise potential impacts that the market could have on society, such as inequality. It seems plausible that welfare state pluralism is the direction of the future.This case study serves as a solid example for examining the market development of public welfare in advanced welfare states and also contributes to the discussion of the potential role of political ideology in post-austerity welfare reforms.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / O objetivo do presente estudo foi desenvolver uma discussão teórica acerca do projeto varguista que pôde ser percebido como uma tentativa de criação de um "Estado de bem-estar" no Brasil. Uma ampla base teórica traz elementos de análise sobre Estado de bem-estar, como contribuições sobre o processo de engajamento do Estado na constituição de estratégias para lidar com a "questão social", os motores desse engajamento, os atores envolvidos e o peso de seus papéis, os objetivos dos projetos de Estado de bem-estar e as consequências na instituição dos welfare states. A partir da proposta de Esping-Andersen de compreensão de diferentes regimes de welfare state - conservador, liberal e social-democrata - análise do projeto varguista resultou como enquadrado no modelo conservador. A saída corporativa, com a construção de políticas sociais - marcadamente trabalhistas -, apresentou-se como novo marco de coesão social, pelo qual poderia ser permitida a participação da classe trabalhadora. Assim como no modelo conservador sistematizado por Esping-Andersen, os direitos sociais brasileiros tiveram um reduzido potencial desmercantilizador se verificados na relação com a ideia de "cidadania regulada", pois indica uma cidadania orientada apenas para grupos ocupantes de categorias profissionais reconhecidas legalmente e pela qual a relação salarial foi traduzida em direitos e garantida constitucionalmente. As políticas sociais apresentam-se como verdadeiras políticas de formação de classe: a cidadania regulada transformava-se em promessa de inclusão, moldando as perspectivas e aspiração da classe trabalhadora e assim, legitimando a luta pela sua própria efetivação. / The aim of this study was to develop a theoritical discussion on the Vargas Project that could be perceived as an attempt to create a welfare state in Brazil. A broad theoretical basis brings elements of walfare analysius, such as academic contributions on the process of engagement of the state in setting up strategies to deal with the social question, the engines of engagement, the players involved and the weight of their roles, the goals of the welfare state projects, and the impact of their implementation. From the Esping-Andersons understanding of different welfare state regimes conservative, liberal and social democratic the analysis of the Vargas project resulted as framed in the conservative model. A corporatist option, with the building of social policies specifically labor ones , rose as the new landmark of social cohesion, allowing workers participation. As in the conservative model systematized by Esping-Anderson, Brazilian social rights had a reduced decommodification potential. That is a result of the regulated citizenship, that indicates a citizenchip which was available only to holders of legally recognized occupational posts and that constitutionally guaranteed wage relation and converted it into rights. Social policies are presented as true policies of class formation: a regulated citizenship would become a promise of inclusion, shaping the views and aspirations of the working class and thus legitimizing the struggle for theis implementation.

Procurando conhecer o percurso que possibilitou a emergência do desemprego como problema, na experiência brasileira, este trabalho enfrentou o desafio analítico de tomar as políticas públicas de emprego como objeto de reflexão. Não para marcar sua adequação ou eficiência, senão para distinguir suas relações com a produção de diferentes formas de sujeição do trabalho. Para isso, tomou como referência as noções foucaultianas de governamentalidade e problematização, investigando os diferentes jogos de relações nos quais a ausência de trabalho (involuntária e temporária) foi colocada ao longo do tempo, desde os anos 1930 até 1990, ano que marca o início dos esforços mais consistentes de construção de um Sistema Público de Emprego no Brasil. Os resultados aqui apresentados, ainda que certamente não preencham a lacuna de uma genealogia do desemprego entre nós, sugerem a fecundidade da abordagem para a compreensão do desemprego, entendido aqui não como fenômeno ligado apenas ao funcionamento do mercado de trabalho, mas como efeito de diferentes artes de governo e, nesse sentido, como revelador das maneiras pelas quais o trabalho tem sido produzido como sujeito. / In search of learning the path that made possible the appearing of unemployment in Brazilian experience, this research dealt with the analytical challenge of taking employment policies as an object of reflection in order to distinguish its relations with new forms of works subjection. In order to do so, the research took Michel Foucaults notions of governamentality and problematization, examining the different economies of relation in which the (involuntary and temporary) absence of work has been put from 1930 to 1990. The 1990s sets the beginning of the most solid efforts to establish a Public Employment System in Brazil. The results presented in this thesis, although certainly do not constitute a genealogy of unemployment in Brazil, suggest the interest of this approach to understanding of unemployment. It enables us to think unemployment not only from its connection to labors market operations but mostly as a revealing issue of the practices that made possible works subjection.